The Charlotte News
Monday, July 6, 1959
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from New York that the Soviet Union had set up a direct pipeline to find out what effect the Soviet exhibit at the New York City Coliseum had upon American viewers. Visitors had been asked to give their impressions in several guest books scattered around the ten million dollar, six-acre cultural and scientific exhibit. Perhaps the books would be carried back to Moscow for careful examination by cold war strategists and if so, they would read, among the entries: "Big Brother is watching you"; "I saw this on July 4, 1959, a day commemorative of American independence—thank God for it"; "Russian music is for the birds—if they'll take it"; "Why don't you practice what you preach and the world situation might be a little better?"; "It's not the showcase that counts—it's action and good will"; "So what else is new?"; "Let my people go. [signed] A Jew"; "I note that you display vividly the German cruel treatment of your people. I have not seen pictures of your treatment of the Poles or the people of Latvia, Hungary, to mention a few"; "I miss seeing your typical Russian home (dump) and your labor camps (Slave camps)"; "Weren't there many Jews in the throwing off of the yoke of the Czars? But not a Jewish name is among your great leaders. How come?" Several writers had apparently been shocked by some of the comments, indicating: "Reading the insults and lack of understanding recorded in this book almost makes me ashamed to admit that these are my countrymen." To those apologists, one writer had written: "Maybe these so-called comments (really facts) wouldn't be written if the Russians really strived for peace, but let's face it, their ultimate goal is the overthrow of our government."
A late bulletin reports via Moscow Radio this date that the Soviet Union had launched a space rocket containing two dogs which had been returned safely to earth. (Two simians, dubbed Cain and Able, had been the first animals returned safely to earth from space the prior May, in an American nosecone capsule, though Able had died subsequently during surgery to remove an implanted recording instrument, after the first space-dog, Laika, launched by the Soviets in 1957, had died while in orbit without any planned return.)
Traffic deaths during the Independence Day weekend, lasting 54 hours until midnight Sunday, had been far under the pre-holiday estimate of 350 by the National Safety Council, but the nation's overall violent deaths had hit a staggering toll, with 271 reported traffic deaths, 178 drowning deaths, and 64 miscellaneous accident deaths, for a total of 513. The traffic fatalities were fewer than the 310 reported during the Memorial Day weekend, also lasting for 54 hours. Both the traffic death tolls and the drowning death tolls during the holiday were higher than the number reported in a recent non-holiday weekend of the same duration, as reported in an Associated Press survey taken June 20-21, showing 240 traffic fatalities and 70 drownings. Traffic deaths during the first five months of the year had averaged 92 per day. Pleasant weather had lured millions to the highways, beaches and resorts. The National Safety Council said that about 45 million cars had been on the highways during the weekend, about 5 million more than on a non-holiday summer weekend. Drownings were far higher than the 101 reported during Memorial Day weekend and were the most for a two-day Fourth of July holiday since World War II, with the previous high having been 121 in 1953. State and local police had stepped up patrols of streets and highways to help curb traffic violators and hold down the accident toll. All except six states and the District of Columbia, however, had reported at least one traffic fatality. States which had no deaths from traffic mishaps included Alaska, Delaware, North Dakota, New Hampshire, New Mexico and Wyoming. Texas had led the number of traffic fatalities, with 22, followed by Illinois and Virginia, each with 16. At least 18 persons had died by violence in the Carolinas during the holiday weekend, 13 of whom were in North Carolina, with eight of those fatalities having been from traffic accidents. Those represented just over half of the previous year's traffic fatalities during the Fourth of July holiday, having been recorded at 15. South Carolina's record was even better, with only one highway fatality reported late on Sunday night, the state also having reported four drownings. Two men from Charlotte had been killed when their auto was struck from behind near Monroe. A woman had died in a two-car collision on U.S. 64 near Asheboro. A woman had been struck and killed by a car near her home in Monroe, and a man had died in a two-car collision near Rodanthe on the North Carolina coast. A man had been killed in a three-vehicle accident near Durham and a 10-year old boy had been killed in Kinston as he rode his bicycle into traffic. An 18-month old baby girl had died when a pickup truck had backed over her near her home in Wilmington.
