The Charlotte News

Wednesday, March 18, 1959

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the U.S. had prepared a tentative draft of a German peace treaty for possible use in a foreign ministers meeting with the Soviet Union. By contrast with the Soviet peace treaty proposal of several weeks earlier, the U.S. provisions would leave the way open for a sovereign all-German government to forge whatever links it wished with neighboring nations and other countries of the world. Some officials described the document as more of a statement of principles than a tentative treaty draft. It was proposed to Britain, France and West Germany for discussion. The Western European allies were reported this date to be cool to the idea of carrying forward plans for a German peace treaty at the present time, apparently believing that more urgent problems were those involving reunification of Germany. But U.S. officials emphasized that the Soviet Government obviously intended to raise the question of a peace treaty at a foreign ministers meeting, and so they wanted the Western powers to be ready to meet it in some way. It was believed in Washington that when the occasion arose, the allies ought be ready to tell the Soviets and the world the type of peace which they would make with an all-German government. Present Western planning was based on the idea that the essential first step in solving the problems of Germany was some move toward reuniting the divided country and creating an all-German government. To that end, Western policy planners presently meeting in Paris were discussing a proposal to the Soviets to create a federation to bring East and West Germany under a single political entity. Over a period of several years, the powers of the central federal government would gradually be increased and the powers of the present East and West German regimes would correspondingly decrease. One possible way to set up a central administration, presently being considered, would be to base it on the German provinces or states, called laender, of which there were ten in West Germany and traditionally five in East Germany, though in the latter, no longer recognized.

In Ottawa, Ontario, it was reported that British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, on his way to talks with the President, had this date urged the Western powers to frame a united policy on Germany based on "firm principles combined with a readiness to negotiate.". Mr. Macmillan had arrived by plane from London and before leaving for Washington on Thursday, would fill in Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker and other Canadian officials regarding his recent Berlin crisis talks in Moscow with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev. Mr. Macmillan planned to see ailing Secretary of State Dulles at Walter Reed Army Hospital in Washington before he would meet with the President. Prime Minister Diefenbaker and other officials had been on hand to greet Prime Minister Macmillan, who had started his remarks with a tribute to Canadian Foreign Secretary Sidney Smith, who had died on Tuesday. Mr. Macmillan said that it was generally accepted that East-West negotiations on Germany had to take place during the summer. He said that he had gone to Moscow to gauge the ground and believed that he had achieved success. He was accompanied by British Foreign Minister Selwyn Lloyd, and hoped to convince the President that a summit meeting with Mr. Khrushchev could solve the explosive Berlin situation without any shooting. Officials in Washington expressed the belief that the President's televised and radio broadcast speech on Monday, conditionally endorsing a summit meeting, had greatly improved the atmosphere for the talks with Mr. Macmillan. In that address, the President had agreed to a top-level meeting in the summer, provided that a foreign ministers conference on Germany, proposed for mid-May, would give promise that the government heads could agree on at least some terms. Mr. Macmillan's visit with the President would climax a series of conferences he had recently with Mr. Khrushchev, French Premier Charles de Gaulle and West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer. His aim was to work out a unified strategy and proposals with which to approach the Soviets at the foreign ministers meeting. He had been reported to have been cheered by three points brought up in the Monday broadcast by the President, American readiness to take part in a summit meeting provided such a meeting could be justified, believing that on the basis of his findings in Moscow, Paris and Bonn, that developments would justify such a conference, second, the U.S. willingness to "listen to new ideas" and "to present others", and, third, the U.S. resolve to distinguish between negotiations and appeasement.

In London, it was reported that U.S. Ambassador John Hay Whitney had left for New York this date, on his way to Washington to join the meetings between the President and Prime Minister Macmillan.

