The Charlotte News
Tuesday, June 4, 1957
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that three noted geneticists this date had told a Joint Atomic Energy subcommittee, investigating the hazards of nuclear fallout, that radiation from nuclear weapons testing could be measured in shortened, damaged lives for thousands or perhaps millions of people in future generations, that radioactive fallout accumulating at the present rate would add only a fraction to the total of human death and misery, but that irreparable harm had been done to hereditary materials, with any increase in fallout to increase the damage proportionately, because there was no "safe dose" of radiation vis-à-vis genetics. Dr. James F. Crow of the University of Wisconsin, Dr. Bentley Glass of Johns Hopkins University and Dr. Herman Muller of the University of Indiana testified before the subcommittee, with Dr. Crow stating in summation: "One [conclusion] is that with the present levels of fallout, the amount of genetic damage in future generations from this cause will be a very small fraction of the total human death, disease, and misery. On the other hand, the number of persons exposed to fallout is as large as the world population, and therefore we can be sure that several thousands, or perhaps more persons, will be diseased or deformed or will die prematurely, or be otherwise impaired as a consequence of fallout if the present rates of testing continue." Dr. Muller said that the number of lives which would be "seriously curtailed or injured" across the world in future generations as a result of nuclear tests which had already occurred was "in all probability in the hundreds of thousands, or millions, and is therefore enormous." Dr. Glass called for representation of the geneticists on the AEC, calling the Commission unbalanced between emphasis on physical aspects of atomic energy and its effects on living beings. Dr. Muller had also urged that a Radiation Health Institute, with "a solid core of competent geneticists", be established within the National Institutes of Health. Dr. Crow said that persons presently exposed to fallout could be expected to produce two billion children and, as crudely estimated, about 80,000 of them would be born with "some gross mental or physical defect of genetic origin." He said that about ten percent or 8,000 such children would be born in the first generation, having such impairments as feeble minds, physical abnormalities, poorly clotting blood and mental disease. He also estimated that the first generation would have some 20,000 stillbirths and infant and childhood deaths from radiation, a rate of one child per 100,000, plus 40,000 embryonic deaths, or two per 100,000 embryos. He said that those would be the first generation effects and that the effects of continued radiation over many generations would be much greater, not including the many smaller or less tangible results, which collectively were probably of even greater importance.
Dave Beck, Jr., as had his father, the Teamsters Union president, had taken the Fifth Amendment this date and refused to answer questions posed by the Senate Select Committee investigating racketeering and organized crime influence within unions and management, focusing again on the Teamsters Union funds, asking the younger Mr. Beck whether he had profiteered from the funds. The Committee referred him to the Justice Department for prosecution for contempt, contending that he had made "frivolous" use of the Fifth Amendment privilege. It also ordered contempt proceedings against Joseph McEvoy of Seattle, one of the senior Mr. Beck's relatives involved in the latter's alleged misuse of more than $370,000 in Union funds, for likewise refusing to answer questions. The younger Mr. Beck had invoked the Fifth Amendment 130 times, including refusing to answer whether he knew his father, and Mr. McEvoy had invoked it 90 times. At one point the younger Mr. Beck had snickered and Committee counsel Robert F. Kennedy asked him whether he thought the matter was humorous, to which the witness replied, "No, sir." Senator John McClellan of Arkansas, chairman of the Committee, commented that if the two witnesses could get away with their refusal to testify, then America faced a great danger, as law enforcement could break down all over the country. He thus directed the staff to begin preparing contempt citations for both men and said that the Senate would be derelict in its duty if it failed to vote for the citations to the Justice Department. The Committee had spent about 90 minutes addressing questions to the two men and then adjourned the session until Thursday, when it would begin an inquiry into the Bakers Union.
