![]()
The Charlotte News
Friday, March 13, 1959
THREE EDITORIALS
![]()
![]()
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the President had asked Congress this date for 3.93 billion dollars in foreign aid, saying that the expenditure was essential to survival in the face of a "growing Communist potential to launch a war of nuclear destruction." In a special message, the President cautioned against reckless cuts to avoid the country becoming "the richest nation in the graveyard of history." He said that the full amount was urgently needed to thwart "a fantastic conspiracy of international communism", which maintained 6.5 million men under arms in about 400 divisions around the world. Singling out the Soviet drive to force the West from Berlin, the President said: "In Europe today the Soviet Union has made demands regarding the future of Berlin which, if unmodified, could have perilous consequences. The resoluteness with which we and our allies will meet this issue has come about in large measure because our past programs of economic and military assistance to our NATO allies have aided them to stand firm in the face of threats." Speaking of the worldwide Communist threat against free nations, he told Congress: "Two fundamental purposes of our collective defense effort are to prevent general war and to deter Communist local aggression. We know the enormous and growing Communist potential to launch a war of nuclear destruction and their willingness to use this power as a threat to the free world. We know also that even local aggressions, unless checked, could absorb nation after nation into the Communist orbit—or could flame into world war. The protection of the free world against the threat or the reality of Soviet nuclear aggression or local attack rests on the common defense effort..."
In Honolulu, it was reported that happy Hawaiians had cranked up a second round of celebrations this date for their newly acquired statehood, disregarding Friday the 13th, planning a five-hour show at Honolulu Stadium, featuring Hollywood entertainers and 200 grass-skirted hula dancers. It was a holiday again this date, as it had been the previous day when Congress had voted long-awaited statehood for the territory. The House had voted 323 to 89 in favor of statehood, after the Senate had voted earlier 76 to 15 in favor. The President would receive the bill for his signature this date and his approval was certain, with White House press secretary James Hagerty indicating that the President was delighted. Hawaiians would then have to decide whether they wanted statehood, for which they had voted in a plebiscite 19 years earlier by a margin of 2 to 1. They would also decide whether to accept the boundaries defined by Congress, excluding Palmyra Island, a tiny privately-owned coral atoll 960 miles south of Honolulu. They would also decide whether to accept Federal land grants and reservations as specified in the statehood bill. Hawaii consisted of eight major islands and a number of smaller ones, with a total land area of 6,434 square miles. It would be the 47th state in size, larger than Rhode Island, Delaware and Connecticut. In population, it outranked Alaska, Nevada, Wyoming, Vermont, Delaware and New Hampshire. The big show in the stadium, with 30,000 people expected to attend, was set for the afternoon this date. The day's program also called for religious Thanksgiving services in Honolulu and a concert by the royal Hawaiian band, joined by bands of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Marines. Also on the program was a 50-gun salute to the 50th state, fired by artillerymen from howitzers on the grounds of Iolani Palace. The previous day's celebration had begun noisily in the morning within minutes after the House had completed passage of the statehood bill. It had exploded in a discordant din of sirens, church bells, ships' whistles and automobile horns. At night, there were street dancing, bonfires and fireworks. Military planes dropped flares at sea off Waikiki Beach, the island's best-known resort spot. At Waikiki, throngs had jammed the streets to see dancing by Tahitian, Samoan and Hawaiian maidens. Light showers had failed to dampen the festivities. Native Hawaiians, who regarded rain as a blessing of the gods, took it as a good omen for the new state. Servicemen at liberty joined the thousands crowding the Waikiki area. One serviceman carried a cardboard sign from his neck, reading, "Maryland welcomes the 50th state." A sailor carried a sign which read, "Iowa voted yes." The largest bonfire had been a towering blaze on an island adjoining Honolulu Harbor. Logs from many states and foreign countries had been collected for it, dubbed the "International Statehood Bonfire". A series of other bonfires had been ignited through the neighboring islands. In Waikiki, celebration committee workers collected thousands of signatures on a large scroll which would be sent to Congress as a gesture of thanks. At just about the moment the Washington vote had been taken, 84 foreigners, most of whom were Japanese, had taken the oath of U.S. citizenship in Federal court in Honolulu. Addressing them, novelist James Michener had said: "You are very, very lucky. You join America at the same time these islands are joining America." He said that because Hawaii residents would soon get to vote for the President, he was changing his legal residence from Pennsylvania to Hawaii permanently. The celebration of statehood would continue for a year, with events planned in coming months to include an international trade fair, a cultural festival and a one-year exchange of high school students from Hawaii with those of other states and several Asian nations.