In Washington, it was reported that the President this date had signed the bill to make Hawaii the 50th state. The next step would be a plebiscite in Hawaii to approve the move, with it intended to occur in time to send members of a newly elected legislative delegation to the Congress. Territorial Governor William Quinn had 30 days after formal notification of the President's approval within which to issue a proclamation calling for a primary election, which would have to be held no less than 60 or more than 90 days after the proclamation, after which a general election would occur no later than 40 days following the primary. The President's formal proclamation making Hawaii the 50th state would then be issued after the election results were officially certified. Hawaii residents would vote on three propositions, whether Hawaii would immediately be admitted to the Union as a state, whether Hawaii consented to the exclusion of Palmyra Island from the boundary of the new state, as provided in the statehood bill, and whether Hawaii accepted statehood under all other conditions specified in the bill, including land grant reservations, and allowing for only one member of the House, instead of two, as would ordinarily be the case based on its population. A second representative would be added after the 1960 census reapportionment. Rejection of any of the three propositions would nullify the Statehood Act and leave Hawaii in its territorial status, but there was no doubt that all three would be approved, as the territory had been pleading for statehood for half a century and its State Constitution was already adopted. Moreover, a previous vote in 1950 had overwhelmingly approved statehood.

In Carson City, Nev., it was reported that a bill repealing an old statute which had banned interracial marriages for 98 years, dating back to territorial days, had been signed by Governor Grant Sawyer on Tuesday after the old law had been held unconstitutional by a judge in Reno the prior December, when he granted a marriage license to San Francisco longshoremen's union leader Harry Bridges and his Nisei fiancée, the judge observing that marriage was a right and not a privilege.

In Washington, it was reported that the Textile Workers Union of America had asked a House Labor subcommittee to look into recent attacks on textile, hosiery and garment union organizers. William Pollock, president of the union, said that attacks were "part of an expertly planned campaign to wipe out old, established unions." He had made public a letter he had written to Representative Carl Perkins of Kentucky, in which he had reported recent beatings of Sol Greene of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union in Teaneck, N.J., of Robert Beame of the American Federation of Hosiery Workers in Franklin, N.C., and Boyd Payton, of the TWUA, in Hendersonville, N.C. He described the situation in Hendersonville as being "a lockout of 1,200 Harriet and Henderson Cotton Mill workers who are asking only for renewal of a standard-type of agreement which has been in effect 14 years. The moves made by the company executives in Henderson are part of a carefully planned pattern. They are identical to those which precipitated an attack which destroyed one of our long-established local unions in Winston-Salem, N.C., last fall."

In Hollywood, two men had died in a bedroom gun battle this date, which police said had erupted after one had tried to interfere in a love triangle involving the other. One man, 35, part-owner of three Los Angeles restaurants, and the other, a 47-year old jazz musician, had died in the gun battle, taking place in a house rented recently by a woman, 38, identified as the central figure in the dispute, being the wife of a third man, a wealthy Los Angeles produce dealer from whom she had been separated for several weeks. The woman told police that the jazz musician was her cousin who had been living at her home in Los Angeles for several years. A detective sergeant said that the cousin had come to her newly rented home late the previous night to urge her to return to her husband. The detective said that her cousin evidently had carried two weapons, a Mauser automatic and a .38-caliber revolver, but had given up one of them in a scuffle with the other man. He had then produced the other and the two men had dueled to the death. An early report that the two men had paced off in the traditional manner of dueling partners had later been discounted, police attributing that report to the woman's hysterical condition when first questioned. Officers said that she had returned to her husband's home and was given sedation by a physician, that she was in a state of shock, but had not been wounded, as had been initially reported.

In Raleigh, the State Supreme Court this date had ruled against the Motor Vehicles Department's informal point system of determining when to suspend licenses of habitual traffic violators. It reversed a Wake County Superior Court ruling which had upheld the suspension of a man's driver's license. It said that the law providing for such suspensions did not contain fixed standards or guides to which the Department had to conform, but had left it to the sole discretion of the commissioner of the Department to determine when a driver was an habitual violator, thus holding the law to be an unconstitutional grant of legislative power. The Motor Vehicles commissioner, Ed Scheidt, had ordered the man's license suspended following a hearing, which had found that the man had been convicted of six violations of traffic laws between April, 1952, and the end of October, 1957.

