The Charlotte News

Friday, April 12, 1957

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the House Appropriations Committee this date had cut 23 percent from new funding requested by the State Department and the U.S. Information Agency, criticizing both for what it called "amazing and unprecedented" personnel practices. The Committee refused to approve any money for 2,123 new positions to the two agencies and for continuation of 950 jobs established during the current fiscal year without prior consideration or appropriations by Congress. The report of the Committee, written by Representative John Rooney of New York, criticized "fiscal irresponsibility on the part of the State Department" and "irresponsible handling of the taxpayers' money" in connection with foreign programs financed with funds appropriated to the President. The report accompanied a bill recommending cuts of nearly 21 percent from the State Department's budget as sought by the President, 47.3 million dollars less than that sought, and 41.3 million less than appropriated the previous year. From the U.S.I.A., the report recommended a cut of 26 percent, 37.9 million, 6.9 million less than the previous year. The recommendation stipulated that the Voice of America broadcasts were not to be cut and cautioned against "propagandizing the American public". Funds appropriated to the President for international cultural and trade fair programs were cut by 7.6 million dollars or 41 percent from the requested budget, and 7.5 million less than the appropriation for the current year. The Justice Department was cut by 3 percent or 6.8 million from its sought budget, amounting to an increase, however, of 11.8 million over the current year's appropriations. The FBI had been provided all of its sought budget, including a 5.9 million dollar increase over the current year's funding. The Federal judiciary had been cut by 5 percent or 2.2 million dollars from the requested budget, but a 2.2 million increase over the current year. The funding was incorporated in an omnibus bill providing new appropriations of 583.8 million dollars, a reduction of 101.8 million, or 15 percent from the requested budget, and 41.6 million less than the current year's appropriations.

The House Appropriations Committee this date had voted to provide an extra 41 million dollars to the Post Office Department, seeking to prevent prolonged curtailment of mail services which had been ordered by Postmaster General Arthur Summerfield were he not to be provided an additional 47 million dollars for the remaining portion of the fiscal year. Under orders already issued, post offices would be closed on Saturdays and Sundays and all city and rural mail delivery would be stopped on Saturdays, except for special delivery items. Other restrictions also had been ordered. Mr. Summerfield had told newsmen the previous day that he would not be able to restore scheduled mail services which had been cut until he was given sufficient funding. The full House would vote on the appropriation on Monday, and the Senate was reported ready to act as soon as the House sent it a bill, then needing only the approval of the President for passage.

Senator Kerr Scott of North Carolina said this date that he had completely lost confidence in the Postmaster General, repositing in him no more confidence than he had left in Secretary of State Dulles, making clear that he would like to see Mr. Summerfield replaced.

Secretary of the Army Wilber Brucker had offered to members of Congress a free trip to Kentucky, indicating that it was mere "coincidence" that it happened to coincide with the same weekend as the Kentucky Derby, resulting in bitter comments from members of Congress. Representative George Mahon of Texas, chairman of a House Appropriations subcommittee which handled military money bills, stated, "This seductive Army bobble could possibly cost the Army 100 million dollars in reduced appropriations." Congressman Usher Burdick of North Dakota said, "The extravagant excursion is arranged for one purpose and one only—to please Congressmen." The invitation had extended to members of the House and Senate Armed Services and Appropriations Committees, to witness a military demonstration on May 3-4 at Fort Knox, Ky., 30 miles from Louisville and Churchill Downs, with May 4 being Derby day. The invitation included free air transportation, free meals and lodging for the duration of the Army show, and included the statement that any visiting Congressman who desired to remain for the horse race would be flown back to Washington on May 5, indicating the Secretary's regret that he could not arrange for seats at the Derby. Secretary Brucker had said the previous day, in the wake of the criticism, that the trip was "not a free junket to the Derby at the expense of the taxpayers, but a serious expedition." He said that the Army show had been tentatively set the previous fall for May 2-3, without regard to the Derby and that it had been changed to May 3-4 after Representative John Robsion of Kentucky had mentioned in March that the Derby was on May 4. The Secretary said that the change in schedule would not cost the Army anything. Representative Mahon said to the House the previous day that the invitation was not good public relations with Congress and was bad public relations with the American people, most of whom were seeking economy and good management in the Government. He provided a "public warning" to Secretary Brucker to stop that sort of spending. Mr. Burdick added with sarcasm that the Army should not "be so parsimonious about the race tickets—they should pay that, too." (Should Secretary Brucker develop some name for the Army exhibition, such as "Ecomcon", it might be wise to take heed, especially keeping track of the movements of General LeMay for the duration.)