The U.S. surrendered to Japanese pressure this date and agreed to turn over to Japan for trial a young American soldier accused of killing a Japanese woman while gathering scrap on an Army firing range. The joint announcement of the decision by Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson and Secretary of State Dulles had touched off immediate outcries in Congress and posed a threat to the "status of forces" treaties which the U.S. had with many foreign countries. The 46-year old Japanese woman had been struck by an empty cartridge case fired from a grenade launcher the prior January 30, and the accused Army soldier said that he "may" have fired the shot but denied that he intended to hit anyone, indicating that he had intended only to warn the scavengers away from the area which he was directed to guard. The "status of forces" agreement provided for trial in Japanese courts for offenses committed by U.S. servicemen while not in the performance of their duty, with the determination in the instant case being dependent on the precise nature of the soldier's orders. U.S. officials agreed that he had orders from his platoon commander to guard a machine gun and other equipment in the area where the incident had taken place and his commanding general stated that his action had thus occurred in the performance of an official duty. But the statement by Secretaries Wilson and Dulles said that the firing of the empty shell cases from the grenade launcher had not been authorized and so it was not within the scope of his duty. A Japanese Government minister said that Japanese authorities would take the utmost care to conduct a fair trial in the matter. But reaction in Congress demonstrated great consternation, as Representative Frank Bow of Ohio was denouncing the decision and demanding a treaty revision, while Senator John Butler of Maryland issued a statement demanding Congressional re-examination of all "status of forces" agreements. Mr. Bow told reporters that the soldier was being sacrificed to Japanese nationalism and that he would push for early adoption of his resolution, which the House Foreign Affairs Committee had scheduled for hearing on June 13, calling on the President to cancel or renegotiate the agreement. Senator John W. Bricker of Ohio described the ruling on the matter as "the sacrifice of an American soldier to appease Japanese public opinion." The chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, Carl Vinson of Georgia, announced that he had called for a complete report from Secretary Wilson.
In Hackensack, N.J., a former Marine
was sentenced this date to die in the electric chair for the bludgeoning death
of a 15-year old girl, the sentence having been mandatory after a
jury had found the 23-year old guilty of first-degree murder on May
28, without making any recommendation for mercy. The verdict and
sentence would now proceed to the State Supreme Court for automatic
review. Before sentence had been pronounced, defense counsel said
that he had acquired new evidence that perjury had been committed
during the trial and that he was convinced that his client
The District Court, in its determination that the "totality of the circumstances" surrounding the confession caused it to be involuntary and violative of due process, considered facts which included:
In December, 1971, the defendant pleaded guilty to second degree murder under threat of another trial, and was sentenced to between 25 and 30 years in prison, with the remainder of his time to be served remitted, and placed on probation until 1976. In 1976, he allegedly kidnaped and knifed a woman in San Diego and tossed her from his car in front of several witnesses in nearby Chula Vista, in the course of an attempted armed robbery, and was convicted of attempted murder and other associated charges and sentenced automatically to life in prison without parole, where he died in 2017.
That of which the courts could not have been fully cognizant in 1957-58, not until 1971-72, and even then only if they attended the quality cinema on occasion, leads to the inexorable question as to what "D.H." was doing
The case should not be confused with the case, also occurring in Hackensack, of the 18-year old Bible-devoted boy who had confessed to killing a 15-year old female classmate in mid-May during lunch break from school, and then later, the following evening, attended the Billy Graham meeting in Madison Square Garden.
In New York, it was reported that
men who smoked cigarettes were ten times more likely to die of lung
cancer
In Raleigh, the Reverend Gerald Primm, who had the previous week touched off an investigation into legislators receiving free bottles of liquor in a Raleigh hotel from lobbyists for alcohol manufacturers, told the State ABC Board this date in a hearing that "a great deal more information" regarding the alleged gifts was now in the possession of proper authorities. He had made his allegations initially the previous week to the Raleigh News & Observer, which had dispatched reporters and a photographer to the Sir Walter Hotel and taken a picture of a liquor salesman unloading nine cases marked with various liquor manufacturer labels and taking them to a specific room registered to a fictitious name, those particular cases found subsequently to contain only liquor literature and no liquor. The Board had subsequently made a report to Governor Luther Hodges, indicating that it had ceased the policy of permitting liquor salesmen to draw up to three cases of liquor per month from the State ABC warehouse for promotional usage, it having been found that they were likely pooling their allotments to enable them to provide free liquor to legislators during the legislative session. The Board had been urged by several ministers to make a thorough investigation, and the local solicitor in Raleigh had sought and was receiving the assistance of the State Bureau of Investigation, indicating that any violation of the criminal law in the matter would be prosecuted. Governor Hodges had reiterated at a press conference the previous day that the Board's investigation would be pushed "to see that nothing in the way of violation of laws or regulations was involved." He also reiterated his praise of the Board's action in halting the practice of permitting liquor salesmen to receive the allotment of cases per month as samples, making it impossible in the future for the situation to recur. He lauded the General Assembly and said that in the main, it was composed of "high grade people". (Whether some of them were also 86-proof some of the time was not indicated.) Meanwhile, Allied Church League officials said that they would intensify their efforts to persuade the Legislature to enact a statewide liquor referendum bill. The assistant director of the League said that other League members had contacted some legislators, and felt that it would be useless to press for the bill during the current session, but he said that he nevertheless planned to contact some of the legislators about it.
