The Charlotte News
Thursday, August 8, 1957
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Berlin that Soviet Communist Party Secretary Nikita Khrushchev this date, speaking before a special session of the East German parliament, stated that war over Germany would bring the U.S. under the threat of attack from hydrogen bombs, indicating that modern warfare could lead to the devastation of densely populated areas. He said: "This [destructive power] should be kept in mind by statesmen of England, France and other countries whose areas would be in range of atomic and hydrogen weapons in case military operations start. Statesmen of the United States should also think about it as in our time, where rocket developments are rapid, distances cannot save any country from the effects of atomic and hydrogen weapons." He added that "all these people must think about this who refuse to follow a peaceful policy and refuse to join in a disarmament agreement." He charged that the Western powers wanted "to have a reunified Germany which would be an obedient tool of their aggressive plans." He attacked West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, but insisted that Russia would not mix in the September 15 elections in West Germany. Despite his anti-Stalinist talk in Moscow during the previous year, he gave East Germany's Stalinist regime a friendly pat on the back the previous night. He said that the Western powers were trying to turn West Germany into a war base and were creating "an extremely serious situation." He contended that, "They want to use the German people as cannon fodder in their plans to conquer the world." The speech echoed numerous other blasts from his previous speeches and Soviet propaganda organs, presumably this time intended to scare West German voters, who on September 15 would elect a new Parliament and decide whether to retain the Government which was staunchly pro-Western and anti-Communist, under the leadership of Chancellor Adenauer. Before Mr. Khrushchev spoke, East German Premier Otto Grotewohl restated his regime's endorsement of the longstanding Soviet proposal for the withdrawal of Russian and Western troops from Germany.
In Budapest, Hungary's Communist Party newspaper this date reported the arrest of former General Gyula Timar and 17 other officers of Hungary's pro-German Army of World War II, indicating that they had tried to get jobs with the anti-Soviet rebels the previous fall during the rebels' brief time in power.
In Manama, Bahrain, it was reported that the first ground shots of the three-week old Oman rebellion had been fired this date at the desert village of Rada. An official announcement said that the fusillade from troops of the Sultan of Muscat and Oman, advancing with the support of British ground and air units, had brought the quick surrender of the villagers. The Sultan's forces continued their advance on Firo, the rebel outpost three miles from the major rebel stronghold of Nizwa, in the central Oman desert, the headquarters of the rebellious Iman of Oman. Previous shooting in the rebellion had been confined to British aircraft attacks on rebel positions, made only after leaflets had been dropped on the targets warning inhabitants to leave.
The Senate had voted 72 to 18 this date to return the civil rights bill to the House amid reports that the President would call Congress back in November unless he got a civil rights measure he believed he could sign. The Senate's version of the bill had included a jury trial amendment, giving a person charged with contempt the right to a jury trial after violating a court injunction issued pursuant to the bill to enforce voting rights. That provision had been condemned by civil rights advocates, who had nevertheless helped to supply the votes for passage of the measure the previous night, the first of its type approved by the Senate in more than 80 years. The fate of the bill was uncertain in the House, which had passed a much broader bill with more stringent enforcement provisions by a vote of 286 to 126 on June 18. Some House members who had spoken out bitterly against the Senate changes were now speaking more of compromises, expressing the hope that they could still salvage a bill which would be worthwhile. Senate Minority Leader William Knowland told a reporter that it was "too early to say" whether a special civil rights session might have to be called in November. Other Senators said that Senator Knowland had told the Senate Republican policy committee in a closed meeting that a special session was a definite possibility if the Senate version of the bill was not amended to conform more narrowly to the President's wishes. Either the House or a Senate-House conference committee could make those changes, but in either case, the Senate would have to approve them. The President declined at his press conference the previous day to shed any light on a possible veto, but responsible Administration officials had said that he would reject the measure if the jury trial provision inserted by the Senate was not revised.
Senate leaders said this date that Neil McElroy should win speedy confirmation as Secretary of Defense. He had to wait at least a week and agree to dispose of his holdings in some corporations which presently had defense and Government contracts. The nomination had been sent to the Senate the previous afternoon, a few hours after the President had described Mr. McElroy as "one of the most capable men and the highest type of people that I know in the country." Senator William Knowland of California said that, as far as he knew, there would be no trouble in obtaining the confirmation. Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson said that he had only met Mr. McElroy recently, but believed him to be a "frank and forthright person of considerable capability". In addition to being chairman of Proctor & Gamble Co., he was a director of both General Electric and Chrysler Corp., large defense contractors, and had to dispose of those interests. He had joined Proctor & Gamble after graduating from Harvard in 1925.