In Chicago, it was reported that Queen Elizabeth had stepped ashore in the city this date to a greeting of Army artillery, ships' whistles, and the cheers of thousands of spectators mustered around Buckingham Fountain Landing. A cordon of police struggled to hold back other thousands seeking to approach the reviewing stand on the dock. The royal yacht Britannia's barge had brought the Queen and Prince Philip ashore promptly at mid-morning, with the yacht mooring outside the breakwater. A 21-gun salute had begun when the launch started toward shore and in close formation, a flight of jet fighter planes had roared low overhead. So had begun the Queen's 13-hour visit to the city. She was smiling and looked rested after spending all day on Sunday on the voyage from Parry Sound in Canada to Chicago. U.S. Chief of Protocol Wiley Buchanan had greeted the royal couple officially, and they had then passed down a long line of officials, including the ambassadors to the U.S. and from the U.K. and six British Commonwealth nations. An honor guard of soldiers, sailors and Marines stood stiffly at attention while the band saluted the Queen with "God Save the Queen", followed by the "Star Spangled Banner". Prince Philip had stood beside Canada's Prime Minister John Diefenbaker during the playing of the anthems. Governor William Stratton of Illinois and Mayor Richard J. Daley of Chicago escorted the Queen as she reviewed the guard of honor. Both officials welcomed the couple to the city and the Queen responded that she and her husband were very glad to be there, that they had been looking forward for a long time to visiting Chicago and Illinois, that they were very keen and inquisitive sightseers. They then entered an automobile to attend the International Trade Fair, their first stop.
In Cameron, La., it was reported that the master and crew had abandoned the flaming Belgian motor ship Anvers early this date, moments after the stricken vessel had been beached. The Coast Guard said that magnesium explosions had prevented any attempts to board the vessel and fight the fire. The ship's master and the remaining 11 men on the vessel had been taken to Cameron, 5 miles southwest of where the vessel had been beached. Two lifeboats with 26 other crew members, including the master's wife, had been towed into Cameron earlier from the vessel. The Coast Guard spokesman said that one U.S. Navy man, not identified, had received a possible fractured ankle in the latest maneuver. The ship, which sailed out of Antwerp, had been towed to within 3 miles of shore before it was abandoned. The 442-foot vessel had a gross weight of 5,153 tons. Its cargo consisted of rosin, cotton, lumber, iron ore, carbon black, synthetic latex, menhaden fish oil and rice. It was bound from Freeport, Tex., to Lake Charles, La. The ship had been anchored about 6 miles south of Cameron when the fire had broken out. Some 700 gallons of foam, flown to Lake Charles and then brought to Cameron by trucks, apparently had reached the scene too late. Earlier efforts to fly foam to the area had gone awry after six foam cans had burst when dropped to the water. The Coast Guard said that the fire had started in the engine room and raced out of control to the number four hold. There were two injuries, but no reports of any deaths.
In Chesterfield, S.C., it was reported that the Chesterfield County probate judge, who had appeared before a variety of South Carolina tribunals during the previous 18 months, would be tried for the pistol slaying the previous October of his long-time friend who had been fatally wounded at his Chesterfield funeral home. Apparently there had been no witnesses to the shooting and the defendant claimed it had been an accident. A long trial was expected and his defense counsel, T. Lamar Caudle of North Carolina, former head of the Justice Department's criminal division under President Truman and facing imprisonment for having been found guilty of defrauding the Government during his time as head of the Department's tax division, said that he would be ready with 50 defense witnesses when the case was called. The solicitor of Darlington, who would prosecute the case, said that he also would be ready. The trial had been postponed three times since the previous November for various reasons. The probate judge had been charged early the previous year by former Governor George Bell Timmerman, Jr., with running a marriage mill at the Chesterfield probate office and with drunkenness and misconduct. He had been ousted from office following a series of hearings, but had already won the Democratic nomination for another four-year term which was to have begun the prior January 1. But between the primary and the November general election, he had been charged with the slaying of his long-time friend and had then been defeated for the probate judgeship in the general election by a write-in candidate who had lost the Democratic nomination to the defendant in the earlier primary. The defendant had contested his opponent's qualifications and the general election returns in a series of hearings before the State Board of Canvassers and the South Carolina Supreme Court, which had finally ruled that his opponent was duly qualified.
