![]()
The Charlotte News
Wednesday, July 24, 1957
TWO EDITORIALS
![]()
![]()
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Senator Mike Mansfield of Montana had urged the Senate this date "in a spirit of reason" to convert the Administration's civil rights bill into a measure aimed primarily at protecting voting rights. Senator Clifford Case of New Jersey had said that "all of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution are of equal standing", pleading for retention of power for the Attorney General to initiate civil rights suits to uphold the rights of children to attend non-segregated schools. The Senate was headed toward a mid-afternoon vote which would likely approve an amendment removing from the bill enforcement powers except for the protection of voting rights. Senator Mansfield, the assistant Democratic floor leader, said that Part III of the bill, which the amendment would strike, was "simply a resurrection of a Reconstruction statute. It can reopen old wounds, but it cannot heal them." Senator Case had argued that the "present criminal procedure appeals to the civil rights opponents simply because it doesn't work. The fact is experience has demonstrated that the punitive approach guarantees, not enforcement of the law, but its frustration." Two defeats the previous day for the bill's supporters had indicated that unless there was an unexpected shift, the Senate would adopt the amendment of Senators Clinton Anderson of New Mexico and George Aiken of Vermont to eliminate the authority for enforcement of civil rights in general under the bill. Senator William Knowland of California, the Minority Leader, had told newsmen that if that part of the bill were eliminated, there was "a possibility" that a modified substitute for it might be offered later, depending on whether the language could be found which would be "helpful" and which had sufficiently "widespread support". He and Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson said that after the vote on the Anderson-Aiken amendment, they anticipated that the Senate would consider proposed amendments to the part of the bill which would set up a presidential civil rights commission. Senator Knowland had told reporters that he did not believe opponents of the jury trial amendment had lost any votes as a result of the contempt conviction the previous day of seven persons accused of violating a Federal Court injunction against interference with desegregation in Clinton, Tenn. Some other Senators had taken the view, however, that the convictions were a powerful rebuttal to arguments that convictions in civil rights cases could not be obtained from Southern juries.
In Knoxville, Tenn., the attorneys for John Kasper and six Clinton segregationists convicted of contempt, vowed this date to appeal the verdicts. They were obviously stunned by the verdicts returned the previous day by an all-white jury, saying that they had lost a skirmish but not a battle. The court had deferred sentencing pending argument on a new trial motion to be filed by the defense, providing counsel until August 14 to file the motions. The convicted defendants faced a maximum sentence of six months in jail and a $1,000 fine. There was evident some bitterness at Clinton, along with some shock and satisfaction regarding the verdicts. The previous fall, a dozen black students had been enrolled in Clinton High School along with about 800 white students. It was the first State-supported school in Tennessee to have integration following the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown v. Board of Education that segregation was unconstitutional under the 14th Amendment Equal Protection Clause. Initially, everything had gone smoothly in the desegregation efforts with one black student having been elected chairman of her classroom. But then violence had flared up and mobs formed, producing rioting. The Reverend Paul Turner had been badly beaten after he had escorted six black students past segregationists to the school the prior December 4. Six males and one female had been convicted of criminal contempt in the case for violating the Federal court order against interference with desegregation of the high school, including a service station operator, an unemployed man, a carpenter and itinerant preacher, a farmer, a machinist, and a housewife, along with Mr. Kasper, the organizer of the anti-segregation effort. Four of the remaining defendants had been found not guilty by the jury, comprised of ten men and two women. Knoxville was a predominantly Republican community, and unlike the rest of the state, had sent men northward during the Civil War to fight on the side of the Union. The Assistant Attorney General of Louisiana, William Shaw, who had been a member of the defense team during the trial, said, "There won't be any convictions by juries in segregation cases down South." (Other reactions are set forth on page 2, though none are provided from defense counsel and future Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett.) Five other original defendants had already been dismissed from the case, four for insufficient evidence presented by the Government during its case-in-chief, and one because she was pregnant.