Dick Young of The News reports that the municipal government's preliminary budget for the coming fiscal year would call for a total expenditure of 11.481 million dollars and a tax rate of $1.82 per $100 of property valuation, an increase of nine cents over the current rate. The budget estimate would be filed by the municipal accountant with the City Council at its meeting on Wednesday of the following week. The preliminary budget represented a reduction of $683,289 from the original budget based on requests of department heads, who had asked for appropriations of 12.165 million dollars. City Manager Henry Yancey had cut from the budget $152,000 for a long-awaited air-conditioning system for the offices on City Hall Square, as well as $26,000 for new heating equipment for City Hall and another request for ten new garbage trucks to replace those which had been in service for ten years.
Pupil assignment in Charlotte's public schools, which had just been completed for the coming school year by the City School Board, would be a subject of discussion at a meeting of the Parents Committee on Education at the black YMCA this evening. Kelly Alexander, president of the North Carolina Chapter of the NAACP, had emphasized that the local Parents Committee had no connection with the NAACP. He said that the state pupil assignment law and the recent pupil assignment would be discussed, and that he was sure that requests would be worked out for requesting reassignment of pupils. He had gone on to say that he knew that there were some parents who wanted reassignment of their children to attend segregated white schools. He said that representatives of the Parents Committee had appeared recently before the City School Board and had been informed that applications for reassignment would be received "with an open mind", and they had been reminded that no application for reassignment had been received from any black parent. Mr. Alexander said that the requests for reassignment would be for those schools geographically located closest to black residences, naming Central High School, Harding High School, Dilworth Elementary School, Bethune Elementary School, Parks Hutchison Elementary School and Seversville Elementary School. At its meeting the previous week, the City School Board had formally assigned 30,000 students to school for the coming academic year, with the assignments made individually under the 1955 State pupil assignment law and on the basis of schools attended during the school year just ended. The notice of assignment had been contained in each child's final report card provided the prior Saturday. What if you were so dismayed by it that you threw it down the drain and told your parents that you dropped it out of your satchel and had no idea what it said?
On the editorial page, "Is Censorship Inevitable in Tarheelia?" indicates that the General Assembly had neglected to justify its primary assumption that censorship was both desirable and inevitable, in its zeal to protect the sensibilities of North Carolinians from "objectionable" literature.
If censorship was inevitable, it suggests that the approach selected by the State Senate was preferred over the dangerously inept legislation offered in the State House. The Senate's attack on "objectionable" material had at least contained a definition of obscenity, as offered by Senator J. Spencer Bell of Mecklenburg, adopted from the American Law Institute's model criminal code, which stated: "A thing is obscene if, considered as a whole, its predominant appeal is to the prurient interest, i.e., a shameful or morbid interest in nudity, sex or excretion, and if it goes substantially beyond customary limits of candor in description or presentation of such matters. A thing is obscene if its obscenity is latent, as in the case of undeveloped photographs. Obscenity shall be judged with reference to ordinary adults, except that it shall be judged with reference to children or other especially susceptible audience if it appears from the character of the material or circumstances of its dissemination to be especially designed for or directed to such an audience."
It finds, however, that such definitions were subject to varying interpretations, and that the final test of the wisdom of such a law would have to await its application.
It is not concerned over the "shoddy magazines" which had flooded the newsstands of late, "with their off-color cartoons and smutty jokes." But it does have concern for serious literature. Despite Senator Bell's opinion that serious literature would not be threatened by the definition, good and honest books were always among the first to be attacked when smut hunts got going, and, frequently, fly-by-night publications were able to cash in on the resultant publicity. Many literary classics contained fairly lusty passages which many readers might find shameful, including in the works of Petronius, Apuleius, Daniel Defoe, Henry Fielding, Laurence Sterne, Geoffrey Chaucer, Giovanni Boccaccio, James Joyce, D. H. Lawrence and others through the centuries. Those works had been censored at times but the censors had been long forgotten while the writers had lived on in literature.
