![]()
The Charlotte News
Thursday, February 12, 1959
FOUR EDITORIALS
![]()
![]()
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that that 13 northern and central Indiana counties, where hundreds of families had been forced from their homes by mid-winter floods, were in a state of emergency this date. But on a brighter side, conditions appeared to be easing in northern Ohio where rampaging rivers and streams had subsided. Dry weather and rising temperatures were in prospect for the flood-stricken regions. The President had been asked by Governor Harold Handley of Indiana to designate as disaster areas the 13 counties which he had declared to be in a state of emergency. Floodwaters from the surging Wabash River, hitting hardest at Peru, a town of 15,000 in northern Indiana, already had forced hundreds of families from their homes and other hundreds of downstream communities were threatened. Soon after the floodwalls had given way, the river level had begun to drop slowly from its peak of 23.65 feet, 18 inches above the floodwalls. City officials were not sure whether the drop had occurred because the crest had passed or because water was spreading out through the town. No casualties had been reported. The evacuation process had gone off smoothly with the help of state police, National Guardsmen and airmen from nearby Bunker Hill Air Force Base. Some city policemen had worked two days and a night without rest. The Red Cross had set up 11 shelter areas but few evacuees had taken advantage of them, with the chairman of the Peru Red Cross Disaster Committee indicating that people there were so used to the floods that they had a standard procedure set up, whereby they went straight to the homes of friends and relatives. Most of the evacuation had taken place on foot or by car and truck. Firemen in boats had rescued about 50 stranded persons, including one young boy with a broken leg. A mile-long ice jam about 4 miles downstream from Peru had been cited as one of the major causes of the flood. Demolition experts had studied the possibility of trying to dynamite away the jam, but an engineer said that explosives had never been able to take out a jam of that size. In Ohio, the flooding Sandusky River had dropped back toward its banks after an ice jam had caused the stream to back up, pouring nearly 2 feet of water into the downtown streets of Fremont and Newark, and many other Ohio towns. About 1,500 persons in Fremont, a town of 16,000, had been forced from their homes.
The choice of a site for the 1960 Republican national convention appeared this date to have narrowed down to Chicago or Philadelphia, at least according to speculation of some national committee officials who said that a late July or early August convention was a good bet. Some other sources, while agreeing on the two sites with the lead, said that the choice remained open. No decision was expected before April. Meanwhile, Democratic committee officials predicted that the full committee, at its meeting in Washington on February 27, would resist Chicago and Philadelphia protests and uphold a site committee selection of Los Angeles. The Democrats had fixed July 11 as the starting date for the convention. Republicans, who had recently received convention bids from half a dozen cities, had deferred recommendations until they could visit some sites and obtain proposals in writing. The full committee would meet in April to act on a site recommendation. San Francisco was believed by some party officials still to be a contender for the convention, but others argued that a California site would appear to show committee favoritism for a probable home state candidacy for the presidential nomination by Vice-President Nixon. The same thing would apply to Los Angeles. New York, also a bidder, would likewise provide a home base for New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, a potential opponent of Mr. Nixon. Miami Beach, the sixth bidder for the convention site, was short of television cables and probably could be scratched for that reason. Republicans had met in San Francisco in 1956, in Chicago in 1952, and in Philadelphia in 1948. Democrats had held their previous two conventions in Chicago. DNC officials said that Los Angeles had been chosen by the site group for many reasons, but that political considerations had been important, including the big Democratic victory in the state the prior November in the midterm and gubernatorial races and prospects that it would become the second-largest prize in the Electoral College following the 1960 census. Governor David Lawrence of Pennsylvania, veteran member of the Democratic National Committee, had called the selection of Los Angeles stupid because Easterners would miss telecasts of any night sessions. He had recommended Philadelphia. Jacob Arvey, national committeeman for Illinois, had backed Chicago.