In Denver, Colo., a 77-year old man, last of the old-time train robbers, had died. He had spent more than half of his life in prison, though dying a free man, having been released from the Kansas Penitentiary the prior December 30. He had then immediately gone to Denver to live with a sister, but had soon become ill and ten days earlier had entered a Denver hospital where he died. He had made his reputation on Christmas night, 1910, when he held up a Missouri Pacific train between Kansas City and Leavenworth, pushing a frightened porter ahead of him through the cars as he robbed the passengers of $2,000. Captured and sent to the Kansas prison, he had escaped in 1915, and had then committed a robbery in Chicago, before being wounded in World War I, followed by another arrest and the completion of his prison term. He had made an effort to go straight, opening a shoe repair business in Kansas City, until the experiment had ended with a holdup of a gambling game, causing him to be returned to the Missouri prison. Upon his release, he had gone back to the Kansas prison after two men had been shot in a holdup of a dice game at Parsons, Kans., in 1942, on that occasion receiving a life sentence. He had escaped again, but was soon caught as a sick and broken old man. During his years in prison, his mother had burned a light in a window of her Kansas City home for the time when "my Willie" would return. She scrubbed floors and saved $1,800 to give to him when he finished his first prison term, but two days after his release, the depression had forced the bank to close and the money was gone. His mother died in 1938, while her son was in prison.

Leonard Engel, in the third installment of his chronicle of open-heart surgery being conducted in a Minnesota hospital on a fictional composite patient, a 13-year old girl, indicates that senior resident Dr. Herbert Warden continued to work on the patient's ankle, as voices could be heard in the sub-sterilizing room, one being the brassy bass belonging to Dr. Richard L. Varco, whose whisper could be heard 100 feet down the hall, and the other, somewhat higher pitched, being that of Dr. C. Walton Lillehei, with a resident and an intern present who would also be at the operating table, all scrubbing in preparation for the surgery. Everyone at the table and everyone who handled sterile articles or instruments had to scrub every square inch of their skin from elbows to fingertips with between nine and 30 strokes with a stiff, well-soaked brush, also having to have clean fingernails, utilizing a file dipped in disinfectant to effect that process. To make sure that medical students learned how to scrub, instructors frequently required them to cover hands and arms with salad oil and lampblack and then practice until they had gotten the mixture off while blindfolded. In the Minnesota hospitals, operating-room asepsis began in the basement of the main building, where dressings were made up and towels, drapes, caps, masks, gloves and gowns were washed and packed in sealed wrappers and exposed to steam. In a fourth-floor work room, special dressing packs and tubing for the heart-lung machine were prepared and similarly sterilized. No one who was not scrubbed could touch the inside or contents of sterile packs and no one who was scrubbed could touch the contaminated outside of the packs. The only exception was the circulating nurse, who opened the gown and glove packs, as well as the instrument packs, and helped the surgeons and scrub nurses into their gowns and gloves, though she did not touch any side which would be exposed to the patient. As in all other operating rooms throughout the country, that morning, the men and women in the operating room had gone through their separate parts of the aseptic routine. The patient's stream of questions had continued in the meantime, wanting to know how soon after the operation she would awaken, told by Dr. Warden that it would be right afterward. She was so busy that she failed to notice that the anesthesiologist was inserting a long-barreled syringe into a branch of the intravenous tube, which led into her vein, and was injecting a few cubic centimeters of a yellow solution, at which point she suddenly felt light-headed and the room started to turn, until she faded away. After she was completely asleep from the solution, which contained pentothal sodium and Flaxedil, the former an anesthetic related to the barbiturate sleeping powders and the latter not an anesthetic, belonging to an unusual class of substances, one of the great developments of modern medicine, called curarizing agents, the name coming from South American Indian arrow poison, curare, paralyzing the muscles and producing muscular relaxation, making it possible to achieve that state without deep anesthesia. The patient would be given only enough pentothal to keep her on the table, while another anesthetic, nitrous oxide, would be given to shield her from pain, provided via a tube, along with oxygen, slipped past her larynx and deep into her windpipe. It would enable her to breathe while the surgeons cut down through her chest to reach the heart and connected her to the heart-lung machine, as lungs filled and emptied poorly when the chest was opened. As soon as she was asleep, the anesthesiologist placed a mask over her face and turned the oxygen valve on the anesthesia machine. The rest of the piece is on an inside page.

In Sierra Madre, Calif., it was reported that there was a musical mailman rolling down the street, followed by a string of children, known on his route for his ways with music and children, a kind of pied piper on rollerskates. He believed that people liked letter carriers to be informal and happy, and he had been proven correct. He had a transistor radio on his belt which was constantly blaring jazz, having purchased it with Christmas money given to him by the people on his route, who, he said, liked music. He had been using skates to get around on since the previous Christmas when he had two deliveries per day. Some days, he did not skate, but also did not walk, rather running, as he took vitamins. He carried mail all day in Sierra Madre, a community adjacent to Pasadena, but also had duties in the Marine Reserve fighter squadron at a Naval air station, having been a machine gunner with the Marines during the Korean War. The main reason he was in a hurry to get his daytime work done, however, was his other job wherein, by night, he was the leader of a dance band, having his own 12-piece orchestra, playing bass, saxophone, clarinet and drums, as well as singing. On his day off, he liked nothing better than a nice, long hike, saying, at age 30, that he had to "keep in trim, man."