In Cincinnati, it was reported that Mr. McElroy received a salary of $285,000 per year for heading 30,000 employees of Proctor & Gamble and if he were to win Senate approval as the President's nominee to succeed Charles E. Wilson as Secretary of Defense, he would receive a salary of $25,000 a year as "boss" of perhaps four million people, also scattered all over the world. Mr. McElroy, according to close friends, had devoted at least a third of his time to volunteer public service. The previous day, he termed his nomination "an opportunity to serve … in the area of being a good citizen." Several years earlier, after Cincinnati's Community Chest had failed four times in succession to attain its multi-million-dollar goal, Mr. McElroy was approached to take over the chairmanship for the drive. He had told a committee that if he took over the assignment, they would make it a success, as he did not want to be associated with a failure. He succeeded and the drive was generously oversubscribed and had gone over the top ever since, even though Mr. McElroy had served only the one year. His associates said that he was an "organization genius" with "an instinctive ability to strike people in the right way", traits which they believed would go far in his new Cabinet post. They also said he had the ability to make a quick turn from business to relaxation, was quick to reach a decision and in seeing that the decision was carried out immediately. One veteran female employee said that he was "one of the finest, ablest, most considerate gentlemen I have ever known either in the business world or out of it."
The White House said this date that First Lady Mamie Eisenhower's doctors "continued to be pleased" with the progress she had made since she had undergone surgery the prior Tuesday.
At the Atomic Test Site in Nevada, the Atomic Energy Commission early this date, because of unfavorable winds, postponed for 24 hours the atomic test slated for dawn this date.
In West Palm Beach, Fla., it was reported that millionaire playboy John Jacob Astor had been sued for an American divorce by his second of three wives, claiming a Mexican divorce he had obtained from her was not legal.
In Colorado Springs, Colo., hope waned for an 88-year old woman who had been missing since Monday on Pikes Peak. Civilians, Army troops and aircraft had joined in the search.
In Boston, a construction project shed containing dynamite detonators had exploded early this date, damaging homes over a square-mile area and endangering thousands of lives. Despite the force of the blast, there were no reports of serious injury, only minor cuts from flying glass. It was not immediately known what had caused the explosion.
In Chicago, it was reported that a man in 1907, at the age of 20, had gone on a prolonged drinking spree in Freeport, Ill., and fired a gun wildly in the street, killing a woman, resulting in a life sentence of which he had served 47 years before being paroled 3 1/2 years earlier. During his time in prison, he had developed great skill as a gardener and in 1954 had been paroled through the intercession of a Fairbanks, Alaska, contractor who had read about his work. He had gone to Fairbanks after his release, but started drinking again. A U.S. marshal recently reported that he apparently was unable to control the drinking habit, and so now he was en route back to Stateville Prison where he would be detained until the Illinois State Parole Board decided what was to be done with him.
In Arcata, Calif., a little boy who had not panicked, despite being imprisoned 15 feet in the darkness of a dry well, had clutched a looped rope and was pulled to safety the previous day on the fourth attempt. Three other times, just as firemen had gotten the 3 1/2 year old boy near the surface, he had lost his grip and fallen back into the well, pulling sand down on top of him. He had fallen into the eight-inch wide hole on a farm, where the owner had drilled the well in sandy soil the previous day and covered it. Children had removed the cover. The boy's cries had attracted his mother and he was pulled out 30 minutes later. The doctor said that he was in good condition except for nausea caused by swallowing sand.
In Los Angeles, Confidential Magazine's own secrets might be exposed when its trial on criminal libel charges was resumed the following day. The deputy district attorney prosecuting the case said that he would present testimony of Howard Rushmore, the former editor of the magazine. The trial was in recess this date so that the judge could consider other court matters. Before the trial resumed, the judge would hear arguments on a motion to quash a subpoena naming actor Tab Hunter as a prospective witness. Mr. Rushmore's appearance as a witness would await completion of the testimony intended to link Hollywood Research, Inc., and its operators, Fred and Marjorie Meade, to Confidential and its companion scandal magazine, Whisper. Later, the prosecution planned to read to the jury ten articles in which Confidential purported to tell the lurid activities of Hollywood celebrities. Confidential, Whisper, Publishers Distributing Corp., Hollywood Research and the Meades were being tried on charges of conspiracy to publish lewd and obscene material and to commit criminal libel by publishing defamatory matter.