It suggests that it was possible
that a basic distinction should be made between what was obscene and
what was pornographic. The philosopher Abraham Kaplan had made such a
distinction. It could be said that Ulysses, by James Joyce,
and Women in Love, by D. H. Lawrence, contained elements of
the obscene in the sense that they dealt with the human body as a
painted nude did. But neither book was pornographic, in the manner of
French postcards, and in the final analysis, it was the intent of the
artist and the whole surrounding context
It thus questions whether in actual application, the obscenity bill of the State Senate had made the necessary distinctions wisely and realistically, indicating that it must or it would have to go.
"Keep Lines of Communication Open" finds Lt. General Albert Wedemeyer's demand that the U.S. sever diplomatic relations with Russia and its satellites to be patently absurd. It indicates that as long as people were free to discuss their problems, they would not engage in a shooting war over them, and it was the responsibility of governments to explore every chance for a peaceful solution fully and conscientiously, that closing the door on another power and refusing to talk to it would be an act of arrogance.
Maintaining diplomatic relations with another power did not necessarily imply moral or political approval of it, its form of government or its ideology, as had been stated many times as a principle of U.S. diplomacy.
In 1949, the Ninth International Conference of American States at Bogotá had resolved that "the establishment or maintenance of diplomatic relations with the government does not imply an opinion on the domestic policy of that government." The State Department had stated also in 1949 that "the maintenance or resumption of diplomatic relations with a particular government does not imply any judgment whatsoever as to the domestic policy of such a government."
It indicates that the U.S. had good reason to disapprove of not one but many governments with whom it maintained diplomatic relations, dealing with those nations not because it liked them but because it served the country's best interests to maintain the lines of communication open.
"Old Grads Understand Commencement" suggests that few of the graduates receiving their diplomas remembered what their commencement speakers had said, as the anticipation of beginning a career and the sadness of parting with classmates were conducive neither to intellectual contemplation nor too solemn attention to oratorical admonitions. Yet, the commencement speeches continued every year and it was good that they did, for if the graduates were too young or too excited to appreciate the speeches, there were others in commencement audiences who listened carefully and understood, those being the parents, who had some experience with destiny, watching their own futures become their pasts. "They have traveled the road their children are just getting started on. And because of this, they understand the logic behind the commencement address. The occasion of graduation demands that something meaningful be said in an atmosphere of solemnity and new undertakings."
It was difficult to have a ceremony without a speech of some sort and parents who had brought a child to the graduating stage deserved the most impressive ceremony possible, even if it meant more to the older generation than the graduates, finding the commencement speech therefore to be a fine tradition.
We distinctly recall a recitation of the old Irish blessing, "May every road rise to meet you…" from our graduating commencement address, and we recall who delivered it, as well as who was awarded an honorary degree at the ceremony, that having been the recently retired chief of Naval Operations. And we can still visualize the ceremony and know where we were sitting within the auditorium, more than a few yesterdays ago. So the piece perhaps underestimates the memory of every graduate, though it does make room for a few.
A piece from the New Orleans Item, titled "Ladies First", indicates that there had recently been a dispute in Queens in New York City regarding women getting on buses with loaded shopping carts. On one side were the bus drivers, who had first complained, the bus drivers' union, and the bus company, which backed them, while on the other side were the housewives. In the end, the latter group had won out against the entrenched powers, with an arbiter of the dispute having said that the women could haul their shopping carts aboard the buses at will, except at the peak of rush hour.
The arbiter had ruled in favor of "woman's ancient determination to sniff out and corral a bargain no matter how far she has to go to get it or how inconvenient it is to get there… [And the] shopping cart is the indispensable accessory of American womanhood." The arbiter had also said that the bus drivers could not expect conditions at work which they did not enjoy in their own homes.
It finds that the arbiter was a Solomon who had laid down the law for women, "phrasing the male surrender to female determination" in the neatest way it had ever heard.