In Baltimore, it was reported that a Washington to New York passenger train, traveling at an estimated 70 to 80 mph, had derailed about ten miles east of the city this date and a score or more persons had been taken to hospitals, but none had been reported killed. Six of the 25 or so taken to Johns Hopkins and city hospitals had been reported to be seriously injured, with two heart attack cases also requiring hospitalization. A Baltimore County policeman said that the rails apparently had spread, dropping the speeding train onto the ties. The engine and the first seven cars had rumbled and rolled up the track between the rails for several hundred yards. The last three cars had broken off and stopped. None of the cars had overturned. Ties and rock ballast had been tossed high and scattered down the right-of-way, blocking three of the four main line tracks. One passenger said that he was in the car next to the dining car, indicating that an attendant, the only other person in that car, had yelled: "Hold your seat, something's going to happen." He said that the car started rocking and swaying and bumping and stuff had begun flying out of the pantry of the dining car ahead, going all over the place. He was tossed to the floor of the car but said that he had suffered only a very minor leg bruise. Police estimated that 200 passengers had been on the train, which had left Washington in the early morning and Baltimore 43 minutes later, with its next scheduled stop to have been at Wilmington, Del. Wreckage from the derailment had been scattered up the track for about a mile.
In New York, it was reported that three policemen, including a deputy inspector, had been arrested in Brooklyn this date in what was described as a scheme to shake down bookmakers. One notorious gambler had claimed that he had made numerous payoffs to officers. All three of the arrested officers had been put on the Brooklyn morals squad to prevent any revival of big-time bookmaking operations, such as the 20 million dollar per year empire once headed by Harry Gross. The arrested deputy inspector had been a member of the force since 1924. The other two arrested were a plainclothes patrolman, a ten-year veteran, and another plainclothes patrolman, also with ten years of service. All three had denied any attempt to shake down gamblers or receiving any payoff but acknowledged tapping a phone in a Brooklyn apartment which an alleged bookmaker was operating. One of the charges against the three officers was illegal wiretapping.
In Albuquerque, it was reported that an Air Force typist's error had resulted in the creation and scrapping of more than 2 million dollars worth of military installation, called Sandia Peak Beacon Annex. The previous week, the Air Force said that it was spending 2.383 million dollars in 1960 at the Beacon Annex, east of Albuquerque, a 400-man installation. Most surmised that the Annex was on Sandia Mountain, but Air Force officials in Washington declined to say, indicating that they did not know whether it was secret. People in Albuquerque had become curious about the "secret new base" and started checking, first with the Federal Aviation Agency, which supposedly was operating the Annex. But the FAA told them to check with the Atomic Energy Commission and so they had done so. Then they went to the Department of Defense, the Army, Sandia Base Housekeeping Service, the Air Research and Development Command, the Forest Service, the National Park Service and the Bureau of Land Management. Everywhere the answer had been the same, that they could not talk about it and did not know anything about it. Then, the Albuquerque Journal had learned from ARDC officials that the "installation" was an unused World War II beacon which would be scrapped within the ensuing few months. Embarrassed Air Force officials admitted that it was all a typist's error. The money was to go to a special Sandia activity and not to the Beacon Annex. Everything had gone fine, they said, until the typist had skipped a line. Air Force officials declined to say to the Journal what the special activities at Sandia Base were. It's them little green men again.
Emery Wister of The News reports that the annual Carolinas Carrousel Parade would be held in Charlotte on Thanksgiving Day, November 26, starting at 4:00 p.m., as decided this date by the Carrousel's board of directors, voting to return to the Thanksgiving date and begin the parade later so that lighted floats could be seen in all of their beauty. The board had also voted to increase the number of grandstand seats from 2,500 to 5,000. The board also voted to hold another Thanksgiving dance, such as the one held the previous year at the Coliseum.