In Richmond, Va., it was reported that the U.S. Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals had taken under advisement the previous day a case in which black children sought admission to white schools in Montgomery County, N.C. The lower court had dismissed the suit, which had originated in 1955, because of failure by the plaintiffs to exhaust their administrative remedies under North Carolina's pupil placement law.
In Melbourne, Australia, it was reported that evangelist Billy Graham had announced this date that attendance thus far in his month-long Melbourne crusade had been about 526,000, of whom 19,368 had come forward to "make decisions for Christ". More than 100,000 were expected for the last Melbourne meeting the coming Sunday. Reverend Graham had told a press conference that it was the most moral big city he had ever visited. He said that he planned to spend a two-week vacation on Queensland's Gold Coast resting and writing a book, indicating that at present there was much literature of despair and he wanted to write a book of hope, which had long been burning inside him. He had been warned that a meeting this date at Melbourne University might turn out to be rowdy, but had found it to be one of the quietest on his tour.
In Kansas City, it was reported that a 17-year old boy had died the previous night after making a $10 wager that he could drink a fifth of whiskey in less than five minutes. The boy had died a few hours after the incident and his body was found in a car of another youth with whom he had made the bet. The acting chief of police in suburban Raytown said that police were holding two older youths, ages 20 and 22, for investigation, each of whom having signed statements about the bet. The acting chief said that one of the two related that they had accepted the bet that the younger boy could drink the liquor in less than five minutes. The 20-year old said in his statement that the boy had then opened the bottle and had taken about three-fourths of it down without taking it from his mouth, had then put it down and said that he felt pretty good, then smoked a cigarette and they had talked some before the boy had finished off the fifth. The older youth estimated that it had taken him less than five minutes. The two said that they had then driven to Raytown where they left the boy in the seat of the car because he was "groggy". The 20-year old had then found him dead when he returned to the car a few hours later.
In Raleigh, a group of State Senators, led by John Jordan, Jr., of Wake County, had this date proposed higher taxes on whiskey and a 1.5 cent levy on soft drinks to provide for pay increases for school teachers and State employees. State Senators Grady Mercer of Duplin County, Adam Whitley of Johnston County, Walt Garrison of Lincoln County and Arthur Williamson of Columbus County had joined Mr. Jordan in sponsoring the bill, which would rewrite much of the budget proposed by Governor Luther Hodges and the Advisory Budget Commission. The bill would provide an 8.4 percent pay increase for school personnel and 7.1 percent for State workers.
Julian Scheer of The News reports that a rumor had it that John Belk was about to enter the political arena. His brother Irwin was fresh into politics, serving in the General Assembly. A movement had now begun to support John, who had the support of some prominent local citizens for either a position on the City Council or as mayor. Mr. Belk had indicated that he did not know what was being talked about but would serve the town any way he could, though not interested in a campaign which would get mixed up in issues. He said he was not a candidate and only knew of the other candidates by what he read in the newspapers. He said that he knew and liked two of the present members of the Council and had worked with all of them on one project or another. He also knew Mayor James Smith, a likely candidate for re-election, and hesitated to talk of opposing him.
A severe mid-March snowstorm which had hammered the Northeast, crippling normal activities and leaving a heavy death toll, had tapered off this date. The late winter storm, the worst of the season, had dumped more than a foot of snow in sections of New England and New York State. Snowfall ranged up to 22 inches in New Hampshire and Maine, with Caribou, Me., measuring 34 inches and Rumford, Me., measuring 26. Light snow had fallen during the early morning in the extreme Northeast as the intense storm moved out into the Atlantic. At least 23 deaths had been attributed to the storm, which had earlier hit areas in the Midwest. Most of the deaths had been attributed to heart attacks suffered while shoveling snow. An offshoot of the storm had dipped into the South and given the western Carolinas a coating of snow and a hard brushing with mighty winds. Freezing temperatures had invaded the Piedmont and Coastal Plain. Winds of 80 mph had whipped across Grandfather Mountain in the Blue Ridge Mountains. On Mount Mitchell, in the Black Mountains, winds of 70 mph had howled through the night, sweeping sheets of dry snow before them. The 2 to 3-inch snowfall of Thursday had been almost completely swept off exposed ridges and crests, but the snow had drifted deeply in protected places. Mountains in extreme northwestern South Carolina also had light snow and vigorous wind. The same was true in the Iron Mountains, the Great Smokies and the Unakas along the North Carolina-Tennessee border. Mount Mitchell had registered a low temperature of nine degrees the previous night and in the mid-morning, showed 12. Cold sunbeams glinted across the mountain snow this date, as the weatherman promised clear and quite cool weather but with an abatement in the March winds. Daytime mountain temperatures were expected to rise into the 40's, with the rest of the Carolinas to have readings in the 50's. Fair weather was expected to extend into this night, but with a return to low temperatures. The outlook for Saturday was for sunny and slightly warmer weather. Scattered frost was expected in many areas this night.
