The Charlotte News

Tuesday, April 30, 1957

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Dallas that farmers in many Texas river lowlands, who had not had a good crop in seven years of drought, were now seeing their crops being ruined by flooding. Meanwhile, some cities along the major rivers of the state had begun sandbagging and throwing up levees in a desperate attempt to prevent water damage. The highest flood in the history of the Sabine River had been predicted for the upper Sabine, and major flooding was expected on other waterways as well. In the vicinity of Cuero, thousands of acres of bottomlands were flooded by the Guadalupe River, and crop damage was reported heavy around Navasota, on the Brazos River, with an estimated 30,000 acres in Washington and adjoining counties under water. Some of the crops could be replanted when the water subsided. At Freeport, workers were placing sandbags around a plant of the Dow Chemical Co., where the crest of the Brazos flooding was anticipated for the following day. The Liberty City Council had voted to build levees around the Oak Forest section, into which water from the Trinity River already was flowing. Virtually every major river in east and south-central Texas was surging near or above major flood stages. The April floods and tornadoes had been declared by the Red Cross to be the worst disasters in the history of its Texas operations.

In Pittsburgh, Pa., a routine call came over the police radio to investigate a disturbance of a man reported to be beating his wife, but before it was over, it had turned into something of a nightmare for police officers the previous night. For a half hour, they had sought to capture a man they said had gone berserk after threatening to kill his wife, and with the aid of teargas, finally had been able to arrest him. A patrolman said that he had never shot anyone during his 14 years on the force and did not want to kill the man, that he would do so only if his life were threatened seriously, but thought that they could take the man in question without hurting him, as they had. The man, wielding a club, had chased his wife from their second-floor apartment into a tavern below, where some 15 customers scattered as the man began grappling with the proprietor, his wife fleeing through a rear door, running upstairs as the police arrived. Two police officers had gone upstairs and ordered the man to surrender, whereupon he had thrown a jug of wine at one of the officers and then picked up a knife. That officer then sent his partner for reinforcements and fled into a bedroom with two doors, locking both of them, as the man tried to break through with a hatchet. The officer said that he could have shot through the door but decided that there was some other way to capture the man, had gone out the other door and down the stairs. The man continued to defy police reinforcements, going to the front door with a knife in hand, but one officer had knocked the knife away and the man fled upstairs. Officers had then thrown teargas into the apartment and the man calmly picked up the bomb and had thrown it back, but two other bombs had forced him to flee through a second-floor window, whereupon he toppled onto an awning and rolled into the arms of waiting officers. The man was reportedly unemployed recently, was hospitalized for observation and no charges were filed. His wife was treated for bruises and shock. A patrolman said that he was glad that they did not have to fire a shot at him and felt sorry for the "poor fellow".

In Gastonia, N.C., a 24-year old man who engaged in a midnight fist fight along a railroad track had died early this date and his opponent, a 17-year old amateur boxer, had been jailed on a charge of murder. The police said that the latter youth had told them that after an evening spent in a poolroom and café, he had been en route along the railroad track on the northwest side of Gastonia when he made out the forms of three men in the darkness, with one of them shouting at him, followed by a rock-throwing fight, after which the trio had closed in on him, with one striking him in the face and neck. He had begun swinging his fists and when two of the men stepped back, he had squared off against the deceased, striking him in the jaw and mouth. The youth said that the man made a "funny noise" but the two onlookers assured him that he would be all right. The boy continued to his home, where police later arrived in the wee hours of the morning and told him that the man had died and that he was wanted on a charge of murder. Police said that the deceased man's companions, both around 22, had told substantially the same story, except that they denied throwing the first rock, and added that the deceased and the youth charged had argued before the fistfight had begun. They said that they had taken the deceased to the home of one of the two companions, where they later summoned an ambulance, and the man had been dead on arrival at a hospital. An autopsy and inquest would be held in the death.

In Shelby, N.C., a doctor had died early this date in a mysterious explosion and fire which struck his second-floor office in a building three blocks away from the heart of the town. The police chief said that police were investigating the possibility of the deliberate planting of an incendiary device. Investigators said that they had been told that the physician had informed a nurse that he intended to move from Shelby by June 1, but had given no reason. A taxi driver had discovered the fire in the wee hours and had driven away the car of the victim, parked in front of the two-story brick structure. Police said that the car was packed with luggage, clothing and children's toys and that they had been told that the doctor was planning to visit his wife and two of their three children in Nashville, where his wife was studying at Tennessee State Teachers College. The doctor's mother, with whom the third child was visiting, had arrived during the morning from her home in Newberry, S.C. Police discounted any connection between the doctor's death and his reported involvement in a dispute over retention of a school official at Cleveland Training School, a black high school in Shelby. An autopsy was ordered at Shelby Hospital to determine the cause of death.