In Winnsboro, S.C., it was reported that four South Carolina communities, angered over a school consolidation plan, had threatened to secede from Fairfield County and join neighboring Richland County. The four communities, Ridgeway, Centreville, Smallwood and Longtown, were battling a plan of the Fairfield County Board of Education to consolidate all of the county's high schools into Mount Zion Institute in Winnsboro. Awaiting only the assurance of Richland County, that they would be welcomed into that county, the four communities were set to begin legal steps which would make them a part of that county. The treasurer of Richland, a native of Fairfield County, assured representatives of the communities that they would be welcome in Richland. But the county's State Senator warned that the path of secession would not be easy, that in addition to securing the signatures of a third of the freeholders in the area on an annexation petition, and a favorable vote by two-thirds of the voters in a referendum, area citizens considering joining Richland would have to raise funds to pay for a special survey. A special tax levy would be necessary to pay for the referendum. Leaders of the effort appeared to be determined nevertheless. The former mayor of Ridgeway, acting as spokesman for the group, said that if they put the high school in the public square of Ridgeway, he would still want to leave. An estimated 3,000 people lived in the area of Fairfield County which was anticipating joining Richland. The Fairfield Board of Education, seeking "a more harmonious situation", had agreed to delay indefinitely any action on consolidating the high schools in Fairfield. It notes that Richland County had as it seat Columbia, the state capital.
In Snow Hill, N.C., it was reported that leaders of Greene County's 2,300 striking black students said that they were not going back to school until they were assured of better facilities. A boycott had been initiated by student bus drivers, forcing education officials to close the county's six black schools the previous day. The school board said that the schools would be reopened on Friday under the same conditions as had previously existed. But a student spokesman said that they would not be there. Hundreds of pupils shouted down black school officials when they urged an end to the boycott at a mass meeting of parents and students on Wednesday night, a meeting suggested by the school board in an attempt to iron out the problem. The student leaders had emphasized that they were not seeking integrated schools but that the protest was based on what they considered inadequate facilities at the county's only black high school. A delegation of black parents and students earlier on Wednesday had asked the school board for a new gymnasium and cafeteria at Greene County Training School, which had an enrollment of 1,136 students. The board said that it could do nothing at present, that funds for such improvements would have to come from a special bond issue. The board also warned the group that the boycott had hurt the chances of a bond election passing. A $450,000 bond issue had been approved by county voters the prior November for a new white school. The tobacco-growing county had spent 1.165 million dollars on school construction during the previous decade and more than half of that amount, according to the school board, had gone to black schools.
In the second in the series of 40 articles appearing during the Lenten season, under the heading "Lenten Guideposts", George Smith, a jet test pilot, relates that he had been cleared for take-off by the dispatcher, stretched out his left hand toward the plane's throttle and saw that it was trembling, telling himself that he was afraid. But then he seemed to hear another whisper, that of a woman, saying softly, "Courage is knowing the worst." He had experienced the worst nearly a year earlier, the last time he had flown an airplane. It had been a drizzly Saturday morning in February, 1955, and as a test pilot for North American Aviation, he had sat at the controls of a needle-nosed F-100-A Super Sabre. They had cleared him for take-off and the powerful new engine had thrust him into the sky. Over the ocean, it had been raining and he climbed up and through the gray cloud bank until, at 7,000 feet he burst into the sunlight. Continuing to climb, the plane approached Mach I, reaching 35,000 feet, at which point the plane began to nose over. That happened occasionally as a plane passed the sound barrier, at which point the pilot pulled the control stick toward him and the nose would lift again. And so he took the stick and pulled, but it would not budge. The nose of the plane was heading downward in a gradual dive. He grabbed the stick with both hands and strained, but it was frozen. The dive became steep and gained speed each second until he was eight seconds from the water at 9,000 feet. He yelled into his radio, "I'm going straight in!" He knew, as all jet pilots knew, that no one had ever bailed out of a plane going faster than the speed of sound and lived. But one bailed out anyway. He jerked up the armrest of the seat and the roof of the cockpit had blown away. The world had exploded in the loudest noise he had ever heard, "like a cannon going off beside me, except that the boom never stopped. It was the air outside rushing past at nearly 800 mph—a sound no one had ever lived to describe." He did not remember squeezing the seat-ejection trigger, but when the plane hit the water five seconds later, he was not in it. He did not remember anything of the six days afterward. Flight engineers and doctors had told him what had happened. As he shot out of the diving plane, he slowed down so fast that for an instant, he weighed 40 times his normal weight. His blood vessels had burst, his eyeballs had strained at their roots and his internal organs had torn loose. The wind snatched his helmet and mask off, his shoes and socks, watch and even the ring on his finger. It had torn his lips and nose and rushed down his throat. Then his parachute opened and he floated to the sea. He did not sink because the wind which had blasted down his throat had inflated his stomach like a rubber ball. He was hauled from the water by a fishing boat and sped to a waiting ambulance. Doctors had labored around the clock to keep him alive. As he had gradually become conscious, he was aware at first only of pain and then, as his memory returned, he was gripped by something far worse, fear. He had lain in the hospital bed and felt fear settle down "like the white sheet over me. I wasn't afraid I would die; I was afraid I might live." Then a nurse had walked into his room and her face had the good-humored confidence of a woman whose tranquil life had never known the slightest upset. When she had taken the job as special nurse, doctors doubted that he would live, but the nurse did not so doubt. The idea of his dying even amused her slightly, saying, "Live through such a leap as that, and then die in bed!" She could hardly keep from smiling.