Seven previously all-white schools in North Carolina's three largest cities, Charlotte, Greensboro and Winston-Salem, had the previous night taken an historic step to admit small numbers of black pupils the following fall, thus becoming the first of nine Southeastern states to initiate limited school desegregation. The Charlotte City School Board had voted to admit five black pupils to four white schools. Greensboro had voted to admit six black pupils and Winston-Salem had voted to admit one person, a female, to Reynolds High School, with two other approved applications to the same school having been withdrawn. (The latter student could now take pride in knowing that she, as with all of the other students at the high school, was a Black Demon.) An application of black pupils for transfer to white schools was pending in Raleigh, with action expected soon. Five applications from black students for reassignment to white schools had been presented to the Mecklenburg County School Board, but it had given no indication as to when it would act on them. Forty-one applications for reassignment had been rejected by the three boards, 35 of them in Charlotte. The Charlotte Board said in a formal statement that it had acted only "after earnest and prayerful consideration of the many complex factors involved." It said that its sincere desire had been to preserve the public schools of Charlotte and North Carolina. Some three dozen opponents of desegregation cheered a Charlotte citizen when he had told the Board, following its vote, that its action was an "outrage and a crime". The man in question was a leader in the Patriots of North Carolina, Inc., and the Patriots' Mecklenburg Chapter. He said that he was speaking "as a citizen", but the crowd of opponents obviously was composed largely of Patriots. He had presented the Board with a petition which he said contained 16,500 signatures opposing desegregation of the schools. Three black girls and two boys had been admitted to the City schools, one to the tenth grade at Harding High School, two to the seventh grade at Alexander Graham Junior High, one to the eighth grade at Piedmont Junior High, and one to the 11th grade at Central High School. All three of the school boards had acted pursuant to the Pupil Assignment Act of 1955, as amended by the 1956 special session of the General Assembly. The Act authorized and directed local school boards to assign pupils to specific schools "so as to provide for the orderly and efficient administration of such public schools, the effective instruction of the pupils therein enrolled, and the health, safety and general welfare of such pupils." The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals, which had denied approval of Virginia's pupil assignment act because it was backed by strict segregation laws, had ruled that the North Carolina law was not "unconstitutional on its face." Col. William T. Joyner, vice-chairman of the Governor's Advisory Committee on Schools, which had formulated the Pearsall Plan and the Pupil Placement Act, said that he thought that some mixing in some of the schools was inevitable and would have to occur, that the admission of less than one percent of black children to schools previously attended only by white children, was a small price to pay for the continued operation of the public schools and to keep the mixing "within the bounds of reasonable control". Appearances the previous night by the Patriot leaders at the board meetings in Charlotte and Greensboro indicated that the group of segregationists would spearhead the opposition to the limited desegregation efforts. The leader of that effort in Charlotte had vowed that the Patriots would fight to close the desegregated schools.
In Raleigh, parents of a black youth seeking admission to a white high school had reported this date that they had received a bomb threat. The person had called on their telephone the previous day and stated, "If you don't quit sending messages to the School Board", they would have their home bombed. It had been one of two messages received by the mother of the student the previous day, the other coming from a woman who informed her that she did not want her son going to school with her children. The father had reported the phone calls to the police. The family lived only a few blocks from Needham Broughton High School, to which their son was seeking entrance.
The Government's cost of living index, produced by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, had risen a half of a percent in June to reach its tenth record high in as many months. The report meant that some 650,000 workers in the electrical manufacturing, aircraft, trucking and construction industries would have their pay increased by between two and four cents per hour under contracts which followed the consumer price index. The purchasing power of the average worker's weekly earnings had been declining all year because of price increases and shorter working hours, but in June, that trend had been halted at least temporarily, and the Bureau had stated that spendable earnings had increased by about one percent or 65 cents per week. Food prices had been reported to have jumped 1.4 percent from May to June, the major factor in the advance which carried the consumer price index to 120.2 percent of the 1947-49 average. The average prices of all commodities except foods had risen by .2 percent and the cost of services, including transportation, laundry, repairs, medical bills and the like, also had climbed by .2 percent.
In New York, after night-long deliberations, an all-male jury reported during the morning that it was unable to reach a verdict in the union labor shakedown case against racketeer Johnny Dio. The jury was sent to bed and told to return for further deliberations the following morning at 11:00. The jury had deliberated for 13 1/2 hours since receiving the case the previous evening at 7:00. Mr. Dio and two union officials had undergone a month-long trial on charges of conspiracy to extort $30,000 from two companies anxious to keep labor peace. He had also been accused of engineering the acid-blinding attack on labor columnist Victor Riesel, with the trial of the latter case having been delayed indefinitely by refusal of prosecution witnesses to testify. Mr. Dio was also a target of the Senate Select Committee investigating union and management misconduct.