In London, it was reported that Britons, who loved animals as much as they loved their traditional pageantry, were going to have to choose between the two. On one side was the famed Brigade of Guards, whose tall, furry headgear was not what it had once been. On the other side were Canadian bears which could provide the bearskins to make the hats. The controversy had begun when a former Air Force man had complained in a letter to the London Times that the Guardsmen at Buckingham Palace were wearing bearskins which looked mangy and tattered. A colonel, whose Household Brigade supplied the Palace Guards, had agreed that the headgear was "a little scruffy". The supply ministry had blamed the condition on a shortage of bearskins from Russia. The mayor of a Canadian town, Timmins, Ontario, had cabled the Guards that they had heard that they were in bad need of bearskins for new hats and felt that they could easily supply for free enough for the whole Brigade by organizing a wide-scale black bear hunt, indicating that those skins were the best there were. With War Office permission, the commander of the Household Brigade had cabled back accepting the offer. Then someone had wondered if the townsfolk of Timmins realized what they were in for, as a bearskin made two hats, and there were 3,000 Guardsmen in the Brigade. A Brigade captain said that they were going to have to do an awful lot of shooting and he believed that they would have to lend them a machine gun for the hunt. At that point, the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals had announced that it would look into the bear hunt situation. A spokesman for that organization said that gin-traps, banned in Britain, would probably have to be used. He added that the Guards would look just as elegant in imitation fur and suggested nylon bearskins. But that would flout the tradition as the Guards had worn bearskins since 1832.
The sports page of the following day reports the scores of the semifinals of the four regionals of the NCAA Tournament this night. In Charlotte in the Eastern Regional, number 10 West Virginia, coming from 18 points behind, no mean feat in the era before a shot clock and the three-point shot, topped number 14 St. Joseph's of Pa. 95 to 92, and unranked Boston University got by unranked Navy in overtime, 62 to 55. (Navy had upset number 9 UNC in the first round in New York the prior Tuesday, when UNC was number 5. UNC was the ACC representative as number 6 N.C. State, winner of the ACC Tournament, was ineligible for post-season NCAA Tournament play because of a recruiting violation.) In the Mideast Regional in Evanston, Ill., unranked Louisville upset number 2 Kentucky 76 to 61, and number 7 Michigan State beat number 20 Marquette 74 to 69. (Kentucky was in the Tournament only because number 3 Mississippi State, winner of the SEC, had declined to play in any tournament with black players.) In the Midwest Regional in Lawrence, Kans., number 1 Kansas State walloped unranked DePaul 102 to 70, and number 5 Cincinnati beat number 16 Texas Christian 77 to 73. In the Western Regional in San Francisco, number 15 St. Mary's beat unranked Idaho State 80 to 71, and number 11 California cruised past number 18 Utah 71 to 53. Each of the regional finals and consolation games for third place would be played the following night. The rankings are based on the final Associated Press poll published the prior Wednesday.
There was, incidentally, no nomenclature for each round employed as in later years after the expansion of the Tournament, first to 32, then 40, 48 and finally 64 teams between 1975 and 1985, eventually adding four more in two play-in games. It would not have made any sense to describe, for instance, this round of the Tournament as the "Sweet 16" when there were only 23 teams at the start, seven having been eliminated in the first round, and nine having byes for that round. The "Final Four" was simply described as the national semifinals and finals—long before the networks saw a good thing and, as helots always do, entered with a vengeance, eventually blowing up the game with a lot of overhyped nonsense to the point that they have virtually ruined the college game, with NIL and an open transfer portal having ushered in semi-professionalization, including the naming of some college arenas for corporate donors, the name being fungible as the product changes hands, and in the case at bench, the firing in 2026 of an excellent coach at UNC at the behest of corporate donors, most of whom are probably too stupid to have ever gained entrance to the University but like to throw their money and their fat weight around to show what bigshots they are, at least that is the impression conveyed by their idiotic and ultimately self-defeating actions. The talky-talk started at the talky-talk, click-bait podcasts
On the editorial page, "Luther the Lionhearted to the Rescue" indicates that Governor Luther Hodges had come out boldly for most of the Bell Committee's proposals on court reform the previous day and had handled the matter quite well. The political effect was still to be tested, but the legislators were quite attentive to the Governor's remarks. His support had been welcome and his statements indicated that he grasped well the essentials of the Committee's program and favored them over a slightly different approach suggested by the Constitutional Study Commission.