In London, it was reported that Britain's arbiters of male styles, the Men's Fashion Council, had this date decreed the new look for man's 1959 Easter suit, that the coat, the vest, the pants, and the topcoat all would have flares. To illustrate, the Council hired the ballroom of a large London hotel and produced a team of male models, all decked out in flared coat lapels, coat cuffs, coat hems, vest edges and pants bottoms. "You can move in this new style," said the chairman of the Council. "It's not like those continental tubular things which curl up all the time," referring to the Italian line, with its short coat and drainpipe trousers. In addition to flaring, the suits for 1959 were as colorful as an explosion in a paint factory. One model had worn a red-checked flared suit, the coat lined with hunting scenes which would frighten a fox, as it depicted only dogs and galloping horses. Another had worn a Prince of Wales checked jacket with the lining striped like an awning in green, scarlet and royal blue. Yet another sported a gray and black diamond weave which ran riot with fox heads. The puzzled reporter had asked what the flare meant, and the chairman of the Council responded with a downward and outward wave of his hands.

On the editorial page, "The Hot Air that Leaves Us Cold" finds that March had ushered in a great deal of hot air about a special session of the General Assembly, suggesting that the legislators were currently too busy to worry with the intricacies of State constitutional revision and court reform, and so action on those matters ought be put off until sometime in the fall at a special session.

It finds it completely false, that the Assembly could find the time if it wanted to do so, with Fridays, Saturdays and Mondays capable of being put to better use, as the Saturday session was nothing but a bad joke. The Legislature could organize its workload for greater efficiency, as, after six weeks, it was still on its shakedown cruise. Leadership was lacking as was significant progress.

It finds that what was being proposed would be a costly boondoggle and that the legislators ought resist the temptation.

"The Burden of the Absentee Ballot" indicates that while the House Committee on Elections and Election Law could have brought home all 100 counties regarding outlawing of absentee ballots for civilians, it had only done so with regard to Graham County, freeing from it "the inherent evil of the civilian absentee ballot".

But a statewide bill to abolish those ballots had been killed, as in past legislatures. It finds that the Graham County case was an example of what could happen, as its Representative had reported that there had been 732 absentee ballots cast in one election and that at least 500 of them had been purchased votes, estimating that the election had cost both parties about $50,000. He had indicated that the matter was completely out of control and was corrupting the country, leading to some terrible trouble if not remedied.

Only a handful of people used the general election civilian absentee ballot to vote, those who were either out of town or bedridden for the most part, and it was regrettable that the ballot could be denied to them. But the specter of the Graham case remained. The purchased ballot was nothing new, a potent weapon in a tight race, and to deny that the type of politician existed was futile.

But for at least another two years, the state and counties had left political machinery wide open to attack, enabling any election loser to cry fraud, and even in the case which was cleared of fraud, public confidence would have been shaken anew. It finds it a pity that the state had no champion such as the Representative from Graham and it hopes that nothing would happen as a result of the continuing problem.

"That Teamsters Unit Will Rue the Day" finds that the Teamsters local in San Francisco should receive sympathy, as it would learn. A story on Monday's front page had indicated that the Girl Scouts had purchased cookies from a Tulsa distributor, much to the consternation of the local Teamsters, who wanted their contributions to the the local United Crusade agency to go to local businesses, and so had determined to withhold their $4,000 contribution to the organization.

It finds that they had the right to do that, just as they had the right to jump off the Golden Gate Bridge, amounting to the same thing. It suggests that the Teamsters representative had been brave and wise by adding that they were not fighting the Girl Scouts, as it would be "like fighting home and mother", and that no one could do that. It suggests that they should have thought about that first, as the fact remained that the Teamsters local had protested the Girl Scout cookies.

"They must not have ever faced a delegation of mothers. Angry mothers. Hoo boy!"