In Las Vegas, the former Miss U.S.A. in the Miss Universe pageant, Leona Gage Ennis, stripped of her title because she had told pageant officials that she was not married when in fact she was, the contest being open only to unmarried women, had apparently meant it when she promised to tell no more lies. She had reaffirmed the statement the previous day at the Tropicana Hotel in Las Vegas, where she was rehearsing for a September 4 nightclub debut. In response to a newsman's question, she said that she did not believe in gambling, and while a nearby casino press agent shuddered, she added, "That's a good way to go bankrupt."
In Pine Ridge, S.D., a couple had their seventh set of twins born in 14 years, the fact becoming so routine that the father did not even bother to go to the hospital. The doctor said it was not a surprise that the mother would have twins yet again, the mother stating, "You sort of get used to it after a while." The husband was a temporarily unemployed farmhand, who looked on the matter philosophically, concerned most about finding room for the newborns in the two-room shack where the family lived at the edge of the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation. The mother had 18 children, but three, including one of a pair of twins, had died. She conceded that the tiny cabin sometimes got crowded, but indicated that not all of the 15 children were at home all of the time, as eight were in school and the older ones usually spent quite a bit of time visiting around with relatives or neighbors. One of the children had been adopted by another family.
On the editorial page, "Isn't This Where We Came In?" indicates that the newly reformed State Highway Commission had divided the state into seven different districts for "public relations" purposes during the week and assigned a commissioner to each one, with the action ostensibly designed to keep the Department's ear close to the people. It was one of the compromises demanded and received by the General Assembly the prior March when Governor Luther Hodges had asked for a compact commission dedicated to statewide planning rather than sectional interests.
It finds that the danger was that sectional interests would again dominate highway planning and maintenance in the state, that one of the most important objectives of the reorganization had been the abandonment of a system whereby 14 commissioners became caretakers of their own sectional interests rather than the interests of the whole state. Thus, a study commission had recommended reducing the Commission from 14 members to seven and that their appointments should not represent any particular section.
But the old statute which had created the Commission before reorganization had stated that it was the intent and purpose of the law that all of the Commission and the chairman should represent the state at large and not be representative of any particular division. Yet, the commissioners had surrendered statewide interest to local concerns, causing the highway system to suffer. The new system, it suggests, with its districts for "public relations" purposes, would be a risky invitation to the same old problem and its operation deserved careful public scrutiny.
"Sound and Fury Signifying Nothing" indicates that opponents of the Administration's slowed immigration legislation had saved their lowest blows for the current week's Senate hearings, with spokesmen for certain patriotic organizations even daring to suggest that something automatically rank was associated with foreign-sounding names in the country.
William Furlong, a retired Admiral, who spoke for the Sons of the American Revolution, warned that increasing quotas for Southern and Eastern European immigrants would change the form of American government, saying: "This is no theory, as anyone knows who has read in the newspaper the names of the notorious gangsters, gamblers and the racketeers. Their national origin is proclaimed by their names. [They] are largely from Southern and Eastern Europe."
It finds that Admiral Furlong was half right, that it was not a theory, but sheer nonsense. Certainly there were gangsters, gamblers and racketeers with names of Southern and Eastern European origin, just as there were some whose ancestors had come over on the Mayflower. It suggests to the Admiral that he might like to recall a few Southern and Eastern European names which had quite different associations, such as that of Enrico Fermi, the Italian-born scientist who made the first atomic reactor and touched off the first chain reaction at the University of Chicago in 1942. It also reminds of George Santayana, the Spanish-born American philosopher and author, Italy's Arturo Toscanini and Greece's Dimitri Mitropoulos, two of the world's greatest conductors whose contributions to American music were limitless. It also reminds of Hungary's Béla Bartók, Italy's Gian Carlo Menotti and Russia's Serge Rachmaninoff, great composers who had lived and worked in America. Russian-born General David Sarnoff was head of NBC and one of the nation's most distinguished industrialists. Fiorello LaGuardia had been the reform Mayor of New York City between 1934 and 1945.
It also reminds of Nobel Prize winners for medicine, such as Selman Waksman, in 1952, who was born in the Ukraine, and Dr. Gerty Cori, in 1948, born in Czechoslovakia.
It suggests that the list could go on of many individuals who had come from other lands to share their genius with America and who would not have been welcome under the present restrictive statutes. It finds that the lesson was that America had been strengthened and not weakened by freedom-loving people from other lands who had established themselves in the country, bringing to mind Theodore Roosevelt's forceful demand for undivided loyalty on the part of naturalized citizens and his equally forceful insistence that discrimination against any citizen based on place of birth was "utterly un-American and profoundly unpatriotic."