The central question was whether the authority for judicial administration of the courts would be vested in the Supreme Court, as proposed by the Bell Committee, or in the General Assembly, as proposed by the Commission. The Governor favored placing the responsibility with the Supreme Court.
He had also indicated that if the delegation of responsibility were deemed unwise, he would recommend that it be vested in the judiciary, subject to the constitutional provision that any authority with respect to judicial administration vested in the Supreme Court by that provision might be exercised by the General Assembly by a three-fifths vote of the Senate and House, without a vote of the people.
It finds the latter to be a curious suggestion and had watered down some of the firm principles he had stated earlier in his address concerning the fundamental philosophy of separation of powers, the fitness of the Supreme Court to undertake the task of judicial administration and the need for it to have "essential authority to carry out this responsibility." If those principles were sound, and it believed that they were, the intrusion by the General Assembly would not be necessary.
Nevertheless, the Governor had given both the Legislature and the people a clear picture of the greatest need in the state, and even if he had not endorsed every aspect of the Bell Committee's agenda, he had at least embraced most of the recommended program, more than many of that plan's most ardent proponents had expected. It finds that the duty of the Legislature was well-defined and that it ought adopt the Bell Committee's version of the unified judicial system without crippling compromises.
"The 'Big Issue' Isn't the Whole Story" indicates that the identity of the Big Issue before the General Assembly in the current session was no longer in doubt. Governor Hodges, in his special message on constitutional revision, had devoted 11 pages to judicial reform and only 3.25 pages to other recommended changes. It finds it an accurate reflection of the political potency of individual items in the state's proposed new constitution.
Even though the Governor's ideas on the courts had hogged the headlines, the importance of some of his other judgments, it finds, should not be overlooked. For instance, he had reiterated his strong opposition to the proposal that the constitutional mandate for "a general and uniform system of public schools" be abolished, indicating that the language had been placed in the State Constitution in 1868 and that "through these many years has provided a sound and enduring beacon light for the people of North Carolina. It has meant that the people of our state were interested in education for the children of this state, throughout the length and breadth of the state. It has kept before us a high ideal, a worthy objective and a practical guide."
It finds it well-spoken and that to delete the language from the State Constitution because of what might or might not happen in the desegregation of the schools would be quite tragic. The Governor, it finds, ought be commended for his wise and reasonable stand on that issue.
It indicates that he was less helpful, however, on the matter of re-apportionment. While he paid lip service to the ideal of fair representation, he had declined to say how that would be achieved, simply urging that the Assembly take action "of some kind".
The Governor had announced his approval of the suggested revision of the article on revenue, taxation and public debt, but had two complaints about the inadequacies of Article III on the executive department, saying: "Based on my own experience of working on a long-range state program, I think a Governor should be allowed a second consecutive term if the people vote to return him to office. Under no condition should such a change, if made, apply to me but I hope you will look seriously at the second term and at the lack of veto power. It is somewhat difficult to understand why our state is the only one in the union in which the governor lacks veto power."
The piece indicates that the one-term rule and the lack of a veto were serious built-in weaknesses born of an ancient fear of "tyranny", and that the Governor was absolutely correct that both should be eliminated.
It finds that a great task lay before the current Legislature, and the Governor had outlined its dimensions well, and it should not be bungled.
"Takeoff Failure Hobbles a Skylark" indicates that State Representative Hugh Humphrey of Guilford County had put into poetry the trip of the Legislature to Charlotte the previous week, stating, in part: "You took us to lunch and to supper at the/ Biggest homes to which I've ever gone;/ But what really shook me all up/ Was the thought of mowing those big lawns."