In Raleigh, a bill to separate the State's prison system from the State Highway Commission, one of the major proposals of the legislative program offered by Governor Luther Hodges, had been killed by the State Senate Committee on State Government this date, voting five to three to provide an unfavorable report on the measure, which had been passed by the State House the previous week by a large margin. The movant who had proposed to give the bill an unfavorable report had argued to the Committee that separation was unnecessary as the two entities had been separated administratively by the 1955 Legislature, with executive authority over the prisons transferred to the director of the Prisons Department, and that there had been complete cooperation thus far between the prison system and the Highway Commission.

Donald Macdonald of The News reports that Charlotte's Recorder's Court Solicitor, James Walker, had said this date that he had asked the Legislature to repeal the Goodman Act, a special law which related to carrying concealed weapons in Mecklenburg County, prescribing a minimum sentence of a year on the roads or a $100 fine for carrying a concealed weapon with a blade over three inches long, named for its sponsor, State Representative Arthur Goodman of Charlotte, which had become law in 1953. Mr. Walker said that the law had been ineffective as a crime deterrent, citing totals of convictions on concealed weapons charges in City Police Court during a six-year period, showing no appreciable decrease in the number of cases charging concealed weapons. His request for repeal of the law was endorsed by two police chiefs, two Recorder's Court judges and two other court prosecutors. Mr. Walker indicated that the punitive requirement of the law was extreme in some instances, not allowing each concealed weapons charge to be examined on its own facts. He indicated that the regular concealed weapons statute used in every county except Mecklenburg allowed a discretionary penalty by the judge, enabling him or her to look at each individual case and provide punishment accordingly. He said that he had discussed the matter with former Representative Goodman, who had suggested making some sort of amendment to the law.

In Charlotte, J. P. Hobson, senior vice-president and trust officer of the Commercial National Bank, and for seven years, member of the City School Board, had announced for re-election to the Board this date, the third incumbent to do so.

Julian Scheer of The News reports of David Ovens, Charlotte's "sharp-witted merchant and philanthropist", for whom Ovens Auditorium was named, having announced the publication of his book this date, but would not say what it concerned, that it started in 1903 and ended in the current year, covering a "colorful period", titled If This Be Treason, which would go on sale in Charlotte bookstores on April 25, costing $3.50 and running to between 250 and 300 pages. The publication would be celebrated by a formal dinner at the Charlotte Country Club on April 24, before 90 assembled guests, including U.S. Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals Judge John J. Parker and Dr. Chalmers Davidson of Davidson College, both of whom would make brief talks. Mr. Ovens had helped to build the Ivey Department Stores into one of the South's most successful retail merchants. He indicated he had written all of the book himself and that it was not a business story, but would say no more, indicating, to dissuade further questioning, "You've got the story, and now you want to lick the cake pan!" He had written thousands of speeches and all of the early advertisements for Ivey's. He eschewed a typewriter in favor of dictation, with his typist-nurse indicating that he did not know one end of a typewriter from the other. On that statement, the interview by Mr. Scheer had ended.

Charles Kuralt of The News reports that it was "the season of green grass and dogwood blossoms, of tall blue skies and gentle zephyrs from the east. It is the season of Easter, and hence, the season of ducks." He indicates that no one could impart precisely what ducks had to do with spring, not even the proprietor of Hastings seed store, the resident duck expert in the community, indicating that all he knew was that they sold a lot of them at the current time of year, probably a couple of hundred during the current week, with around 400 the following week in advance of Easter. He had told of an average father coming into the store seeking to purchase a little duck for his children, and they would sell them at 50 cents apiece or three for $1.30. Then, after Easter, the mother would come into town, tired of the mess around the house, and have the children place the duck in the lake at Freedom Park, resulting in hundreds of ducks being placed in the lake every year following Easter, with about 90 percent of them coming from the Hastings seed store. Then fall would come and the ducks would grow up and there was not enough food around the park for all of them to eat, and so the City would have to buy food for them, which was purchased at the seed store. The store sold about 1,000 week-old ducks every spring, while other seed stores, dime stores and pet stores sold more ducks. Hardly anybody raised ducks to eat, according to the proprietor of the seed store, even though they made "pretty good eating" when they reached between 10 and 12 pounds. But most people took them to the lake before they got that big. He said that they got their ducks by parcel post from a duck hatchery in Ohio, that they were hatched on Monday and they received them the following day. He recounted of a man who came to buy seed from them every now and then, who had a duck waddling behind him through the middle of town, not on a leash, only a red ribbon tied around its neck. Mr. Kuralt regards that duck as illustrating the point regarding care and feeding of Easter ducks, that they should be treated right, in which case they would treat the owner right, that chicken mash would suffice for food, but would have to be accompanied by a pan of water as ducks could not wash their food down, that little ducks were cuddly and invited hugging and squeezing, but that they should not be, that little ducks had fuzz instead of feathers and should not be allowed to catch cold, and finally that the Freedom Park lake was getting crowded, entreating people to find some other lake in which to place them.