Ann Sawyer of The News reports that a revised City Building Code, which would set up a Building Standards Board, was scheduled to be given to the City Council this date for study. The acting chief building inspector said that the revisions did not call for major changes, but were put into more usable form than what they had. One of the chief functions of the seven-member Building Standards Board would be to study the present City Code and recommend changes which would bring it up to date, those recommendations to go before the City Council. The proposed Board would also provide technical assistance to the Building Inspection Department and act as a board of appeal. It was the hope that eventually all building codes for the city could be consolidated into the State code and a supplement.
In Southport, N.C., it was reported that a poor tenant farm couple with ten-day old triplets had said this date that they had received so many offers of financial help that they would not consider any longer putting their babies up for adoption, the 35-year old mother having said that she could not possibly part with them, as she waited for doctors to release her and the triplets from the hospital. She said that she would live to regret it for the rest of her life if she did place them up for adoption and that it would probably drive her sick with worry. Her 55-year old husband was buying the makings of the formula which the babies would receive, as the couple's three other children awaited the homecoming at their five-room frame home in Winnabow. A telephone caller during the weekend had reportedly offered the husband as much as $50,000 each for the babies and he had indignantly refused. No detailed list of gifts and offers of help had been made, but the couple had received many telephone calls, letters and telegrams. People had promised them furniture, clothing, food, and money. An anonymous donor said that he would pay for $100 worth of groceries, provided the couple kept the babies. The smallest of the triplets, a girl, weighed 3 pounds at birth and was retained in an incubator for a time, with the other two, also girls, weighing 4 pounds, 11 ounces and 5 pounds, 14 ounces, respectively. The couple's older daughters, 17 and 15, were overjoyed, but their 12-year old son had a more practical point of view, saying: "I'm glad mommy decided to keep them, but I wish they were boys. My sisters are too scared to play football with me." The father, a $25 per week farmhand, also received a $15 per month Government disability payment for a peacetime Army injury.
Bob Quincy, sports editor for The News, reports on the sports page of the following day's 26th annual All-Star baseball game at Pittsburgh, with the newspaper to be on the scene for an intimate look. Mr. Quincy would take a look at pre-game batting practice, view the game and then chat with the victors and the losers in their dressing rooms when it was concluded. There would also be some special features on Carolinas players in the game and former Charlotte Hornets baseball club members, in addition to the column by Mr. Quincy. Batter up…
On the editorial page, "Sing Us No Sad Songs for Dixie" indicates that the epitaph for Southern political prestige prepared by Look Magazine during the current week was, if anything, premature.
The magazine's Fletcher Knebel had written: "The power of Dixie, once a mighty force in the political life of the nation, is on the wane. Its strength is flickering out… This is one of the biggest political developments of our time. It means that the so-called Solid South, held together on the single issue of preserving the supremacy and prerogatives of the white man, can no longer speak with a commanding voice in national politics."
It finds the words painfully familiar, repeated every year or so by some Washington correspondents. Southerners briefly slipped black armbands over their seersucker suits and politicians from Georgia, Alabama, Texas, North Carolina, Arkansas and Tennessee went right on running the Congress and the country about as they had previously.