Trump and his Trumpistas could stand the object lesson in 2024 regarding their constant, mindless and tiresome refrain about "the border".
Isn't it inscribed eloquently for posterity on the base of that statue donated by the French people to America, situated in New York Harbor: "Bring me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free"? It would seem that in Trump's America, there are exceptions parenthetically inserted.
"Firefighters Can Do Funny Things, Too" indicates that the frustrations of a volunteer fireman who was not allowed to fight a fire he could smell and see was a frustration of a major sort. Two days after volunteer firefighters had been blocked from a burning house in Huntersville by a mob of spectators, the volunteers of the Huntersville and Long Creek units were still upset. It finds it understandable, that aside from the needless loss of property, there was cruelty in the quelling of a person's commendable desire to extinguish a fire.
One of the volunteer firemen had said that people did funny things when they were curious, did things they would not think of doing at any other time. It finds that to be true, but indicates that frustrated people also did funny things they would not ordinarily do. It suggests that almost everybody would forgive the firemen if they turned their hoses on the next group of spectators who blocked their path to a fire. "Cold water can do wonders for curiosity."
Police Chief Bull Connor in Birmingham, 'twould seem, would perhaps take such advice far too literally in a figurative application
A piece from the Greensboro Daily
News, titled "French Primitive", indicates that Paris
had launched the first sophisticated teenage novelist, François
Sagan, whose Bonjour Tristesse had pioneered in the field of
little girls wise beyond their years who wrote knowingly of
infidelity and love affairs. As usually occurred, the fad had caught
on in the U.S., and in no time, there appeared Chocolates
A spoof on the school of belle lettres was inevitable, appearing in Love Me Little by Amanda Vail, reportedly an anonymous male, not a young lady.
In Paris, the newest thing was Berthe Grimault, a semi-literate peasant girl 17 years old, living on a primitive farm in central France. It suggests that primitive in France meant that on the farm there was no electricity, no plumbing and the family washed in the same muddy pool which cattle and goats used. The girl dictated her work as she could hardly write her name, and as her stories came to mind, they were set down by the village mail carrier. Her first chef d'oeuvre, Beau Clown, had been composed at age 14, an epic of rustic lust, lunacy and murder. Publisher Rene Julliard, who had given the world Mlle. Sagan, had discovered the girl, and her first work had sold reprint after reprint and now he was preparing her newest "novel".
The piece wonders where it would lead, whether Berthe would inspire imitators, finds it certain that she would. "After all, it was in the United States that the 'as-told-to' technique reached its apogee of development. If a foot postman can't be found to transcribe some backward farm girl's fantasies, there are plenty of unemployed ghost writers on hand."
Drew Pearson continues the inside story of how Senator Lyndon Johnson had maneuvered to put across the jury trial amendment to the civil rights bill, indicating that just a few days before the vote had been scheduled on the amendment, Senator Johnson knew that he did not have the votes to support it and so stalled for time. It had been considered nothing short of a political miracle that he had finally gotten it passed. He first persuaded Southern Senators to accept the amendment with blacks on juries, by telling them that it would merely result in hung juries, as one white man on a jury could always vote against conviction and protect white defendants.
Senator Johnson, along with Senators Frank Church, Joseph O'Mahoney and Estes Kefauver, had conceived the idea of extending trial by jury to all criminal contempt cases, including those involving labor disputes. That brought the support of three potent labor groups, the UMW, the postal workers and the railroad brotherhoods, and their shift had been that which actually defeated the Administration's civil rights bill. The real story of how Senator Johnson had won them over, despite a repeated resolution by the AFL-CIO executive council to the contrary, was the real story of how the battle had been won.
The postal workers had been anxious to pass a bill raising their pay, but it had to be approved by Senator Olin Johnston of South Carolina, chairman of the Post Office Committee. So Senator Johnston agreed to make postal pay increases the first order of business before his Committee and keep it there until it was passed, provided that the postal workers would woo Republican Senators to support the jury trial amendment. Senator Johnson and Senator Johnston also agreed to push the postal pay increase should the President veto it, as he was expected to do. The legislative representative of the letter carriers kept up his end of the bargain, buttonholing many Senators, credited with swinging Senator Thomas Kuchel of California to vote for the amendment, though it was opposed by Senator William Knowland of California.