In Dobson, N.C., two of five persons charged with the ambush slaying of a Pilot Mountain farmer had pleaded guilty to first-degree murder in Surry County Superior Court during the morning and were automatically sentenced to life imprisonment. The two defendants, one 23 and the other 15, had been charged along with three others with murder occurring on the night of February 7, and the other three would be tried on May 7. The two defendants pleading guilty during the morning had stood before the court without showing emotion as they heard the judge sentence them to prison for the rest of their natural lives. The slaying of the man had occurred on the porch of his home in a remote section of Surry County, as he had gone to the door, according to his wife, to determine why his dog was barking. The younger of the two defendants who pleaded guilty had admitted shooting him from the darkness of the yard, but said that the other four defendants had put him up to it. Officers said that the five had plotted to kill the man and to rob him, but when he was shot in the doorway of his home, he had fallen back inside and his terrified wife had stayed with the body all night before sending for help. All of the defendants had been arrested shortly after the shooting and had been in jail in Dobson since that time, with a female defendant having been released long enough to deliver her male child at the Elkin Hospital, and then was returned to jail. Welcome to life, little one, but your mama, unfortunately, may be going to jail for a long time for being an aider and abettor to murder, after your presumptive papa was just sentenced for the crime. Good luck in life...

Entries to the contest being held for Mother's Day for young people under age 12 to submit short letters beginning, "I love my mother because…" would have to be postmarked by midnight on May 2, to be eligible to win the prizes of $25, $15, $10 or ten one-dollar prizes. Again, and for the final time probably, we recommend catching the eye of the judges by having a theme revolving around Senator McCarthy, such as, "I love my mother because she had nothing to do with witches or witch-hunts, as did Senator McCarthy aplenty, and now he is dead."

In Raleigh, the bill to permit annexation of perimeter areas to Charlotte remained in a vacuum, with the public hearings set for the following Thursday before the House Committee on Local Government, the second hearing for the controversial bill. Proponents of it were seeking quick action by the second committee to study it, while proponents had not wanted another public hearing, although succeeding in getting it scheduled for Thursday rather than having to wait until the following Tuesday, as originally proposed. The measure had already passed the State Senate, and had been reported by the House Judiciary Committee No. 2 with a "without prejudice" label. The House, on a motion by Mecklenburg County Representative Jack Love, an opponent of the bill, had re-referred the bill to the Local Government Committee.

Charles Kuralt of The News reports that Jim Smith lacked the artifacts of political triumph at his brush company office during the morning, having just some congratulatory messages and a big pasteboard box full of "Vote for Smith" cards which had never been used. In the previous day's municipal primary election, 7,101 people had voted for him for Mayor, and with no competition in the general election on May 7, he would be sworn in as the next Mayor on May 13. He had been convinced about four years earlier by a former City Council member to run for the City Council, and had now been all but elected Mayor without an organization or a program, relying instead on his life-long Crescent Avenue neighbors and his friends to put him over the top. Twice, he had led the Council ticket and served as mayor pro tem, and after his second victory in 1955, had set his sights on the mayoralty, with outgoing Mayor Philip Van Every making it easy for him by stepping down. During the morning, he sat in his office and declared that he had not thought much about a "plan" or a "program", that there was the need to approve the hospital bond issue and to wind up the selection of a site for the new Health Center, that he thought they had ignored the Police Department, which needed more men, better equipment and probably a little more take-home pay, though he did not know where it was coming from. He said that the city was in sound financial shape, that the New York bond attorneys had told them they were among the soundest cities anywhere, and he believed that they could approve the hospital bond issue without getting into trouble. He hoped that they could pass an ordinance on heating installations, which they did not have at present. Mr. Kuralt concludes: "That's the way it went. The city's new mayor is no crusader in the usual meaning of the word. He's a 49-year-old grandfather, a solid citizen with no pretensions toward anything else. No wheeling. No dealing. No cigar."