It finds that the South was changing, as were its politics, but if dead as a political power, it would not lie down. Nor was Southern power "held together on the single issue of preserving the supremacy and prerogatives of the white man." It finds that there was a measure of unity on civil rights, but that there was also much agreement in other areas, including such basic questions as foreign policy, the domestic economy and the proper limits of the authority of the Federal Government. Alliances with conservatives from other parts of the nation on those issues still placed great power in the hands of Southern Democrats. Nor had Southerners lost substantial ground in the committee chairmanships they had held for generations. In the Senate, Southerners had a lock on the Finance, Armed Services, Foreign Relations, Judiciary, Labor and Public Welfare, Government Operations, Banking and Currency, Agriculture, Aeronautical and Space Sciences, Post Office and Civil Service, and the Small Business Committees, as well as the Select Committee on Improper Activities in the Labor-Management Field, the so-called "Rackets Committee", chaired by Senator John McClellan of Arkansas.
In the House, Southerners held the chairmanships of the Rules, Ways & Means, Agriculture, Armed Services, Banking and Currency, Education and Labor, Interstate and Foreign Commerce, House Administration, District of Columbia, Merchant Marine and Fisheries, Post Office and Civil Service, Veterans Affairs, Science and Astronautics, and Select Small Business Committees. In addition, Southerners headed four joint committees of both houses.
It finds it unfortunately true that many Southern politicians tended to look back rather than ahead, but it also finds that was not the whole story, as there were Southerners, with enormous influence and power, who were in tune with the times and would undoubtedly lead the South into a happier, healthier future, men such as Senators Lyndon Johnson and Ralph Yarborough of Texas, Governors Luther Hodges of North Carolina and LeRoy Collins of Florida, Senators Lister Hill and John Sparkman of Alabama, Senators Albert Gore and Estes Kefauver of Tennessee, Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas, and many others, who were rising in stature and prestige while demonstrating more flexibility than their predecessors in government. They would undoubtedly take their places with other Southerners in positions of leadership for many years into the future.
Southern politicians, it ventures, might not always be correct in the eyes of the pundits who viewed the political scene in Washington, but they had not yet lost their sense of political ingenuity, their flair for thoughtful statesmanship, or their parliamentary skill. The South's answer to Look might well be, it suggests, the eight-word snapper which Mark Twain had cabled to the Associated Press from Europe during the 19th Century: "The reports of my death are greatly exaggerated."
"Crisis Planning Is Bad for Charlotte" indicates that Charlotte had approved bonds for the expansion of Memorial Hospital on May 7, 1957, and that it had taken more than two years to prepare plans and receive bids on the large addition. It would be another two years before construction would be completed. It finds that there was a lesson for civic planners in the painfully slow timetable.
It opines that the city had waited too long to answer its primary community need, that the need for adequate hospital facilities had been great in 1957, particularly for its black citizens. It was greater at present, and conditions could become dangerously bad before the 250 new beds would actually be made available at the hospital. Even when the new addition was ready, Charlotte would be barely abreast of the problem. It would certainly not be far ahead of it.
The situation suggested that planning to meet important civic needs ought be on a long-range basis rather than on a crisis-to-crisis basis, that a crash program conducted under emergency conditions had a certain emotional appeal where bond issues were concerned, but it risked too much. A major disaster or major epidemic would have an appalling effect on the community at present when normal needs could not even be met satisfactorily. It counsels that wise communities ought be prepared for the worst.
"Models of Moderation" indicates that the Nashville Banner noted wryly that "North Carolina, which a certain magazine had hailed as a model of 'moderation', … has less integration than Arkansas."
It concludes that Charlotte would surrender its share of the title to Little Rock.
"It's Dangerous To Be Soft on Indians" indicates that two Pennsylvania state legislators who were dangerously soft on the Indians, had come to proud Philadelphia the previous weekend looking for a good time, finding that they could only ride the subway to and fro, no way to spend a Saturday night. Disgruntled, they had introduced a bill in the Legislature at Harrisburg to give Philadelphia back to the Indians.