It indicates that if such a pitch were made for the New York Yankees, the pitcher would finish the season with Salami, S.D., of the Four-Eyed League, finding, however, that the freshman member of the House had a good title, "Ode to a Legislature's Skylark". But to paraphrase another work by Percy Bysshe Shelley, it adds, "The neophyte Prometheus became unbound after that and fell to pieces." It finds it explainable as Representative Humphrey had said that he "was seized with a poetic fever as I reposed in my native village of Greensboro over the weekend."
It concludes that it wished that they would get the swamp cleaned up.
E. E. Kauffold, writing in the Dodge (Neb.) Criterion, in a piece titled "'I'm Sorry, I'm Sorry'", indicates that he had been reminded of the matter about which he would write when a man had said to him that he wished the newspaper had not published a picture of his daughter, as it had been a poor one and did not look like her at all, to which the author had said, "I'm sorry."
Not long afterward, a man had complained to him that he was showing favoritism when he failed to print a picture in which he was interested and yet had printed a similar one of a different group later. Again, he had indicated that he was sorry.
Sometime later, another man had asked him why he had passed up a story on a particular farming activity, to which he again said that he was sorry.
On another occasion, there was an irate young woman who had called on the telephone and in no uncertain terms had said that they had misspelled the name of her new baby, to which he again stated that he was sorry.
Another woman had called the newspaper one time and informed him that they had omitted a name from her party guest list and that she wanted to cancel her subscription. Again, he said that he was sorry, but then had checked the list and found that she was a long time in arrears in her subscription.
Another person had called during the previous winter and indicated that they had intentionally failed to print the story of his vacation, to which again he said that he was sorry.
There was a fellow who informed him that they did not want the story of their vacation trip printed in the newspaper because someone might steal their chickens while they were gone, and besides, it was no one's business. Again he said he was sorry.
Another person had told him once that he thought they had used "too much of those little social items. They don't amount to anything and nobody reads them." Again, he said he was sorry.
Then one day, while in the newspaper to renew his subscription, a man had said to him: "We sure like your newspaper. It's so full of news and good pictures, has so many fine departments, so clean and so well printed. No wonder you have such a large circulation." He says that at that point, he could not think of anything to say.
It brings to mind a question arising from this true account from the pages of The Epitaph
Drew Pearson indicates that there had been some eight conflict-of-interest cases found in the Eisenhower Administration, ranging from Harold Talbott, who had been forced to resign as Secretary of the Air Force, to former White House chief of staff Sherman Adams, who had been forced to resign regarding alleged influence in exchange for gifts from his friend Bernard Goldfine. In every case, the official involved had been kicked out of Government, but only in one case, that of FCC Commissioner Richard Mack, a Democrat, had the subject been prosecuted. In only one case also had anyone even indirectly connected with a conflict of interest been promoted, that being Admiral Lewis Strauss, who had left the chairmanship of the Atomic Energy Commission and was now nominated as Secretary of Commerce, serving as acting Secretary pending confirmation.
Yet, a criminal statute provided for punishment for all violators, not just Democrats. Thus far, Congress, predominantly Democratic, had not had any real opportunity to examine the Justice Department's failure to prosecute Republicans for conflicts of interest. But the previous week, two things had occurred which had already started investigative wheels going. The first was the refusal to permit a new trial for two Democrats, Lamar Caudle of Wadesboro, N.C., a former assistant Attorney General, and Matt Connelly, the former secretary to President Truman, for alleged conflict of interest, despite important new evidence having arisen in the case. The Justice Department had stated in court that Mr. Caudle had received no material compensation for his alleged failure to prosecute a St. Louis tax evader. Mr. Connelly had received two suits and an overcoat. The tax evader, clothier Irving Sachs, had pleaded guilty and was convicted, but because of a health issue, had been determined by the court not to merit an active jail term.
The second event had been the refusal of the Justice Department to enforce the same criminal statute regarding a conflict of interest involving 229 million dollars and two Republican investment bankers, one of whom was Admiral Strauss, who had built up a fortune with the Wall Street firm of Kohn, Loeb, and the other, Adolphe Wenzel, with the Wall Street firm, First Boston Co.