Julian Scheer of The News tells of 43 of the "jar boys", small-time dealers who sold half-gallon jugs of bootleg whiskey, or single drinks of it, having been arrested the previous night by Mecklenburg ABC Board agents in swift, orderly raids in the black section of the town, helping to smash the traffic in moonshine. The arrests had climaxed two days of vigorous activity by local, state and Federal agents against illegal whiskey operators. On Sunday, they had arrested 83 of the state's alleged largest wholesalers, and the previous night had arrested some of their alleged customers. The latter had been charged with selling or processing non-tax-paid whiskey and would be tried in County Recorder's Court on misdemeanor charges on May 9. In one arrest, an agent sought to have some fun, knocking on the front door of a man and asking whether or not he had any whiskey. The man recognized him as an agent and started to run through the house, whereupon the agent followed and found a jar of white whiskey in the kitchen sink, adding another count to the charges in the warrants. In another case, an agent had knocked on the bedroom window of a man preparing to go to bed.

On the editorial page, "The Big Bugaboo that Backfired" indicates that State Senator Avery Hightower, who had introduced a resolution targeting Governor Luther Hodges for exerting "undue influence" over the 1957 General Assembly, had been one-fourth bombast and three-fourths bunk. His resolution to curb the Governor's patronage power appeared as sheer nonsense and had badly backfired.

Rather than directing the public's attention to a "dangerous concentration of power" in the hands of the Governor, he had actually reminded North Carolinians how feeble the Governor's power actually was. It was the only state in which the Governor lacked the veto power over legislation, and the Governor could not succeed himself in office under normal circumstances, not involving death of the predecessor—as in the case of Governor Hodges and the death of Governor William B. Umstead in November, 1954, making Governor Hodges, by the end of his term in 1961, the longest serving North Carolina Governor at that point in its history. The Governor also had limited appointment power, no direct power of supervision and little removal power.

Yet, he was one of only a handful of officials elected by the state as a whole, and was best equipped to rise above clashing local interests to represent the best interests of all of the people. To do that at present, the Governor had to depend on his personal powers of persuasion and what the press at the Capitol described as "the usual channels of influence with the General Assembly."

It finds it a shamefully inadequate system, with its problem being inherent in the State Constitution ratified in 1868, and having since only received minor alteration. It suggests therefore that the state needed a new constitution to replace the horse-and-buggy version, designed for a time when government operations were small and the number of state employees few, also reflecting the traditional fear and distrust of government in the state.

It finds that the State Constitution appeared at times to have been deliberately formulated to make it difficult for anyone to do anything, and so it was not so surprising that it was difficult for there to be political, social and economic progress, achieved primarily only by chance and the enlightened stubbornness of the citizenry.

Thirty-three states had constitutions ratified later than that of North Carolina, and it urges that the time had come for the state to get in step with progress. It urges the General Assembly therefore to direct its attention to that need rather than the question of whether the Governor exerted too much influence on the Legislature.

The state would ratify a new State Constitution in 1971.

"Price of Liberty? Spasmodic Vigilance" tells of the previous day in Charlotte having been hot, such that the citizen had a mental picture of being "like a leaf floating along on a shaded stream, soft and quiet and easy."

Everyone downtown appeared to be floating along and no one was causing trouble, with the great issues of the day being nothing more unsettling than baseball, fishing, boating and the progress on the Wachovia skyscraper.

Floating home on the coil springs and shock absorbers, the citizen decided that it had been one of those good old days, with nothing hectic happening in Charlotte anywhere, it seeming somehow that everyone had been in tune with him, all determined to have a nice, quiet day. The only thing the citizen thought about was the hope that his family had decided where they wanted to go on vacation, with that not mattering much as long as it was "soft and quiet and easy."

"Bohlen, the Man Who Isn't There" finds that it was becoming increasingly apparent that the Soviet Union was anything but an innocent bystander in the Middle East, that the Arab world was teeming with new missionaries from Moscow, stirring up trouble in Jordan, conspiring in Egypt, and propagandizing in Syria. It regards it as premeditated villainy produced by the Kremlin.

To prevent a major catastrophe would require first-hand knowledge of Soviet strategy and a complete understanding of Soviet ambitions, plus keen insight into the Soviet mind. Charles Bohlen, the top expert within the Government regarding the Soviets after four years as Ambassador to Moscow, was the obvious candidate. But he was not advising the President during his current vacation in Georgia, rather was in Washington being ignored by the President, the Pentagon, and top State Department officials during their current deliberations on the Middle East.

It was being said that he was on a "tight schedule" through May 6, devoted entirely to preparing him for his new assignment as Ambassador to the Philippines. It finds that failure to consult him was deplorable and that the waste of his training and talents was inexcusable. "American policy in the Middle East is thereby a little poorer."