In Sacramento, it was reported that State Senator Albert Roda had introduced a bill the previous day which would impose fines of up to $500 for insulting or abusing a teacher in a classroom or within hearing of pupils or school board members. Mr. Roda taught at Sacramento Junior College.
In Louisville, Daniel Boone's famed Kentucky long rifle was now a short rifle, as children swinging from the barrel of the muzzle loader on the park statue had broken off a two-foot section. It would be replaced.
In London, it was reported that Diane Dubarry had sung three naughty songs for 300 men at a London cultural center the previous night and had worn a mask to keep it all impersonal. She was the only woman in the Royal Festival Hall's small concert room. The songs were all from the 16th and 17th Centuries. The mask was black and tiny and hardly big enough to hide a big blush on Ms. Dubarry's pretty face, but she had said that there was nothing vulgar about the evening. The entertainment was described by its organizers as "a gentleman's night—an entertainment of ribald and amorous music and verse." The music conductor, one of the organizers, said: "It was lovely and interesting stuff from the 16th and 17th centuries." One tune was titled "A Virgin's Last Resolve". Another concerned "An Old Man Who Wed a Young Girl". A third was about a young man and a woman in the woods on a windy day. Ms. Dubarry was 33, the mother of two children and wife of a BBC television executive. She said: "They are lovely old works. I don't think they're nearly as bad as some of the modern music hall jokes." She was present because the rendition of some of the songs called for a female singer, and a woman was needed to recite one very special poem. She said they had sent her offstage during some of the coarser numbers, but she had listened through the curtain. A Daily Mirror columnist reported: "I can only tell you that I can't tell you too much about those lovely old songs—they just wouldn't look so lovely in print." Defending the songs, Ms. Dubarry said: "One is about a girl protesting at the advances of her lover—a virtuous girl who does not give way. so how could it possibly cause offense?"
On the editorial page, "The Bitter Fruit of 25 Years of Neglect" indicates that Mecklenburg's United Community Services had reacted to the plight of its poorly housed social agencies with commendable speed and determination, its directors having approved on Tuesday an $850,000 capital funds drive for the problem.
It indicates that the need was genuine and urgent and should be met without hesitation by the people of the community. The shortcomings of the facilities had been extant for a long time, even if general awareness of the inadequacy was new. There had been 25 years of neglect in providing the social agencies with proper quarters, the reason that so much money was now needed to be raised.
During the previous week, the lamentable condition of the Charlotte Day Nursery had shocked local residents, and then 40 hours later, the newspaper had given readers a revealing look at the "terrible old house" which was the Salvation Army's transient men's shelter. That, it assures, was only the beginning of the needs. Many buildings had been found to be in an advanced state of deterioration while others were too small for the great volume of services dispensed. There was also a problem of mounting mortgage debt.
By the beginning of the week, it was clear to community leaders that something had to be done and quickly, and so the UCS board of directors had met on Tuesday to consider the problem and lost no time in authorizing the emergency fund drive. If it was successful, both the Charlotte Day Nursery and the Salvation Army would be provided funds which they needed badly, and other money would be used for a central office building to house a number of UCS member services. A share had also been earmarked for mortgage debts and for a fourth floor dormitory in the new YMCA building.