A piece from the Greensboro Daily News, titled "Guilford Poets: Major and Minor", indicates that the News, in an editorial, had made light of Greensboro's and Guilford County's State Representative Hugh Humphrey's recourse to the poetic Muse after he had joined in the Legislature's inspection of "a real metropolis" during the Legislature's visit recently to the city, and the presented big-time entertainment done to Charlotte's taste.

The News had indicated that Representative Humphrey's "Ode to a Legislature's Skylark" was "suffering from a bad case of primary-grade dangling iambic foot and meter disease." It does not understand its analogy to baseball, but surmises that the hypothetical pitcher's destination was about where Charlotte's Clippers had finished in the Eastern Hockey League.

It finds that The News had lost its perspective as Mr. Humphrey wrote verse only on the side as strictly an amateur, was one of Greensboro's and Guilford's minor poets, that when it was real poetry they wished on a subject worthy of same, they would call in their two major poets, James Pearson, North Carolina's poet-laureate from Guilford College, or Randall Jarrell, back from his Library of Congress stint at Woman's College in Greensboro

It indicates that Greensboro might be the "swamp" to which The News referred in its continuing miasma, but that someone in the Charlotte environs was certainly bogged down in its valuation of poets. "Minor poets, we say, for minor assignments."

Drew Pearson, still out of Washington on special assignment, has his column written by his assistant, Jack Anderson, who indicates that Zsa Zsa Gabor had been helping her millionaire fiancé, Hal Hayes, soften up the bureaucrats who provided military housing contracts, accompanying him on more than one Government call, flashing her long lashes in a manner calculated to melt contract resistance. Mr. Hayes had announced that he wanted people to meet the vice-president of his company and then he would usher in Ms. Gabor, wrapped in furs, sparkling with diamonds and exuding Parisian fragrance. Later, she had invited the housing people to a cocktail party at the Statler-Hilton in Washington, a hotel owned by her former husband, Conrad Hilton. Mr. Hayes was trying to close an 18 million dollar housing deal which could make Ms. Gabor the future landlady at Camp Lejeune Marine Base. He had also built homes at several Air Force bases. Mr. Anderson suggests that it might explain why he was so anxious to have Ms. Gabor in Washington for an extra day the previous week, despite her protests that the delay would make her late for a television filming which, she said, would cost producer Mike Wallace $10,000. Mr. Hayes had responded that he would send Mr. Wallace $10,000 if she would stay.

At least one bartender at the National Press Club had reason to believe that Mr. Hayes was not kidding. When the millionaire contractor remarked that he would give $50 for a cup of coffee, the barkeep hustled to the kitchen and returned triumphantly with the coffee, whereupon Mr. Hayes provided him a $50 bill.

He notes that when Vice-President Nixon had met Ms. Gabor, he had given her figure an appreciative glance and remarked, "I imagine you are glad sack dresses have gone out of style," to which she had replied, "Yes, aren't you?" (Ach oh, Pat may have some competition, at least as soon as he gets over his football fetish. You know, the old seven-year itch thing, in this case maybe 20-year scratch.)

The House Elections subcommittee was curious about a $48,000 loan from Congressman John Bennett of Michigan granted to publisher Frank Russell three weeks after the midterm elections. What had caused concern in Congress was the fact that Mr. Russell's newspapers and radio-television stations were probably responsible for re-electing Mr. Bennett in a district which had often gone Democratic but had remained Republican the prior November. Thus, Mr. Bennett had withstood the highest Democratic tide in an election since 1936, when FDR had crushed Alf Landon for re-election.

During former President Truman's last Washington visit, he had now confided that he had gone out with some friends, who had taken money away from him for years, to see whether he could win some of it back, but had it taken away from him again. Mr. Anderson indicates that what the former President had not mentioned was that the man who had taken most of it was Senator Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, whose oil holdings, thanks to favorable taxes, had made him a millionaire 100 times over. But at the poker table with Mr. Truman, the wealthiest man had the luckiest cards, while Mr. Truman, who had no income outside of his writings, had drawn poor hands. Senator Clinton Anderson of New Mexico had murmured, "Them that has, gets."