A piece from the Raleigh News & Observer, titled "A Little Melody, Please", finds that a singing people were a happy people, that music was the "strop on which the heart sharpens itself", a song being "the soul's declaration of independence from strife and confusion", but that rock 'n' roll was "inspiring to a cement mixer, calypso to an egg-beater, and all the in-betweens are so saturated with delirium tremens and siege gun salvos that the tongue and lips can no more catch them than an owl can a jet plane. Lilting, melodic, singable songs went into deep freeze several years ago, and the tunesmith evinces no desire to crack the ice. Songs, for several years, seem exclusively gauged for teen-age flip-flops."

"The various sprightly contributions of the Von Tilzers, Cohans, Kerns, Berlins, Donaldsons, Rubys and Kahns made a host of sunny hours and happy hearts. The country needs some melodies to put its tongue and its heart into. Another Moonlight Bay would be universally beneficial."

And if that, mayhaps, should not suffice to satiate your melodic temperament and enable renewed sunny hours, pacifying and defusing your detestation of rock rollin', if not Loch Lomond...

Drew Pearson indicates that the Senate Foreign Relations Committee this date had begun hearings on whether Scott McLeod, the State Department's controversial security officer, would be promoted to Ambassador to Ireland, with the debate hinging on two things, whether Ireland would be imposed upon merely because Secretary of State Dulles wanted to be rid of Mr. McLeod as his security officer, as some Senators believed Ireland was too important and too friendly to be such a dumping ground, a thought shared by many of the Irish. Other Senators were upset at the way Mr. McLeod and his security office had harmed relations with Canada by cooperating with Senator James Eastland's Internal Security subcommittee in releasing adverse information on Canadian Ambassador to Egypt, E. H. Norman, leading to his suicide.

Mr. Pearson looks at Mr. McLeod's background, indicating that when Secretary Dulles had begun his tenure, he had wanted to end all of Senator McCarthy's attacks on the State Department by appointing one of the Senator's friends as security officer, and after conferring with Senator Styles Bridges of New Hampshire, who had served longer than any other Republican and had recommended his administrative assistant, Mr. McLeod, a friend of Senator McCarthy, Secretary Dulles had promptly made the appointment, seeing it as a chance to curry favor both with Senator McCarthy and the powerful Senator Bridges, chairman at the time of the Appropriations Committee.

Mr. McLeod had then proceeded to tear the State Department to pieces, having detectives and private eyes looking everywhere, using his security assistants even to move his furniture into his new home. He appointed the police chief of Hanover, N.H., to a job in Europe merely to provide the latter a free trip abroad. He condoned an order asking German servants to spy on American officials abroad and complacently had watched book-burning at U.S. Information Service libraries abroad, instigated by Senator McCarthy's wandering agents, Roy Cohn and David Schine. His security agents had also sought to get doctors to violate their doctor-patient privilege.

When Secretary Dulles appointed Charles Bohlen as Ambassador to Russia, Mr. McLeod had gone over his head to the White House in protest, and Ambassador Bohlen had now returned from Moscow after having done the most outstanding job of any ambassador in history.

Mr. Pearson concludes that those were some of the things which made it easy to understand why Secretary Dulles wanted to get Mr. McLeod out of the Department, even at the expense of Ireland.

Joseph Alsop, in Amman, Jordan, indicates that the movement of the Sixth Fleet, and all of the other puzzling recent events regarding the Middle East, could be simply explained, despite the State Department's hesitation to offer the true explanation. The movements in the Middle East were byproducts of a U.S. guarantee to Jordan against Israeli intervention, not being directed primarily against Syria or Egypt, or even against Russia. They were in fact primarily directed against the Israelis.

The object had been to liberate King Hussein of Jordan from the threat of Israeli intervention in his small kingdom, the primary U.S. contribution to the Jordanian crisis. The grim necessities of the situation had forced the Administration to action. He assumes that King Hussein had been informed of the informal U.S. guarantee of Jordan against Israeli attack at around the beginning of the week, when the King had received U.S. Ambassador Lester Mallory for a long afternoon exchange of views. At the same time, a stern warning had been extended to the Israeli Government, to the effect that any involvement in Jordan would be worse than self-defeating.

Mr. Alsop suggests that everything which had happened since that point was to be interpreted primarily as a series of efforts to bolster that promise to the King and to warn the Israelis. It had been a critically important intervention. The movement of the Sixth Fleet, the President's statement on the Jordanian situation, the significant recall of U.S. official personnel from the Israeli sector of Jerusalem, all formed parts of the same pattern.