The House Interior Committee this date voted 16 to 14 to kill a bill to authorize Federal construction of the Hells Canyon dam on the Snake River.
In London, Harold Stassen this date told the five-power disarmament conference that he would submit the following day U.S. proposals on the future control of guided missiles and other rocket armaments.
At the Atomic Test Site in Nevada, the ninth shot of the Atomic Energy Commission's current test series had exploded this date. A Navy blimp was tethered on the test site within the blast area as part of a continuing study of blast and radiation effects. At a range of 4.75 miles, more than twice the distance from ground zero from which military observers were situated, 18 scientists withstood the blast in a heavy shelter, present to study instruments measuring blast and radiation effects.
In Wuerzburg, Germany, a U.S. Army courier plane had crashed while putting on a demonstration flight this date before about 40 German children, with two men having been killed in the crash.
In Trento, Italy, it was reported that Italian Alpine rescue teams had struggled slowly down the rugged face of peaks this date with the bodies of 11 U.S. airmen who had been killed when their twin-engine plane had plowed into a mountainside the previous Friday.
In London, Britain held up airstrikes against rebel tribesmen in the Persian Gulf Sultanate of Muscat and Oman this date after expiration of an ultimatum for them to call off an uprising.
In Lincoln, Ill., eight small boys were seized by police after they had allegedly thrown open a railroad switch so that they could "see a train turn over". Their target train had come to a halt just in time after the engineer spotted the open switch.
In Muncie, Ind., a crippled 80-year old retired railroad worker, said to be worried about who would care for him, had killed his landlady, wounded her daughter-in-law, and then taken his own life on Tuesday when asked to move from his rented room. The man had an artificial leg since losing both legs in a boyhood railroad accident. The wounded daughter-in-law was reported to be in serious condition in a hospital. The daughter of the 75-year old landlady who was killed had witnessed the shootings and told police that her mother had asked the man to give up his room because she felt that she was getting too old to care for it.
In Detroit, a 35-year old truck driver had borrowed the previous month four thousand dollars to purchase a small white bungalow. Before he had moved his wife and two children into the first home of their own, he decided to install a basement and paid a contractor $600 down on a job which would cost $2,550 to do so. But the house slipped off supporting jacks and crashed into the basement excavation. He then received a note from the City informing him that his bungalow constituted a hazard and would have to be removed. For $350, a wrecking crew had hauled it away. The man then paid another $1,000 for the purchase of a brick home, which was then condemned as part of the route of a new expressway. For another $1,000 he contracted to have the house moved and paid $500 for lifting utility wires along the route. The moving date was scheduled for the following week, but it was found that the lot was 30 feet wide and building codes required a house to be at least 3 feet from the lot line, with the blueprint showing that the house was 25 feet wide, which meant that it was a foot too wide on one side to afford adequate clearances. The City Council the previous night, however, after hearing the plight of the man, said that it would consider waiving the restrictions provided the neighbors did not complain. The man said that a neighbor on one side appeared a little reluctant and that the other wanted to consult an attorney before committing himself. The man concluded that it seemed "to be the house that Jack didn't build."
In London, the meeting of the American Bar Association had contributed the previous night to an Englishman's thirst. After standing in a long line of delegates, registering at the Savoy Hotel for the meeting, the man finally reached the head of the line, indicating his order of a whiskey and soda, to which the man behind the desk said that he was sorry but that it was the American Bar Association, that what he wanted was the American bar on another floor.
On the editorial page, "The School Board's Painful Decision Must Be Respected and Supported" tells of a study by the Charlotte City School Board having resulted in a decision to authorize admission of five out of 40 black applicants to white schools in the coming fall term.
It finds the decision to have been no easier for the Board than it would be for the community, in fact more difficult, for the Board members had more than one interest to consider, their first responsibility having been to the schoolchildren and to the schools of Charlotte, as well as being obligated to the future of public education in the state. But it also had responsibility to the laws of the state and nation. It finds that the Board had acted in sad reluctance but with the determination to act logically and wisely. The study had shown that it had no choice than to admit the black applicants who, had they been white, would have been admitted to the schools without question.
Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals Judge John J. Parker had determined that such a test had to be applied if state laws designed to prevent massive integration would survive court scrutiny. Thus, the Board had acted to preserve the public schools and preserve the utmost possible amount of local and state control of those schools.
It indicates that the newspaper had been surprised by Brown v. Board of Education and had regretted that it had not stood on earlier decisions upholding the principle of separate but equal facilities. But in its wake, it appeared clear that the state had to find a way to avoid defiance of the law, while at the same time minimizing the impact of the decision on long-established social customs and mores in the state.
The General Assembly had passed the assignment plan and approved and submitted to the voters that plan, with the result being its overwhelming approval. It finds that the state's best hopes for preservation of the public schools lay in the legislation, and if the assignment plan were to be struck down by the courts, it would not be worth the paper it was printed on, whereas if it was upheld, it could serve a vital purpose.
The principal author of the Pearsall Plan had been Col. W. T. Joyner, who, it finds, knew better than anyone else what it meant and what it was intended to mean. He had said that it made the assumption that there would be some racial mixing in the public schools and that if the assignment of a pupil by a local board was honest in its intent, that is being in the best interests of the child, and if there was support in fact for that conclusion, the assignment would stand, but that if there was not an honest intent supported by fact, it could be set aside and ought be set aside. He had said that he thought the plan was constitutional and that its operation would stand up in court if it was applied honestly. He said that some mixing was inevitable and must occur, but that the result of free choice and honest assignment according to the best interests of the child would result in "separation so substantially complete as to be tolerable to our people". He said that he believed that a state taking the "massive resistance-inflexible course" would have to face the dilemma of either integrating under court order or eliminating the public schools, seeing no escape from that dilemma.
The piece indicates that neither the State Administration nor the people of the state had chosen the massive resistance-inflexible course, rather following that outlined in the Pupil Assignment and Pearsall Plan, placing the responsibility for preserving those plans on the local school boards.
It finds that the Charlotte City School Board had met its responsibility to Charlotte, to the state and to the law, that it would have failed all three had it not honestly judged the applications of the black students.
It asserts its belief that the Board had acted honestly and in good faith and had strengthened the laws of the state. Public support of the Board's decision was essential to the salvation of the public schools of the city and the state, and to local control of those schools, that no different course could have been taken in accordance with the laws of the nation and the state.
It quotes Governor Luther Hodges as urging the citizenry to work together to find a "common ground for the salvation of our schools…" It finds that the School Board had acted to preserve the schools and to prevent massive, court-decreed integration, and to retain local control of the schools, acting honestly and in good faith. It urges the citizens who sought the same goals to respect the Board's painful but honest decision.
"The Jukebox Survives a Royal Snub" suggests that perhaps Queen Victoria had made a point in the late 19th Century by trying to raise standards and letting the world rally around them, finding that she must be nodding grim approval at present toward her descendant, Queen Elizabeth, who appeared to be setting standards of her own, especially when it came to such questionable innovations as the jukebox.
The Duke of Bedford, according to a columnist in the London Daily Sketch, had been jazzing up his ancestral castle, Woburn Abbey, to attract tourists, adding a soda fountain, a zoo and a boating pool to the usual tourist attractions, even importing a jazz band for Saturdays and playing the guitar, himself. He had also installed a jukebox for the tourists. He had invited Queen Elizabeth to a party at the castle, but the Queen had declined, according to the columnist, because she did not approve of the jukebox in the castle.
The piece suggests that if First Lady Mamie Eisenhower refused to turn on the television when Elvis Presley was appearing, it would likely not even make the news in America. If former First Lady Bess Truman had said that Peyton Place was a poorly written piece of pornography, it would likely not have affected its best-seller status. If former First Daughter Margaret Truman Daniel said that soap operas were a bore, it would likely not have made any difference in the radio-listening habits of housewives.
It indicates that it was not even sure that the Queen's snub would result in removal of the jukebox from the Duke's castle, as it was now being reported that the Duke was considering an invitation to British nudists to meet on the castle grounds. "If he does, Queen Elizabeth may snub him again. Queen Victoria may haunt him."