The Mine Workers Journal had gone on record against the jury trial amendment and in its June issue, had described it as "phony as a three-dollar bill." Despite that fact, UMW president John L. Lewis had suddenly reversed his position and sent a telegram to every Senator urging that the amendment be passed. That switch had occurred through Welly Hopkins, a one-time member of the Texas Senate, now counsel to the UMW and good friend of Senator Johnson. Mr. Lewis had swung at least one Republican vote away from Senator Knowland, that of Senator Chapman Revercomb of West Virginia.
The most influential labor group was the railway brotherhoods. They had a Railway Retirement Act which they wanted passed and which was stalled in the House. The personal persuasion of Senator Johnson had been the primary factor, however, in getting them to change their position. The Senator had contacted the representative of the Railway Labor Executive Association, placing his nose almost against that of the representative and told him that to save a split in the Democratic Party, he had to swing the railway brotherhoods behind the amendment. Mr. Pearson suggests: "When Lyndon starts talking he can almost persuade the waters of the Red Sea to part." The representative got busy and persuaded former Congressman Bob Mollohan of West Virginia to come to Washington to use his influence, and the lobbyist for the railroad brotherhoods had also talked to key Senators. It had been that effort by Senator Johnson to push labor which had finally won the jury trial amendment.
Mr. Pearson adds that there were two ironic facts about labor's position, that it had aligned with the same Southern-Republican coalition which had put across the Taft-Hartley Act, with the late Senator Taft and Northern Republicans having worked out the longstanding coalition whereby the South voted against labor and Northern Republicans voted against civil rights. Labor had also aligned against important laws which it helped to pass, the Minimum Wage Act, the Davis-Bacon Act, and the Walsh-Healy Act, all enforced through court orders. Enforcement of those laws by jury trials would almost be unworkable.
It should be noted that President Johnson, in 1964 and 1965, would use the same powers of persuasion, this time in uncompromising
Stewart Alsop indicates that as a result of the President's newly acquired habit of staging public debates with himself on several issues, including the budget, disarmament, the school construction bill and the civil rights bill, he was being increasingly accused of not being able to make up his mind. Mr. Alsop suggests that given the number of issues on which the President was given advice in different ways, one could understand and sympathize with his position. An example was an appearance by Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson before the House Appropriations Committee, indicating that an Administration bill for a drastic change in budget procedures "might endanger the national security." But the President had fully endorsed that bill, thus placing the Secretary at odds with the President, though the Secretary had since hastily retreated.
That bill embodied a Hoover Commission proposal obliging Congress to appropriate money only one year ahead instead of making appropriations to be spent over a number of years as was the present practice. The new system would force a yearly re-examination of all expenditures and thus restore Congressional control over spending, especially defense spending, which it had largely lost. Publicists for the Commission had claimed that the reform would save three billion dollars per year, though that was probably an exaggeration. But it had impressed the President and thus he had supported strongly the bill, which the Senate had passed unanimously.
But in the House, it ran into severe opposition from two powerful old men, House Appropriations Committee chairman Clarence Cannon and that Committee's senior Republican, Representative John Taber of New York. They understood fiscal matters and both concluded that the Commission proposal was bad legislation and bad fiscal policy, and so the bill was stalled in the House.
Former President Hoover then called on the President to try to persuade him to give the bill a push. The President, having great respect for the former President, amiably agreed and a strong letter to the House supporting the bill had been prepared for the President's signature.
When Mr. Taber learned of the planned intervention, he asked for an appointment with the President, during which he argued against the bill, his main point being that far from saving money, it would have precisely the opposite effect. Because the first year's installment on some costly project might be small, Congress might approve it and the country would ultimately get stuck with the cost of the whole project. Mr. Taber also said that the procedure was unworkable.
The President was much impressed and allowed that what Mr. Taber had said was a new point of view to him. Shortly thereafter, Representative Clarence Brown, sponsor of the bill and a member of the original Hoover Commission, was called by the White House and informed that the President would likely not send the letter recommending the bill to the House after all. Mr. Brown was furious and telephoned former President Hoover in New York, whereupon Mr. Hoover telephoned the White House and White House press secretary James Hagerty hastily issued a statement indicating that the President still remained supportive of the bill.
Messrs. Cannon and Taber then released Secretary Wilson's closed session testimony against the bill, whereupon Mr. Wilson had to deny the plain meaning of what he had said.