A letter written by politically-minded Attorney General William Rogers had raised the hackles of Senators regarding those two disparate types of justice for Democrats and Republicans, prompting immediate study of the records. Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee said: "It's a lot easier for the public to understand two suits of clothes and an overcoat given to a Democrat or a front porch rented by a Democratic Congressman, than it is to understand a 229 million dollar utility contract negotiated in secrecy by Republicans. But the latter cost the taxpayer a lot more than a front porch, even if he doesn't understand it." The Senator had been referring to the Dixon-Yates conflict-of-interest case, in which Mr. Wenzell had been caught planted inside the Budget Bureau conferring with Admiral Strauss, then-AEC chairman, to block the Tennessee Valley Authority and bring a large profit to Mr. Wenzell's First Boston.
Doris Fleeson indicates that the President had taken command of the executive-legislative conferences on the Berlin crisis and in definite language rare for him had outlined the dilemma which his policy posed for the loyal opposition. The question of unity of purpose had not arisen because that point was determined.
But the President had insisted that the country had ample military means to back up the commitment to stand fast in Berlin against all contingencies. The Democratic Congress, almost without exception, believed otherwise. The President regarded an unbalanced budget as more dangerous to national security than the missile gap between the U.S. and Russia, a position with which the Democrats disagreed. The initiative was with the President, but the midterm elections the prior fall had given the Democrats a sweeping mandate which they and most observers had interpreted as a demand for strong leadership. The Democrats' best politicians of every ideological stripe saw the new House and Senate majorities as a call for action as opposed to just holding the line.
In Washington, the President had altered the climate somewhat by a show of strength during the previous few weeks when it had been finally admitted that Secretary of State Dulles was critically ill with cancer. But public confidence, once shaken, was not easily regained in matters of that type.
The Democrats were unsure on two points, that being how long it would take the country to sense the change and whether the President could and would continue it. They knew how difficult it would be for them technically and administratively to force changes in the President's budget direction and understood the political danger to them. For if they decided to split with the President by demanding new missile programs and thus unbalancing the budget, they would have to be not only right, but appear to be right in the eyes of the voters during the ensuing year and a half before the 1960 elections.
The President spoke with a single voice and had the White House as his sounding board while Democrats had to speak with many voices, with inevitable differences among them. A difficult amalgam of statesmanship and politics was indicated for all of the Democratic leaders.
She regards it as probably fortunate that the man in the center, Senator J. William Fulbright, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, was not among the presidential aspirants, having chosen reaction on the issue of civil rights, having signed the March 12, 1956 Southern Manifesto, thus fixing the ceiling on how high he could rise in national politics. His future depended on his capacity and industry in his present post, which he had only just inherited from the aged, failing Senator Theodore Green of Rhode Island for the reason that the latter could not any longer lead. Senator Fulbright was speaking the language of prudence about a conflict with the executive branch regarding foreign policy, but it would be impossible to exaggerate, she indicates, the strength of his feeling that the present policy was one vast pitfall.
Joseph Alsop indicates that behind the scenes, the pre-convention fight for the Democratic presidential nomination was heating up rapidly, as Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson had been during the current week probably eliminated from the running. For with every appearance of sincerity, he had been saying for months that his July 4, 1955 heart attack alone ruled him out as a candidate. Mr. Alsop and the others who believed him to be in earnest had been in a small minority, but, now, there was evidence that should convince a wider circle.
Washington attorney James Rowe, Jr., had long been one of Senator Johnson's closest friends and most intimate advisers, but he had now joined the campaign apparatus of Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, having gone to the Midwest Democratic conference in Milwaukee during the weekend as an overt Humphrey agent. His choice was a considerable event.
But also emerging from the weekend was the prospect of a highly competitive Wisconsin primary. The previous history indicated the importance of that primary. The Democratic hierarchy in Wisconsin had been divided for months in its views regarding the 1960 election. Governor Gaylord Nelson was committed to Senator Humphrey. One or two members of Congress, such as Representative Henry Reuss, were also leaning toward the Senator. But Senator William Proxmire was committed to no one and in the higher reaches of the Democratic State Committee, there was much sentiment for Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts.
The Wisconsin tradition called for open primaries openly arrived at, and the more blood left on the floor, the better. In those circumstances, the entire Democratic hierarchy tentatively had agreed a good many weeks earlier to let the voters decide their differences. A letter had been drafted for signature by Governor Nelson and everyone else, which would have invited all of the more conspicuous Democratic candidates to enter the primary as a test of strength. But the letter had run into difficulties because a series of soundings showed that Senator Kennedy was considerably stronger in Wisconsin than Senator Humphrey.