"Ike Serves up a Spot of Weak Tea" indicates that the President's latest prescription for the ills of American education had been no stronger than grandma's sassafras tea, regarding it as a far cry from the comprehensive Federal aid program which the Administration had recommended to Congress three years earlier.
Under the new proposal, the Federal Government would put aside a maximum of 85 million dollars annually for the debt service of "needy" school districts, available only on a matching basis.
It indicates that unfortunately, the nation was full of school districts at present so needy that they could not match anything more substantial than the time of day. Furthermore, the scheme, which had local districts repaying the advance by the Government, if possible, during the ten-year period after the debt had been retired, sounded peculiar. It wonders if that was what the President had meant by "fiscal conservation".
It finds it far simpler and more effective to set up a schedule of undisguised grants to local school districts whose eligibility for Federal funds would be determined according to actual need. It would want proper safeguards to prevent Federal tampering once the cash left Washington, making sure that local control over public education would not be surrendered in return for money.
"The Pathfinders" indicates that in Spartanburg, S.C., a pair of newspaper employees had been avidly discussing the merits of their newspapers anti-jaywalking campaign and had become so engrossed that they stepped out against the light and were two of the first warning summons victims.
"The Plot Unfolds for Another Follies" indicates that one of the newspaper's undercover ace men had reported strange stirrings in the nights at a local television studio, and further digging had uncovered another edition of the Jaycees annual follies underway, to be presented in late March with a new format.
The previous year's efforts had brought one real concern to its producers, as bad weather and a promotional lag had hurt its box office. It appeared at one time to be a loser, but "On the Square" had finished with profits.
Because of the performances involved, all local talent, and the causes which would profit from it, it hopes that the current year's show would be a rousing financial success. It indicates that the effort to produce it was considerable and the mere loss of time by the performers almost nightly for most of two months was considerable, suffering for the applause and what the show could profit.
It urges that the show, being designed on the light side, would be worth seeing for its barbed shots at sundry Charlotte institutions and for the original music from Loonis McGlohon. The script would again be written by director Norman Prevatte.
It indicates that generally the productions had improved each year and it hopes that the customers in the current year would see "a solid wowser".
A piece from the Manchester Guardian, titled "Odd, and out of Y' Way", finds that in one way or another man was still a very clubbable lot in the mid-20th Century, but the efforts at organized sociability could hardly be compared with the genius of the 18th Century for that sort of thing.
It indicates that a friend in Liverpool had recently come across a private published account of one of the more surprising byways of 18th Century clubland, which included a verbatim reprint from the minute books of Ye Ugly Face Clubb of Leverpoole for 1743-53. The club's rules provided that "no person whatever shall be admitted a member … that is not a Batchelor, a Man of Honour, a facetious disposition." Even then, a nominee had no hope of election unless he could show "something odd, remarkable, Drol or out of the way in his Phiz." All or any of "a large Mouth, thin Jaws, Blubber lips, little goggyling, or Squinting Eyes" would help considerably, and particular regard was paid to a candidate's nose and the length of his chin, "especially if they should happen to meet together like a pair of nutcrackers."
The list of membership had been impressive. In the place of honor at the head of the list had been Jos. Farmer, Merchant, whose qualifications included: "Little Eyes one bigger y' other. Long Nose. Mouth from Ear to Ear resembling a shark's Rotten Sett of irregular Teeth which are sett off to great Advantage by frequent laughing. His looks upon the whole extraordinary Haggard Odd Comick, and out of y' way. In short, possessed of every Extraordinary Qualification to rend him y' Phoenix of y' Socitey, as the Like won't appear again this 1,000 years."
There had also been one Jno. Williamson, Jnr., Merchant. "Ruff Face, Blear'd Eyes flowing like two Fountains. Mounstrous long Nose, Hook'd like an Eagle's Beak Pretty large Mouth." And "Upon the whole a charming Member."
Capt. Blackstock had "a long narrow Visage. An excellent carved face. Large Copper Nose," and "An odd Grin and wry mouth, upon the whole a true mosaic face."