It finds that at the present rate, current demands of the American conscience would eventually do in the country, for everyone knew what would happen. "If we give America back to the Indians, it will not be long before some wag arises in the House of Commons to demand that Britain give Britain back to the Angles. After all, they had it long before the Danes or the Normans (Frenchmen) came to take it away."
The reaction would then carry on to Paris where a member of the National Assembly would want France and Germany given back to the Franks, who had dwelt in Gaul long before Julius Caesar and the other Romans had conquered them. The Italians would be next, handing over the key to Rome to the Menoans, who were extinct, or the Phoenicians, or whoever had first laid hold of their land.
"On and on the wave would sweep."
It finds that by mid-afternoon of the third day of renunciation, it would have stopped in a natural place. Mr. Khrushchev would emerge gratefully from his office in the Kremlin to say that Russia would be glad to accept all of it, as a Russian had originally owned the world anyway.
A piece from the New York Herald Tribune, titled "A Bird Is Healthy, Wealthy and Wise", indicates that just as birds were getting up early during the current mornings for 15-hour days, so too was a countryman. "But he doesn't whistle, sing or even chirp softly when he starts for the barn and morning milking. Like robin, catbird or starling he each day meets the sun a bit sooner. He will be keeping up this stretch of long days for several weeks to come. He lets the sun have its way and throw in a shower now and then."
It indicates that there was no doubt that in town and country, men were obtaining less sleep than when Benjamin Franklin's generation had been around and reading him as a best-seller. "Whether the present situation works to decrease health and wealth might be argued two ways. That goes for the wisdom part, also. Some citizens get along with little sleep, acquire considerable wealth and often think themselves as wise as a Poor Richard. But birds in May woodlots and above old ploughlands stay unaffected by our world of longer wakefulness. A bird sticks to the sleeping habits that were always his. What to him are forests of aerials, numbered channels or even the sight of a shaggy dog on a screen? Wealth will never change his food problems or alter his income tax. If the poet was right who said that the days which make us happy make us wise, a bird would appear to be putting his 15-hour days to the best of uses. Browning, one remembers, said something about a wise thrush."
Drew Pearson indicates that it was now possible to give some of valuation of the hectic, highly important visit of Deputy Premier Frol Kozlov to Washington. The State Department had not expected much achievement from his trip, having known him as a technocrat who had concentrated on building Soviet industrial power, with little experience in foreign policy. But Ambassador Menshikov had hinted during several trips to the State Department that Mr. Kozlov was not a mere lackey of Premier Khrushchev, but had important independent standing in the Kremlin. Just before Mr. Kozlov's arrival, U.S. Ambassador to Moscow, Llewellyn Thompson, had cabled from Moscow that Premier Khrushchev was in a brutally belligerent mood, that he was convinced that he had the West on the run and would offer no concessions regarding Berlin. Following that warning, both the President and the Vice-President had been cautioned by Secretary of State Christian Herter to take a tough position in talking to Mr. Kozlov. Mr. Herter had advised that the Administration go out of its way to be polite and gracious in entertaining him, but to remain unyielding on policies. That had been one reason why the President had decided on the spur of the moment to fly to New York to see the Soviet exhibit.
Later, during confidential talks in Washington, the President had done some tough talking to Mr. Kozlov. When the latter had told the President that 14 years after the end of World War II, it was time to end Allied occupation of Germany, the President snapped back: "That's nonsense and Premier Khrushchev knows it." The President had then proceeded to recall the wartime facts about Berlin, having said: "The Allies are in Berlin because of their rights as wartime conquerors of Berlin, and Khrushchev had better not forget it. If Khrushchev wants to trifle with the agreements dividing Berlin, the Russians might find the Allies challenging Russia's legal right to occupy large sections of East Germany and Czechoslovakia."
Later, Vice-President Nixon had continued the tough policy advised by Secretary Herter.
Mr. Kozlov had retained his good humor despite the tough talk, and afterward had made an eloquent plea at the National Press Club for abolition of suspicion and distrust between the U.S. and Russia.