A piece from the Arkansas Gazette, titled "Moscow Heist", indicates that the Moscow newspaper Soviet Russia had disclosed that there had been a bank robbery in downtown Moscow, some 40 days after the event. The Associated Press, which relayed the fact to the U.S., had filled in additional details, including that the newspaper, as with all Russian newspapers, reported crime news only rarely, and indicated that the search had turned up three criminals, all of whom had confessed to the crime, with the newspaper indicating that only one of the three was actually the robber.
The piece observes that the Soviet system of justice was such that it was not surprising that two innocent persons had rushed forward to confess along with the guilty party. "But what in the name of Karl Marx is Moscow doing with a capitalistic, plutocratic institution like a bank?"
Drew Pearson examines the bitterness stirred up in Clinton, Tenn., regarding the attempt the prior fall to desegregate Clinton High School, in the face of resistance by John Kasper and locals. Mr. Kasper was a close friend of Ezra Pound, who had broadcast for the Axis during the war, escaping trial as a traitor only based on a plea of insanity. Mr. Kasper had also been on such intimate relations with blacks that he attended black dances in Harlem and had brought a black girl from New York to Washington to visit Mr. Pound at Saint Elizabeth's Hospital for the Insane. With that background, Mr. Kasper, who had spent most of his life in the North, had headed south to organize White Citizens Councils and to stir up trouble against blacks.
The previous week, the House Veterans Committee had considered a bill under which the estates of incompetent veterans dying in veterans hospitals would be paid to their wives, dependent parents and children, the bill being considered because some aged veterans, either insane or incompetent in VA hospitals, had been leaving fairly large estates and it had been proposed that the estates should go to the wife, parents or children, or in the case of no such survivors, to escheat to the Treasury. Congressman Carl Anderson of Minnesota had proposed an amendment to the bill to include brothers and sisters, and it developed later that Mr. Anderson had a brother who had been in a VA hospital since World War I and for whom the Congressman was the guardian and representative of his estate. The bill had been defeated, leaving the law in place which provided that estates of incompetent veterans went to the next of kin, no matter who that was.
Nine Republicans had notified Senator William Knowland, the Minority Leader, that they would not vote to shut off the filibuster. They included Senators Barry Goldwater of Arizona, William Jenner of Indiana, Milton Young of North Dakota, George Malone of Nevada, Karl Mundt of South Dakota and John Williams of Delaware. It meant that a filibuster could last interminably unless there was a compromise. Only 60 votes could be mustered by Republicans and Northern Democrats to effect cloture of debate, four short of the two-thirds necessary out of the 96 Senators, with the body currently one member short. Senator Knowland had promised to deliver 35 Republican votes against the jury trial amendment to the civil rights bill, telling Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois, the Democratic civil rights leader, that all he needed to do was to raise 15 votes among Democrats to defeat the jury trial amendment. Northern Democrats, however, were having trouble finding even those 15 votes. Such Senators as Henry Jackson and Warren Magnuson of Washington, Mike Mansfield and James Murray of Montana, and Joseph O'Mahoney of Wyoming had indicated that they would vote with the South on the issue of a jury trial for contempt charges for violating the civil rights to be protected by the bill through resort to injunction.
Vice-President Nixon had been using his influence with Republicans to stop talk of compromise on the measure, Mr. Pearson regarding him to be probably the toughest negotiator for a strong civil rights bill.
Southern Senators had agreed to let the debate roll along without any undue obstruction for the first couple of weeks, until they saw what kind of compromise they would obtain, being convinced that they would receive some important compromises.
Stewart Alsop tells of the debate taking place on the Senate floor regarding the civil rights bill, a departure from the past when most of the work on bills was done in committee or behind closed doors. "The drama came in quick flashes, when a ghost from the tragic past would suddenly rise on the Senate floor, as when [Senator Harry F.] Byrd of Virginia compared Earl Warren, the genial Chief Justice, to Thaddeus Stevens, the hate-filled evil genius of the terrible reconstruction days. The ghost rose up again when [Senator Irving] Ives of New York remarked that he 'could not imagine' that 'any Republican administration' would ever use troops to enforce its will on the South; and the Southerners, remembering reconstruction, laughed hollowly in unison."