Marquis Childs indicates that "the sons of the wild jackass are coming into their own." Almost unnoticed, a political empire, he asserts, had been put together in the Senate, made up of 23 Democrats from 14 states, including Alaska, a bloc with all the power to call many a tune for 1960 and beyond. They were Senators from the West, where, in the 1930's, the mines had closed and dust had blown, once contemptuously referred to as "sons of the wild jackass" by many haughty Easterners. Now, their power and purpose was formidable.

When Hawaii would formally join the union in August, it would become the 15th member of the Western bloc, likely to send one and possibly two Democrats to the Senate.

Until recently, there had been 12 Mountain and Pacific states in the Western conference of Democratic Senators. Then Texas and Oklahoma had joined, with Senator Lyndon Johnson having become the bridge between the West and the South. Those two conjoined regions were the base of his strength and could become a solid base for his presidential candidacy, or, if he did not run, would be a continuing source of strength as he intended in the years ahead to wield, as in recent months, nearly as much power and authority as a President. As Majority Leader, he had named his deputy, Senator Mike Mansfield of Montana, the two together symbolizing the grand alliance.

Senator Mansfield has been the architect who had put together the Western conference on its present coherent basis and had been instrumental in inviting the Southwestern states to join. Senator Johnson had seen to it that the newly elected Senators from the West received the committee chairmanships they wanted, Interior, Public Works and Agriculture. He had an important ally in former Senator Earle Clements of Kentucky, presently chairman of the Democratic Senate campaign committee. Mr. Clements was an idolater of Senator Johnson and had helped many new Senators get elected, in some instances having cajoled them to run.

The South and the West had in common a deep-seated distrust of the populous East, going back to the earliest American politics, involving the tariff and the protection of Eastern manufacturers. The prices of manufactured goods had been kept high while the wood-hewers and water-drawers in the South and West had been forced to sell their raw materials at low prices in the protected market. (Hence, Watergate, inspired by the Huston memorandum, eventually cracked open by Wood-Stein and the Ervin Committee, as later elucidated by Theodore H. White.)

The common purpose at present involved the desire for better freight rates, more dams, more irrigation projects, subsidies for high cost mines, and more defense contracts. The Senators from those regions spoke for underdeveloped areas and believed that their common objectives would submerge their differences over such matters as civil rights.

The effort appeared to be working that way in the challenge to the leadership of Senator Johnson. The Western Senators had come to his defense and he had the support of the South as a matter of course. Yet, in that challenge, first by Senator William Proxmire of Wisconsin, there was potential danger for the party. Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois had marshaled statistics showing that the Senate Democratic policy committee represented only 80 electoral votes, whereas 15 other states with Democratic Senators but without representation on that committee, had 255 electoral votes, so that the West and the South, with a relatively small population, represented the tail wagging the dog.

To that charge, Senator Mansfield had replied that the Constitution gave the states equality in the Senate and they meant to be just as equal as anybody else.

Mr. Childs concludes: "These are not the sons of the wild jackass in the old opprobrious sense. They are not wild-eyed radicals. They are shrewd, astute men and they mean to exercise the power they have put together."

Robert C. Ruark, in Nairobi, Kenya, finds that Dr. Ralph Bunche, U.N. Undersecretary and 1959 winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, had shown himself guilty of hasty overstatement when he had expressed publicly to a forum that the world of 1959 was "no longer a white man's world, but was overwhelmingly a non-white world", that "it is a world in which the power and authority of white men which knew little or no challenge even as recently as a generation ago, are rapidly declining." He had used population statistics to bolster his argument, saying that there were about 2.8 billion people in the world, of whom two-thirds were non-white.

On those numbers he was generally correct and he finds him also correct when he had said that "new voices, the voices of yellow, brown and black men, command attention in the councils of the world." But Mr. Ruark finds that he had not added that the voices were "generally strident in their eagerness to overthrow the past and to forge thousands of years of non-progress overnight into a monstrous whole which seeks mastery of tomorrow without coping first with the smaller personal problems of today." He finds Dr. Bunche, in that regard, to be as strident as Kenya's Tom Mboya.

He indicates that to use population statistics to make a point of power had always been tempting and had nearly always been inaccurate, as now, the non-integrated masses, all madly scrambling for control, generally created more confusion and chaos than positive conquest. He says that he had tried to fight his way through a Calcutta railroad station and found that some of India's contribution to "colored solidarity on population figures alone" had to be discounted until the Calcutta station was sufficiently cleared of "professional beggars, homeless refugees, starving wretches, hideously disfigured and diseased, fraudulent fakirs and people who hated each others' customs and language," before the statesman of the future could force his way to the Bombay train.