To win the primary would be a signal victory for Senator Kennedy, coming in the heart of the agricultural belt where he was considered not to be strong. By the same token, a defeat of Senator Humphrey in his neighboring state would be a terrible defeat. Apparently, the Humphrey high command had become convinced that Senator Kennedy possessed a commanding lead in Wisconsin, and working through Governor Nelson, had caused the letter to be abandoned after it had already been drafted and circulated. An effort was then made, again through Governor Nelson, to ward off a Wisconsin primary by establishing a favorite-son slate of delegates, ostensibly to be pledged either to the Governor or to Senator Proxmire.
But the Senator was not in favor of that idea when asked about it by the Governor prior to the Milwaukee weekend meeting. During the weekend, the Democratic State Committee had then adopted a resolution welcoming all "bona fide presidential candidates" to the primary and offering to help any candidate who chose to enter. That appeared to settle the matter. There had been renewed rumors of renewed efforts by the Governor to use the favorite-son device, but a Wisconsin primary would now be hard to avoid, as Senator Kennedy appeared anxious for the fight.
Wisconsin therefore loomed as one of two very critical tests of strength between Senators Humphrey and Kennedy, the other expected to be in Oregon, where no candidate could prevent his name from being entered. Thus in that state, Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri might find it difficult to maintain his preferred strategy of laying low and hoping that the Democratic professionals would ultimately choose him.
A letter writer indicates that Dr. Rachel Davis, an obstetrician and presently a freshman Representative in the Legislature from Lenoir County, had offered a bill authorizing the sterilization of mothers of two or more illegitimate children, saying that one of every ten children she had delivered were illegitimate, causing her to believe that the proposed law would save the taxpayers a lot of money by preventing further illegitimacy and eliminating the need of paying welfare funding for support of dependent mothers and children. She had placed in the bill a provision to enable appeal by affected mothers to the Superior Court, with the option of a jury trial, before submitting to the surgery. She had not indicated, however, who would furnish counsel for the poor who would bear the cost of such jury trials. If enacted, he indicates, the the bill would unfortunately offer little relief to the taxpayer, for they would be assuming a moral responsibility for the physical well-being of the mothers for the remainder of their lives. The surgery and required treatments would far outweigh the amount presently provided in welfare allowances and would also encourage the illegal and dangerous practice of abortion. He finds that on its face, the bill was unconstitutional, as it would authorize a severe punishment for one party to a criminal act, while ignoring the guilt of the other parent, who, in most cases, would be considerably older and presumably more mature. "These little illegitimate children are not the result of artificial insemination and Dr. Davis' bill makes no mention of sterilizing the proud pappy. Nor does it even provide for the gloating father the privilege of assuming a financial responsibility for the rearing of his progeny." Speaking before Charlotte's Kiwanis Club the previous week, another female physician, Dr. Patricia Lawrence, had provided facts anent the problem, indicating that the average age of the mothers of illegitimate babies was 17 years, that increasing numbers of births by girls between the ages of 12 and 15 was reducing that average, and that illegitimate births were increasing among whites while decreasing among blacks. He finds that to consider mutilating mere children in such manner as to render them incapable of having children again and making normal home life improbable was too cruel for serious consideration by civilized people. The amount the state was paying in welfare allowances for dependent mothers and their illegitimate children, he suggests, was probably less than it was paying in research to learn how to raise better cattle and finer hogs. He suggests that if the statements of the two physicians were correct, the law did not apply just to an unfortunate minority group, but affected the homes of everyone in the community and their children. The fact that present economic standards made a vast majority of the young males financially incapable of supporting a wife and family comfortably was unfortunately the greatest contributing factor to the great number of illegitimate births, not a weakness on the part of their young daughters.
A letter writer expresses thanks to the legislators for not inviting the black children to their legislative session held in Charlotte the previous week, as it now rid the children of their obligations to the laws, as they did not know how the laws were made and so did not need to worry about how they were broken. "And when the chief executive makes those speeches about 'of the people, by the people and for the people' they can just turn a deaf ear because he is not referring to Negroes. He is talking about people." She says that when God had made laws, He had placed them where the whole world could benefit from them, and therefore the Charlotte meeting must have been about making laws to take to the moon. "To the uninvited, let us pray. 'Forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us.'"
A letter writer congratulates another letter writer for discussing the different phases of U.S. and Russia, finding that he had hit the nail on the head and only wishes that some of the leaders of the Government would look at the danger of war in the light that letter writer had.
![]()
![]()
![]()