While those conversations had been taking place, the Joint Chiefs, worried over increasing clouds over Berlin, had once again considered reinforcement of American ground and air forces in West Germany and Europe. In the past, the President had bluntly rejected any such reinforcements and still did, as he believed it would create panic among the European allies, especially the British.
But the President's military advisers had pointed out that Mr. Khrushchev would not back down at Berlin for a very simple reason, that Moscow had the superior military strength. Tough talk, they cautioned, was no substitute for strength, and the U.S. ought increase its strength if it was going to talk tough.
Marquis Childs indicates that HUAC's attack on artists whose paintings had been chosen for the American exhibit in Moscow was profoundly disturbing because it blurred the distinction between a closed society and a free society. The Committee chairman, Francis Walter of Pennsylvania, seemed to want to have the Government determine the type of art which would be displayed in accordance with a politician's view of what art ought to be. Mr. Childs suggests that he ought to go to the Soviet exhibit in New York if he really wanted to see what happened when a government dictated the type of art the people ought see. The arts section of that exhibit in New York's Coliseum followed a Soviet line laid down as rigidly as that which dictated the political thinking in Russia. It was "socialist realism", which meant that the painter or sculptor had to serve the purposes of socialism and represent all workers as "happy, happy people building a great happy socialist state." The result was almost always sentimental and mawkish and, above all, unconvincing.
The concept behind the American art in Moscow was that it ought be selected by a jury of independent experts, in turn picked by a panel of distinguished educators and museum directors. The jury was concerned with letting the Russians see the various directions in which a free art had moved in the U.S. since World War I.
The President, at his press conference, had failed to make the distinction, as he had more or less disavowed the jury which had chosen the art for Moscow, falling back on the ancient cliché about not knowing very much about art but knowing what he liked.
Those present at the meeting with Republican leaders in the White House during the week had said, however, that at that meeting, the President did a better job of defending the freedom of the artist to paint life as he saw it. Senator Styles Bridges of New Hampshire, chairman of the Republican policy committee of the Senate and an ultra-conservative, had attended with a number of photographs of pictures to be included in the show, inquiring as to whether the U.S. proposed to show that as American art. The President championed the way in which the pictures had been selected, turning the discussion back to Senator Bridges by asking him whether he would like to see the same thing happen to American artists as had happened to the novelist, Boris Pasternak, author of Doctor Zhivago, in the Soviet Union.
Mr. Childs finds that it got to the heart of the matter. There had been a cry of protest in the U.S. and throughout the free world when Mr. Pasternak had been rebuked and threatened with serious disciplinary action because his novel, which had won the Nobel Prize for Literature, failed to follow the canons of socialist realism. The novelist, who was also perhaps Russia's greatest contemporary poet, had been made a martyr in the eyes of the world and the Soviets had taken a disastrous propaganda defeat in the matter. A little later, Premier Khrushchev, taking cognizance of that fact, tried to soften the criticism of Mr. Pasternak by having had published in the West a magnificent and moving account of the human spirit under the onslaught of the horrors of the Bolshevik Revolution.
Representative Walter and his Committee seemed to be placing the U.S. in the same role as the Kremlin in dictating what artists could paint and how they should think. That was to nullify, in part at least, the triumph which Doctor Zhivago represented for the West.
He indicates that if there was to be a free society, then it had to understand that with its triumphs went the often-painful necessity of living up to truths, no matter how unpleasant they might be. There was an outcry of indignation when a Soviet newspaper had reported that a million people in New York City lived in squalor. Yet, on the day the Soviet exhibit opened, the New York Journal-American, a Hearst newspaper, had printed a story stating that about 9 million rats infested New York's slums. Previously, a three-month old baby had been bitten to death by rats.
He ventures that in a free society, when evils were exposed, they would be corrected by public demand. A closed society, such as in the Soviet Union, could admit no errors, having to maintain the false front of perfection, with no crime, no slums and no poverty. "The way of a free society puts a much greater burden on the individual and his conscience. On the right of conscience painfully won the West has come to greatness."