The entry for another military member, Capt. William Heys, read: "A Numidian Complexion, plater face, pig ey'd, bottle nose'd, fluke mouth, prominent Chin, upon the whole Sanchopancho-pean Features."
It indicates that the other score or so of distinguished grotesques who completed the membership had been just as richly endowed, and, it ventures, the quarterly suppers of the club must have been splendid beyond the wildest dreams of any horror film director.
Drew Pearson indicates, on the 150th anniversary of the birth of Abraham Lincoln, that he had sometimes wondered what Mr. Lincoln would do or say at present about the fact that 84 schools and places of worship had been dynamited in the previous two years regarding the same issue for which Mr. Lincoln had fought.
As far as he could determine, churches had not been dynamited during the Civil War and it would have been impossible to dynamite Mr. Lincoln's church, as he belonged to none. In Illinois, he had once rented a church pew, but it was Mrs. Lincoln who usually sat in it. When invited to join, Mr. Lincoln had said that he "could not quite see it." He had also said: "I doubt the possibility or propriety of settling the religion of Jesus Christ in the model of man-made creeds and dogmas. It was a spirit in the life He laid stress on and taught, if I read aright." He had further said: "I cannot without mental reservations assent to long and complicated creeds and catechisms. If the church would ask simply for assent to the Savior's statement of the substance of the law: Thou shalt love the Lord, thy God, with all thy heart and with all thy soul and with all thy mind and thy neighbor as thyself, that church what I gladly join with."
Mr. Pearson indicates that though Mr. Lincoln had belonged to no church, he would have looked with approval on the churchmen of the present who had taken a courageous stand for better understanding in the South. He would have approved heartily Billy Graham's sermon at Clinton, Tenn., commemorating the raising of money for the new high school to replace that which had been destroyed by a bomb some months earlier, in the wake of its integration in fall, 1956. The Rev. Graham had said: "We must recognize that love of mankind cannot be enforced by bayonets alone. The law itself is powerless to change the human heart. Only love can do that and only Christ can bring that love."
He indicates that the type of parson in whom Mr. Lincoln had believed was not the hell-and-brimstone type but men such as Rev. Paul W. Turner, the Baptist preacher who had been beaten up by seven men and two women on the streets of Clinton after he had escorted six black students through a mob of shouting demonstrators to their classes at Clinton High School in September, 1956.
Mr. Lincoln had once said: "Probably it is to be my lot to go on in a twilight, feeling and reasoning my way through life, as questioning, doubting Thomas did. But in my poor, maimed, withered way, I bear with me as I go on, a seeking spirit of desire for a faith that was with him of the olden time, who, in his need, as I in mine, exclaimed, 'Help Thou, my unbelief.'"
Joseph Alsop indicates that the forces of Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota were hoping to start a Midwestern movement to stop Senator John F. Kennedy for the 1960 presidential nomination. They hoped it would also become a movement to promote Senator Humphrey for same, at the Midwestern Democratic conference in Milwaukee on March 5-7. The conference would be comprised of the past and present state chairmen and other Democratic Party officials of 13 Midwestern states.
Senator Kennedy, who had addressed the conference the previous fall, would not attend this time. Senator Humphrey would be present to address the main dinner meeting. Governor G. Mennen Williams of Michigan, who was not a strong candidate, himself, but could help in stopping Senator Kennedy, would also make a speech. In addition, the Humphrey forces looked for help from Wisconsin's new Democratic Governor, Gaylord Nelson.
He indicates that it was many months too early for anything like solid pre-convention alliances to be formed for any candidate or against any candidate. Senator Humphrey, one of the cleverest and most effective men in the business, would probably persuade some of the Midwesterners of his own potential strength and might also succeed in planting seeds which would blossom into a stop-Kennedy movement later.
He suggests that one should not exaggerate the thing but it was still significant that the Humphrey forces were already, even at the current unprecedentedly early date, letting the stop-Kennedy idea influence their planning. It was proof of the length of the lead which Senator Kennedy enjoyed at present that a Democratic pre-convention contest was already almost as hot as in the normal convention year.