Drew Pearson indicates that Republican Senators were not advertising it but that before they decided to reprove Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon for comparing the President with Teamsters president Dave Beck, they had held a policy committee meeting, and the White House had phoned to ask that Senator Morse be answered, with Republican Senators meeting to decide what to do. Among others, they had asked Senator Alexander Wiley of Wisconsin, a staunch supporter of the President's foreign policy, and he had replied by asking whether they thought he was crazy when they suggested that he make a speech. He said: "You're a bunch of jackasses. You're just giving Morse an opening. He'll hang this right around your neck." True to Senator Wiley's prediction, Senator Morse had scheduled a full-dress Senate speech each week on "the morality of the Eisenhower Administration".
With summer vacations looming for millions of Americans, Congressman Earl Chudoff of Philadelphia was starting a Congressional probe of the President's policy regarding recreation spots. He was investigating the fact that areas around the big dams and reservoirs owned by the Government were no longer being set aside for recreational purposes but had been maintained by private interests. Former Secretary of Interior under President Roosevelt and, until early 1946, under President Truman, Harold Ickes, and his successor, Oscar Chapman, who served under President Truman, had acquired the land around the Federal waterways. When the Government built a dam or improved a waterway, the land around it became more valuable and the Federal Government took advantage of that increase. The preliminary probe by Mr. Chudoff, however, had found that on October 12, 1953, nine months after the President had taken office, the policy was changed. He had also discovered that the U.S. Chamber of Commerce was the prime instigator of that change, claiming that the public playgrounds around dams and reservoirs were "socialistic". From October, 1953, the Bureau of Reclamation and the Army engineers had not purchased the land but had acquired "flowage easements" through land surrounding the dams and reservoirs.
Actually, those easements had cost about as much as the land would have cost and little money was saved.
Three large Federal reservoirs were under construction, at Garrison, N.D., Fort Randall, S.D., and Oahe, straddling the border between North and South Dakota. In all three cases, the Army had been barred from acquiring title to the surrounding land for use by the public. Another result of the change in policy had been demands from former property owners who had sold land to the Government prior to 1953, now wanting to purchase their land back at bargain prices, with bills for that purpose having been introduced in Congress by two Representatives and two Senators, the latter being Henry Dworshak of Idaho and Strom Thurmond of South Carolina.
Walter Lippmann finds that there were few who did not have serious doubts about U.S. policy with respect to China, heightened by the recent riots in Taipei, that whoever had incited, organized, equipped and directed the rioters, whether officials or not, knew that they could count on widespread popular resentment against Americans, demonstrating forcefully that the China policy was not working well even among the Chinese on Formosa, being subsidized and protected by the U.S.
He indicates that it was often supposed that the President was not an unqualified believer in the China policy, but that for the sake of peace with Congress and within the Administration, he had put aside those questions for the time being and had avoided, at least publicly, reappraisal of the policy. Mr. Lippmann ventures that there was, however, no way to postpone that reappraisal much longer, as it was becoming evident that the China policy had no future and that time was running out, that the real question was whether there was still time and opportunity to save the things of greatest importance.
He suggests that the way to understand the China policy was to ask the question as to why the U.S. was uncompromising in its boycott of Communist China and much less uncompromising with respect to Russia, that the key to the policy was that besides the Chinese on Formosa, there were approximately ten million Chinese in Southeast Asia, comprising about 75 percent of the population of Singapore and 40 percent of the population of Malaya, both of which had diplomatic relations with Communist China. In Burma, Indonesia and Cambodia, the Chinese tended to look to Communist China for guidance. In the countries recognizing the Nationalists on Formosa, such as South Vietnam, Thailand, and the Philippines, the Chinese tended to look to Formosa for guidance.
The object of the U.S. China policy was to keep the overseas Chinese separated from the Communist Chinese Government and thus to prevent it from ruling and from representing all of the Chinese. In 1949, when the Nationalist Chinese had been driven from the mainland and were first installed on Formosa, the overseas Chinese had been entitled to believe that eventually, with U.S. help, the Chinese Government on Formosa would fight its way back to the mainland and become again the government of all of China. Thus, there had been the hope that the anti-Communists would be able to return home triumphantly, giving reason for the neutral nations to remain on the fence. As long as the Communist Chinese were weak and distracted by the problems of their own revolution, while the U.S., which had a monopoly on nuclear weapons, was strong, the China policy had a credible foundation. But it was no longer so.