Mr. Alsop indicates that whatever the ultimate fate of the bill would be, what had occurred told something about the position in which the President often found himself. No one had contended that he was an expert on everything, and certainly not on fiscal matters. Yet he was called upon to make firm decisions about everything from oil imports, the budget, the clean hydrogen bomb to the line between civil and criminal contempt and many other things. When all of his advisers told him the same thing, his problem was easy. But when he was told by men he respected different things, he was placed in the position of the beleaguered Horatius on the bridge—"Those behind cried 'Forward', and those before cried 'Back'."
He concludes that the moral of the story was "pity the poor President", for he was a much overburdened man.
Marquis Childs indicates that the deep feeling of disillusionment over the sham battle which had finally killed any effective civil rights bill for the current session was bound to be translated sooner or later into results at the polling booth. There were already predictions of the effect of the midnight showdown which had wound up in the jury trial amendment to the bill. Northern Democrats, when they spoke frankly in private, did not conceal their fears that the fact that only nine Democrats had voted against that amendment while 39 had voted for it, would produce votes against them among blacks in 1960, if not in the midterm elections of 1958.
The Southern leader in the Senate, Senator Richard Russell of Georgia, had uttered several shrewd rallying cries, saying some extraordinary things that in the heat of the controversy no one seemed ready to deny. In the closing days of the debate, he had warned that if the jury trial amendment were to be rejected, the bill as a whole would apply first in Cook County, Ill., rather than in the South. The Southerners had made much of racial disturbances in Chicago. Senator Russell said, "If some public official in Cook County goes to persons whom he has helped to get jobs and tells them that they had better vote 'this way' or else they may lose their jobs, he will subject himself to this harsh injunctive process because he will be threatening or coercing another person in relation to voting under the terms of the bill and will be subject to an injunction."
But what Senator Russell had described was already against the law, though no one rose to challenge in the Senate that remarkable statement. It illustrated the weakness on the Republican side. Senator William Knowland, the Minority Leader, was determined in his opposition to the jury trial amendment, but neither he nor any other Republican showed the ability to articulate the position or the persistence and resourcefulness of Senator Russell and other Southern Senators.
Doris Fleeson indicates that Senator Matthew Neely of West Virginia was fading fast in his health and was one of ten Democrats in states with Republican governors set to replace Senators possibly with Republicans. Under the laws of West Virginia, Governor Cecil Underwood had the power in the event of a vacancy to appoint the successor who would serve until the next state election, which would be in November, 1958. Should that occur, the Senate would be comprised of 48 Democrats and 47 Republicans, with the 96th seat being that vacated by the death of Senator McCarthy, a special election for which would occur on August 27—ultimately to be filled by Democrat William Proxmire, defeating Republican Governor Walter Kohler, whom Ms. Fleeson predicts would likely win because Mr. Proxmire had lost three statewide races, two of which had been to Mr. Kohler.
Wisconsin Republicans were badly split and the primary saw 200,000 votes cast against Mr. Kohler, an Eisenhower Republican, while the state leaders remained in favor of the Taft-McCarthy wing. The influential Milwaukee Journal, which helped to bring in a last minute surge of populous Milwaukee County votes to save Mr. Kohler against isolationist Glenn Davis, had been increasingly critical of the President. The state had apparently not allowed the crucial nature of the Senate race to stir it from its political apathy and vacations. One Republican strategist mourned, "Everybody knows more Republicans here vacation than Democrats."
Mr. Proxmire was a vigorous campaigner who conceivably could arouse the organized Democratic vote, but she finds that the odds were still on the side of Mr. Kohler. If that were to come true, the Senate would be comprised of equal numbers of Democrats and Republicans by late August, which would enable Vice-President Nixon to break any ties and would permit Republicans to take over committee chairmanships and dominate legislative proceedings as a result.
A letter writer from Pittsboro
addresses an argument presented by Judge Fred Helms recently before the Kiwanis Club
in Charlotte, the text of which had been published
in the newspaper, in which he had called for support of the Charlotte City School Board's decision to begin gradual integration of the schools, approving the requests of five black students to enroll in four formerly all-white schools starting in the fall. The writer finds again integration to be "as
dead
He had already communicated most of those thoughts in an earlier letter, equally grounded firmly in the Nineteenth Century in which he had been born.
Incidentally, in the juridically-threatened-deprivation-of-liberty-makes-for-strange-allies department, here is the full page ad taken out by the Hoffa defense team, to which Drew Pearson made reference in his column appearing August 2, as linked above—the same date on which the front page had reported the miscarriage by Marilyn Monroe the previous day, five years and two days before her apparent suicide, 34 years after the death in San Francisco at the Palace Hotel of President Warren G. Harding, seven years before the first Gulf of Tonkin incident
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