The annoying and dangerous point about the lead enjoyed by Senator Kennedy, from the standpoint of his competitors, was its grassroots origin. An astonishingly high number of voters all over the country had acquired what the Madison Avenue analysts called a "positive image" of the young Senator. That positive image was not limited to Roman Catholics and members of other religious groups who naturally wished to see the end of the informal rule that presidents had always to be white and Protestant.
Wisconsin, where the Midwestern Democratic conference would convene, was a case in point. In that state, with its heavy farm population, other Democrats logically should do a lot better than Senator Kennedy. Pollsters who were careful and reliable had made tests in which all of the candidates were run against the most likely Republican candidate, Vice-President Nixon, and the poll showed that Senator Kennedy would beat the Vice-President by a small margin of 50.5 to 49.5. But the same poll showed that Mr. Nixon would beat Senator Humphrey rather badly and would defeat Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri by about 60 to 40 percent.
For precisely that reason, while Governor Nelson was reportedly leaning toward Senator Humphrey, the Wisconsin state chairman was said to be leaning rather strongly to Senator Kennedy. As long as the latter had such strong popular support, he would remain in the same position as Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee, but with none, or at least very few of the handicaps which had proved fatal to the latter's candidacy in 1956. Senator Kefauver also had mass support, but could not translate it into support by convention delegates because he had done something or other to earn the bitter enmity of just about every Democratic leader in the country. Senator Kennedy had even more mass support and yet a minimum of powerful party enemies and so could attract backers, such as the Wisconsin state chairman.
Mr. Alsop indicates that it did not mean that Senator Kennedy was a sure thing or even an odds-on bet to obtain the nomination. The party had seldom enjoyed such almost embarrassing riches in the candidates in the field. If Senator Kennedy's popular support faded or fell off or if the other candidates projected themselves successfully in the coming months, the odds would actually be against Senator Kennedy because of his youth, his limited experience and his religion.
But, he concludes, as of the present, Senator Kennedy had a very exceptional asset to exploit if he had the necessary courage. His rivals could hardly refuse the contest if he challenged them to primaries on theoretically neutral ground, Wisconsin and Oregon, especially, and if he won those primaries, as he probably would at present, the stop-Kennedy movement would have a job on its hands.
Walter Lippmann indicates that the new word in Western diplomacy was "flexibility", having become fashionable because under the surface of the official formulae there was going on in Washington, in London, and in Bonn, a reappraisal of the German problem. He indicates that it was a wholly false picture of what was going on to suppose that the issue in that reappraisal was between surrendering and standing firm, between appeasement and principle, between being soft and being strong. The actual issue to which the reappraisal was addressed was whether to continue positions which had become untenable or to move to new positions from which the Western allies could recover the political initiative.
In Berlin, for one example, at present there were two streams of traffic between West Berlin and West Germany, one being civilian traffic, the larger, regulated by an agreement between the West German Government and the East German government, which enabled the civilian population of West Berlin to live and do its business. The other traffic was military between the British, French, and American forces in West Germany and their garrisons in West Berlin, regulated by allied agreement with the Soviets.
Moscow had now said that if there was no other negotiation about the status of Berlin, it would, on May 27, turn over to the East German government its authority over the military traffic. If that were done, it would mean that at the checkpoints on the highways, railroads and canals, allied military traffic would be met by East German rather than by Soviet officials.
The immediate and specific questions regarding Berlin were what would the West do when meeting those East German officials and what would the East German officials do about Western military traffic. That was where the difference between an "inflexible" and a "flexible" policy showed itself. Those favoring inflexibility said that the West did not recognize the East German government and that it could not, therefore, allow them to have anything to do with Western traffic to Berlin. The reply of those favoring a flexible approach was that as long as no one interfered with Western traffic to Berlin, it did not make any difference whether the official who stamped the papers were in an East German or a Soviet uniform. They added that if West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer could allow East German officials to stamp his papers for the civilian traffic, he was in no position to insist that President Eisenhower be more inflexible than he was himself.