In 1955, the President had asked Congress for a guarantee of Formosa and the nearby Pescadores Islands, and had also taken the necessary measures to prevent Chiang Kai-shek from making war-like moves against the mainland. The President had put an end to the notion that the U.S. would back an invasion of the mainland and had gone even further and made it clear that the U.S. would not permit Chiang to attempt an invasion. Mr. Lippmann regards it at as a sound and prudent diplomatic action to prevent dangerous and foolish adventures. But it had also broken the back of the China policy because it deprived the Chinese on Formosa of any hope that they could return to the mainland except by coming to terms with the Communist Chinese. Since that time, the U.S. China policy had no future and had been no more than a holding operation, designed to delay as long as possible a deal among the Chinese themselves.
He indicates that the U.S. attitude toward trade with Communist China and its attitude toward letting American newspapermen go to Communist China were part of that holding operation. The U.S. was seeking to induce Britain, Germany and Japan, as well as Western Europe, to restrict trade with Communist China more severely than they restricted trade with Russia, placing Russia in the role of a broker through which China traded with the rest of the world, seeking to convince the Chinese that all of the world, other than Russia, was the enemy of Communist China. For the same type of psychological reason, Secretary of State Dulles did not want to let American newspapermen go to Communist China, being afraid that it would discourage the overseas Chinese and reduce their determination to oppose Communist China.
He suggests that the rational solution would have been a Two China Policy, establishing Formosa as an independent and neutralized state under the protection of the U.N., as part of a bargain which would admit Communist China to the U.N. Both Chinese governments were on record against such a solution, but it was still the best and only solution which corresponded to the whole reality of the Chinese situation, including the fact that there was a Chinese community which was opposed to placing itself under Communist rule and that there was on the mainland a powerful government which could not be ignored. He indicates that the question was whether it was too late to deal with the situation through a negotiated compromise such as the Two China Policy, and that if it was too late, absent the improbable counter-revolution on the mainland, the U.S. would look forward to the disintegration of its China policy, with the recent Formosa riots being a warning sign of that disintegration.
Robert C. Ruark, writing from Washington, briefly recaps his world travels, including his return home to North Carolina, where he feels he was lucky to have survived driving on the roads, but indicates he had never known the sheer terror which he found in Washington, trying to fight his way from the Daily News building to his wife's parents' home in Chevy Chase. He believes it ought be against the law for people in Washington to drive automobiles, especially with Virginia license plates, finding it not only to be the seat of government for the world but also a "busy insane asylum peopled by maniacs in two-toned cars."
He finds that nobody walked in Washington, that everyone had at least two cars and that it appeared that each man was driving both at once. If there were laws, there were no keepers of them. "Three lanes of traffic weave and zig and zag and stop short and turn on dimes. They change the legality of the rights and lefts according to the hours, and trying to avoid murder while reading the fine print is a certain ticket to suicide."
It was also impossible to get from one place to the next, that in trying to reach a destination two blocks away, one would wind up in Baltimore because of the direction of the arrows, preventing turns.
He remembers that as a youth in college, some Cherokee Indians had come to Chapel Hill to engage in a lacrosse match in which the only house rule was against carrying weapons over .45-caliber. There had been about 40 of the Cherokee, and some of the locals, as a lark, had gotten all the Indians drunk on white corn liquor, whereupon the Indians were killing each other in the streets and hurling each other through plate glass windows, uttering war whoops through bloody faces. That was how he viewed Washington traffic. "The Indians are so busy reading the markers on the concrete that you don't have time to avoid running over or into a peasant, who is tooling along in a large-wheeled agricultural machine, or embracing the back end of a mountainous truck."
He concludes that it was 5 o'clock and time to go home, but he did not think he would go, would rather sit and starve to death so as to prolong his life rather than braving Connecticut Avenue, underpass or no underpass.
A letter writer finds that the trouble with the Republicans was that they only yelled about economy while not practicing it. He calls attention to a news item in the New York Times from Washington which indicated that Senator Harry F. Byrd of Virginia had reported that the Federal payroll had climbed to a billion dollars per month the previous January, the highest monthly Federal civilian payroll of all time. The writer finds that most of the increases in the payroll had occurred in positions created by the Republicans to pay off political debts and which were exempt from civil service. He does not regard that as economy.
A letter writer from Asheville finds that the most statesmanlike utterance of the year had, according to Drew Pearson, come from the President when he offered to writer Barbara Ward, as a solution to the African problem, sending Billy Graham.
Framed Edition
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