No legislation yet had changed purdah among the religious sects which believed in keeping their women from public view, nor had legislation made an Untouchable acceptable to a Brahma, a Parsee or a Sikh, or revised child marriage or taken prostitutes out of cages. The Gonds and Baigas of the hills still worshiped stones and trees and were still as distinct in color and culture from the Moslem or the Hindu as a blonde Aryan Lutheran differed from a coal-black Ubangi.

He says that he knew that in North Africa the Berber hated the Arab, not as an individual but en masse, and yet they both worshiped Allah and killed each other to find favor in the sight of God. All over Africa, the brown Arab scorned the black man and thought of him as a slave, whether he was Nubian, Sudanese or a wild Karamojan, who, in turn, scorned the clothed man because he thought that clothes hid disease, dirt or disfigurement.

He indicates that perhaps the myriad Chinese, being basically enslaved by a few, could be considered an Asian bloc running into hundreds of millions, but that there was as much implied distance between gutter Cantonese and proper Mandarin, and the people who spoke those tongues, as between Dr. Bunche and a Wakamba witch doctor.

He finds that the rash of various independent movements currently breaking out almost daily in the darker countries were nearly meaningless to the mess in a country such as African Guinea, whose Sekou Toure might be on Time's cover, but whose people were 95 percent illiterate. Thousands of tribes, dialects, and superstitions, with no common religion or even common color, he opines, fell far from representing the dream, inside of a hundred years, of anything close to a United States of Africa, other than possibly unification by solemn conclave among a couple of dozen leaders sitting in closed bull session, and speaking probably French or English, to determine the welfare or lack of it of 180 million disorganized people.

He suggests that before Dr. Bunche had spoken so glibly of a white world versus a colored world, he ought learn more firsthand about the components of the colored world, its warring factions and almost insurmountable internal difficulties. "In any case, I think that 1959 is a touch previous for anybody to nominate a color, dark or light, as predominant in this world. There ought to be room enough in it for everybody, no matter what Dr. Bunche says."

A letter writer suggests that State Senator J. Spencer Bell of Mecklenburg County was better qualified than anyone mentioned in the press as prospective candidates to be the next governor of the state.

A letter from J. R. Cherry, Jr., finds something rotten in the State of Cuba, having read the "rationalism" of the present Cuban tyranny which had appeared in a letter from a man in Havana, wishing to make it "perfectly clear" that he had not intended any discourtesy or disrespect to the man who had submitted the letter, but indicates that if a friend of his in the Cuban mess had written such a letter, he would be moved closely to look at their friendship and think hard about whether the friend was merely naïve or whether his information on Cuba gathered from reliable American sources was false. He finds that the letter, without mentioning Fidel Castro, had glorified him, and that without mentioning Fulgencio Batista, had vilified him. He says that he knew of only one group capable of formulating and manipulating semantics as expertly as had that letter, trained Communist propagandists. He wants to know whether the letter writer could justify and condone Sr. Castro's reversal of his own "bloodthirsty revolutionary court", which had recently acquitted 41 Cuban airmen who had flown missions against the rebels, and whether the letter writer could justify and condone the recent death sentence by Sr. Castro against Ernesto de la Fe, a staunch Latin American anti-Communist who, in recent years, had impartially exposed the brutalities of Sr. Batista. He thinks that the letter writer's honest and informed answers to those questions would indicate quickly whether or not such a friendship with his Cuban correspondent might turn into "one of those Jonathan and David affairs."

A letter writer indicates that in 12 years, the U.S. had spent 62 billion dollars buying up friends, and that in most of the purchases, the country had been cheated. Of that amount, Communist Yugoslavia had received 811 million dollars while voting in the U.N. with Russia, and 37 billion had gone to countries living under Russian dominance. Within the previous few months, Latin American residents had been spitting on the Vice-President supposedly because the U.S. had not provided them more aid. He asks why Americans should give anything to such traitors and enemies of the country. Eastern Europe had received more than a billion dollars. He thinks the question was whether the U.S. was crazy or just plain stupid, and if not either, he asks what excuse the politicians had for helping enemies and traitors to destroy the country with its own money, indicating that more than half the tax money was being thus expended.

You know what to do.

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