Jordan's richest, most populous and most disaffected province was the region on the West Bank of the Jordan River, which formerly had belonged to Palestine. All Israelis wanted to extend their frontier to the Jordan River line, absorbing that province in the process. But every Jordanian was convinced that the Israelis were actively planning an eventual grab of the West Bank. That universal conviction in Jordan was probably ill-founded, as Israel would incur moral obloquy as a result of such a grab, as well as responsibility for Arab refugees, and the likelihood that such newly grabbed territory would have to be forfeited later, all considerations militating strongly against any such move.

But Israel had a particular fear of the type of large Arab state with a potentially strong future which might result from a stronger link between Jordan and Iraq, and thus the Israeli leaders had always warned that their Army would enter Jordan whenever Iraqi troops would enter Jordan. Those threats by Israel in turn assumed significance in the present crisis for a very simple reason, that King Hussein had the support of the Iraqi Government and his cousin King Faisal, forming his ace card. Iraq's tough Premier Nuri Pasha had concentrated the best part of his Army at a pumping station on the pipeline near the Jordanian frontier.

As late as even five days earlier, when King Hussein was making his plans and decisions, no one could be certain as to how the Arab Legion would perform in the final test, as it had successively lost two commanders-in-chief and was riddled with disloyalty and subjected to a purge, thus making the support from Iraq especially important. Yet, the Legion had performed with great efficiency and loyalty in the crisis. But King Hussein did not know that when he had sent for Ambassador Mallory at the beginning of the week. The King had intended at that time, as he still did, to call the Iraqi troops into Jordan if he could not control the situation with his own forces.

In addition to the Israeli threat, the King also had to be concerned about foreign troops already in Jordan. The Saudi troops in the south had been placed under King Hussein's personal command by King Saud, but the Syrian troops in the north posed a serious danger, even though far less so than the threat from the Israelis. Placing the Iraqi troops on the border, plus the strong warning from Nuri Pasha to Syrian President Shukri al-Kuwalty, could be considered sufficient to keep the Syrians quiet, but nothing short of strong U.S. measures could keep the Israelis out of Jordan once the Iraqis crossed the Jordanian border.

Stewart Alsop, in a rare pairing with his brother on a related subject, albeit in a separate column, indicates that throughout the crisis in Jordan, the President had been in Augusta, Ga., on one of his frequent vacations from Washington, raising the questions as to the actual state of his health and why he had to spend so much time away from Washington at such a critical point. It had been said that the President was "visibly fading", and seriously reported that he intended to enter semi-retirement, giving the bulk of his responsibilities to Vice-President Nixon. But according to those who ought to know, there was nothing to those rumors.

The President still had a ghost of his famous cough, but the doctors who regularly examined him had reported unanimously that the cough was not serious and not a symptom of anything threatening or deep-seated. He had faded a bit when he had a cough and cold some weeks earlier, but Mr. Alsop suggests that all persons faded somewhat under those circumstances. He was now back, according to intimates, in reasonably full condition and was frisky on the golf course, considering his age and medical history.

But the fact remained that the President was an elderly man at the age of 66, who had suffered a heart attack in September, 1955 and a serious attack of ileitis in June, 1956. That gave rise to the second question, whether he really needed to spend so much time away from Washington, with the answer being that he must, which Mr. Alsop suggests should not be any surprise to the voters who had elected him for a second term, as he had stated in February, 1956 when he announced that he would run again, that his doctors had prescribed a regimen of ordered work activity, interspersed with regular amounts of exercise, recreation and rest.

He indicates that when the President went to Georgia or elsewhere, he was therefore simply obeying his doctors quite willingly. He had been accustomed to exercise all of his life and when he did not get it, became either irritable or dull and depressed. Thus, his frequent escapes from Washington would continue as long as he was President, regardless of any crisis.

Had he not been obeying his doctors, he would have presumably been conferring at great length with the National Security Council regarding the Middle East crisis. Instead, he had consulted with Secretary of State Dulles on the telephone every day for about 30 minutes, and as a result of one of those conversations, he and the Secretary had decided to order the Sixth Fleet to the eastern Mediterranean, in effect invoking the so-called Eisenhower doctrine for the Middle East. That decision had not been referred to the NSC, with Secretary Dulles having persuaded the President, to the irritation of the Defense Department, that the Middle Eastern crisis was too "tactical" to be handled by the policy-making body, and that the Middle East was therefore rarely, if ever, discussed by the Council. Mr. Alsop suggests that it would have been of little use in any event to refer that crisis to the NSC, when the President, who had to make the final decisions, was in Georgia.

Thus, he concludes, the decision had been strictly made by the President in consultation with Secretary Dulles, after it had been recommended to him by the Secretary.

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