Attention all Magaville, U.S.A., residents. It is not the Democrats who are tending toward Communism, but rather Loonybird Johnson's Trumpian Republican Party, stupid. They are the ones trying hard to limit free speech, free for everyone, as long as you sing the praises of Trump, but let the singer stray one bar away from "All Hail Trump", and all hell will break loose for the singer. Loonybird and his cohorts are, of course, all crazy people. A vote for them is a vote for the booby hatch.
We note that the first time we ever visited the Kennedy Center in Washington was on December 26, 1972, a performance of Swan Lake. In the days following, during our first trip to New York City, among the things we had on the agenda was to purchase a Benjamin Miracord turntable—which we still have, though seeing far less use than in the days prior to the advent of compact discs during the mid-80's. In that process, we encountered a stereo salesman on 42nd Street at the shop which had the best advertised price on our chosen turntable. The salesman tried hard to turn our attention to an alternative purchase, pushing a unit with all the bells and whistles. "Hey, look ova heya, look, you get the 8-track and the AM-FM all built in heya, with the speakers and the turntable, all for the same price of this turntable heya you wanted, much better deal, all in one. Buy this nice Panasonic unit, same price." This guy
A letter from Oliver Rowe congratulates the newspaper on the series of articles by Representative Watts Hill, Jr., the previous week, analyzing the recently ended 1959 session of the General Assembly. He finds him to have had a sincere interest in the whole state, thinking "with a keen, matured mind" and with the nerve "to come to grips with the fundamental issues" facing the state. He suggests that, as contrasted with the nationally known columnists, he wrote about things which were vitally interesting to people at home, and he hopes that the newspaper would obtain additional articles from him in the future.
Mr. Rowe had been instrumental in the effort to obtain the consolidation of the City and County School Systems, approved on June 30 by the voters.
A letter writer from Huntersville, indicates that a previous letter writer caused him to believe that the writer was jealous of blacks because they had done much talking about a white rape making the front page when one committed by a black man did not. She indicates that newspaper writers were not "nitwits", as the previous writer had indicated, that maybe the writers wanted the public to know what white men had turned out to be and that they were not what they thought. She questions why fret over it, as it made no difference what story was located where, as long as it was on the pages of the newspaper. She asks what it would take to make the previous writer understand that he was not what he thought he was, that if it were not for people like him, "the Negroes and the whites could get along in this world."
A letter from the chairman of the consolidation committee for the two school boards and a member of the City School Board indicates that the two years of study and work on consolidation of the systems had received approval on June 30, and that those who had worked on the effort were pleased, that there were many who had contributed to the success of the election and that the newspaper had played a major part in informing the people and stimulating the work. He thanks the newspaper for the fine editorials and the reporters for their excellent articles.
A letter writer indicates that as the national Republican Party got nothing from the solid Democratic South, the Southern Republicans got nothing from the national Republican Party. He indicates that there had not been a bona fide Republican from the South in the President's Cabinet, or as an ambassador to a first-class country, since John Brown had marched on Harpers Ferry in 1859. With hope, during the first generation after 1865, men of eminence and prime ability had been Republicans in the South, but because the Federal system, based on electoral votes for election of the president and vice-president, the national Republican Party had shut the door on the South and there had been among Republicans no aspiration for eminent position in the Government. He finds it the reason why a local Federal job was all that a Southern Republican could reasonably obtain. He finds that, logically, therefore, mediocrity reigned in the Republican Party across the South, but that the element was cheered every four years by visits from understrappers of Northern or Western candidates for the presidency, bringing promises of local patronage jobs in return for delegates. Under those conditions, the Democratic Party did not have to put up its best people, as they could elect anyone. They had some prominent positions in the House as a result of seniority. But Democratic Presidents had appointed eminent Southern men to the Cabinet and as ambassadors. He finds that if the South was sectional politically, by the same token, the national Republican Party was sectional.
Framed Edition
Links-Date — Links-Subj.