But meaning was also to be found in three brief speeches, one by Minority Leader William Knowland, who opened the debate, another by Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, who supported him for the Northern liberal Democrats, and the third by Senator Richard Russell of Georgia, who spoke for the Southerners. Each summed up the political meaning of the civil rights struggle to each of the three major blocs of which the Senate was composed. The speech by Senator Knowland was typical, "massively earnest, without ornament or eloquence" but serving to underline that the bill was now certain to pass, the first such bill since Reconstruction, to be a Republican bill.
The latter fact was ironic as Senator Humphrey and other Northern Democrats had been fighting for civil rights and a bill to incorporate them for nearly a decade. They would now have to swallow hard and accept that which Senator Humphrey called "a moderate and reasonable" measure for which Republicans would predictably receive credit.
For Senator Russell and the Southerners, who felt that their way of life was being threatened, there was a resignation to the fact that the bill would pass, with Senator Russell stating: "We appeal that Senators will not take action here which would deal unjustly with us."
The vote which had followed showed how badly Senator Russell and the others had been beaten, with the Republicans voting as a bloc and, more significantly, the border states, which generally had supported the South in previous civil rights struggles, having also voted unanimously for the measure, including the Senators from Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and even Texas. The motives of those Senators were mixed, but the fact remained that the vote showed how strong the black voting bloc had become in those states, and suggested the real meaning to the South of the present struggle. Almost any bill which would pass would greatly increase the already heavy pressure on the South to enfranchise more black citizens.
Doris Fleeson looks at Senator Homer Capehart of Indiana, the self-appointed defender of the President, with his performance having been evaluated by the press, including Mary McGrory of the Washington Star, finding him to be "a moth to Senator Kerr's flame", and by Thomas O'Neill of the Baltimore Sun, finding that his encounters with keener minds of the Senate were "a mismatch of such proportions as to merit the attentions of the Humane Society."
But the Senator continued in the President's defense undaunted, even though the President did not salve his wounds, showing only occasionally and only moderately any gratitude. Senator Capehart, however, believed he was on the winning side in perpetuity and could afford to take a relaxed attitude, viewing Senator Robert Kerr of Oklahoma and Wayne Morse of Oregon as suffering horrible torments of their own out of their failure to impair the President's standing with the voters.
Senator Capehart was in his 13th year as a Senator and his third term would last two years beyond that of the President, until 1963. Indiana was a state where politics was played for keeps and factional strife was the rule rather than the exception. The Senator got along only indifferently with the real state boss, Senator William Jenner, but the latter had to be re-elected the following year without the President helping him in a general election. Thus, Senator Capehart was about as independent of party pressures as any elected official could get. He was not a "modern Republican" by conviction, having been a supporter of the late Senator Robert Taft for the 1952 Republican nomination, and had been of the opinion at that time that the nomination of General Eisenhower would mean the end of the Republican Party.
The Senator's initial premise was that all of his pre-Eisenhower life he had thought of himself as a typical Republican, a stance which worked well in Indiana. He decided that he was "pretty popular" when in 1944 he had beaten "the best Democrat in the state, Governor Schricker", by 28,000 votes in his first run for the Senate. In 1950, he had increased that majority to 150,000 votes. And in 1956, he had won by a majority of 216,000, while the President had carried the state by 500,000 votes.
The Senator had come around to support the President and believed that Republicans ought to do so as well before the midterm elections in 1958 and the coming general election in 1960. He believed that it was idle for individual Republicans to seek power before proving that as a party they knew where the power was and how to obtain it.
Senator Capehart, the Wurlitzer king, would be defeated in his run for re-election in 1962 by Birch Bayh, despite having obtained somehow, about a month before the election, an inside track on the Cuban Missile Crisis, along with Clare Boothe Luce, before even the CIA had the data from fly-overs of the island. Apparently, he had lost the ability to know where the power was and how to obtain it.
Robert C. Ruark, in Pamplona, Spain,
tells of the running of the bulls between July 7 and 18, quoting from
a local newspaper on the event, finding no need for improvement,
merely concluding after the long quotation, "That's Pamplona
![]()
![]()
![]()