Mr. Lippmann indicates that in speculating about the use of force to maintain open access to Berlin, the first question to be decided was whether the West ought to be ready to go to war if it met an East German official at the checkpoints on the highway, and whether the West should fight because the official who wanted to see the papers carried by the truck wore an East German uniform, or would the West fight if he closed the highway. Those favoring a flexible approach said that a blockade of West Berlin was a fighting matter but that whether the official was East German or Soviet was not. Those favoring a flexible approach said, moreover, that to announce that the West would fight about the official at the checkpoint was not a strong policy but a foolish one, and because it was so, it was weak. It was weak because the people of the Western world could not conceivably be united to fight a world war on such an idiotic issue.
The Mayor of West Berlin, Willy Brandt, could be counted among those who favored flexibility, having suggested that the East German officials might be recognized as "agents" of the Soviet Union. An easier way to accomplish the same result would be to ask a Soviet guarantee of access to West Berlin until a new status could be arranged by negotiations covering the two Germanys and the two Berlins.
What the West wanted was that West Berlin would not be blockaded and strangled and that Berlin would not become again the capital of a reunited Germany. That flexible position was a strong one. The West stood firm on the substance, which was that West Berlin was not to be blockaded, but was indifferent to the formalities which did not matter, as long as access to West Berlin was maintained. The West kept alive its real objective, which was not to maintain West Berlin as an island within East Germany, but to restore its status as the capital to which all parts of Germany would have equal access.
He indicates that it might well be that the Soviet Union would refuse to guarantee access during the period, which would have to be long, when the whole German problem was being negotiated. If that were to happen, the Soviet Union would find itself in a dangerous position. It would have given the East Germans a free hand to impose a blockade, which would be an act of war, and it would be committed to come to the defense of East Germany if it provoked a war.
Mr. Lippmann finds it a much bigger gamble than the Soviets had ever taken before and the West should not jump to the conclusion that it would take the gamble at present.
A letter writer from Clinton, S.C., indicates that Secretary of State Dulles's trip to England, France and West Germany had not gone so well and so he was now in the hospital. The President was an "old soldier" and he also knew how to take sick leave. "It's not the Berlin crisis, it's the whole international situation. Anything that Ike and Foster have had anything to do with has gone, or is fixing to go, down the drain."
A letter writer questions why America, "a Christian nation", should become alarmed over the possibility that a "godless Russia may launch a man into space or land a group of explorers on the moon before we plant the Stars and Stripes atop some lunar peak". He questions whether the nation was sincere in asserting its faith in God and in the belief in the resurrection. "Certainly we cannot deny that our scientists are now capable of sending a mouse, a monkey or a maniac into the great blue yonder in the nose cone of a million-dollar skyrocket. But just as certainly our Creator can return the unfortunate passenger to us, disguised as a cinder, bearing the cryptic message: Ashes to ashes, dust to dust." He suggests that the nation should have no fear that the "godless Reds may ever outnumber us in outer space." He suggests that only through faith in God would the nation be represented there, "with all the ease and grace of the American eagle, and at the same time the godless shall find it just as difficult as it would be today for the bear that is their symbol to follow our eagle."
Houston, the Eagle has landed.
A letter writer proposes a "blast"
on Valentine's Day, "prepared especially for those of your
egg-head readers who need a new rejoinder for the morass of
tradition: Valentine's Day has had it/ It's [sic] trademark, the
heart,/ Lies fallow,/ It's [sic] symbol, instead,/ Of the sanguine
and red/ Heart, is a nougat marshmallow/ How vulgar this gross/
Materialism/ Evidenced by the/ Organism (called human)/ Eric Fromm
objects/ And rightly/ And, I fear, not very/ Politely/ For 'tis truly
incredible/ How deliciously edible/ This symbol became over-nightly/
Perhaps in our wish/ To dispense with the bourgeois/ We let
Pangburn's move love/ Out of the boudoir/ And place it instead,/ All
wrapped in red/ And lace, in a thing called 'sampler'/ Alas, alas, I
make a motion/ That instead of eating
A letter from the pastor of St. Mark's Lutheran Church expresses on behalf of his congregation and the church council thanks for the coverage given to St. Mark's centennial celebration, providing them plenty of space and prominence in keeping with the importance of the anniversary.
![]()
![]()
![]()