In London, Ky., it was reported that a coal miner and part-time preacher faced a three-year prison term because of a scheme to collect thousands of dollars by posing as Adolf Hitler. The man admitted having written hundreds of letters saying that Hitler was alive and would set up a "new kingdom" in the U.S. He was convicted in Federal District Court the previous day on three counts of using the mails to defraud. He had called himself "Furrier NO. I" in his letters. He was sentenced to three years each on the three counts, to be served concurrently. The judge indicated that the man had claimed that he was "a good American" actually seeking to collect evidence against "other persons" whom he claimed were involved, but Government witnesses said that the man had received as much as $11,000 from his victims, including several thousand dollars from a former U.S. Army sergeant of German descent, from Bristol, Va. When the latter had died the previous year, relatives had discovered postal money order receipts made out to the defendant and more than 100 letters from him, promising positions of power to contributors.

No, his name was not Trump, but the appeal sounds basically the same, even if Trump does not, himself, purport to be the reincarnation of Hitler, though his rhetoric certainly leads one to suppose that he is framing himself in the image of the Reich "Furrier" while promising his followers the same sort of pie-in-the-sky on which Hitler built his Third Reich satrapy by satrapy, in each state and each nation as the head Furrier purports to control how Israel and Russia, not to forget Mexico, Central and South America, would function under his worldwide dictatorial direction. We do not jest. This guy is crazy and anyone who votes for him is likewise crazy, or just a plain hypocrite, seeking political power in a supposed new term, making those who have called him what he is after having served under him for awhile in the first four years that much more courageous and responsible to the American people. The worst type of hypocrites are those who have served under him, decried his methods and his rhetoric, and yet now, after having opposed him for the Republican nomination in 2024, exhibit spineless genuflection in bowing to him and indicating their intention to vote for him. It is, however, not so surprising, as most of those people have shown themselves through their political careers to be spineless hypocrites, despite their bold contentions to the contrary, always placing party and political expediency ahead of country, while professing to be the "true Americans" as all of those horrible Democrats are "traitors" to the cause—of true fascism. If a person considers reflectively, objectively and honestly how things were in his four previous years in the White House, all four years, not just three of them, no one but an irresposible, suicidal lunatic or someone who cannot remember past yesterday would wish to relive that horrible time in American history, which, for his lack of policy indications other than promises of vindictive vindication for all of the supposed "weaponized" justice brought to bear on him and the rounding up of millions of people for mass deportation, will be far worse the second time around.

If you think things are really so bad economically and in terms of inflation, stop seeing the economy through the myopic lenses of your Americocentric glasses and instead look at the global picture for a comparative view in light of events affecting world economy, especially the war by Russia against Ukraine and the post-pandemic adjustment. Read about England and its post-pandemic struggles amid high unemployment, when the U.S. is at historic 60-year lows in unemployment under President Biden, and inflation, which is far higher than in the U.S., under Conservative leadership, now likely to end in July after 14 consecutive years of it, in favor of the Labour Party. Do you recall when Trump was echoing the call to support Brexit? See how that turned out, another one of his brilliant policy ukases, to name but one of dozens.

On the editorial page, "Minimum Wage: A Tar Heel Necessity" finds that any old argument which lobbyists opposed to a state minimum wage could put forth to the State Senate Manufacturing, Labor and Commerce Committee appeared to suffice.

One lobbyist had said that the proposed 75-cent state minimum wage was "not the American way", and the Committee had listened, asking no questions.

It counters that the minimum wage had been "the American way" since the national minimum wage had gone into effect in 1938 as part of the first Wage and Hours Act for workers engaged in interstate commerce. It had continued to be "the American way" since, increased now to one dollar per hour.

Some 600,000 workers in the state were covered by the Federal minimum wage, but 91,000 were engaged only in intrastate commerce employment and so were not covered. All they were seeking now through the bill was a 75-cent wage per hour, which the piece regards as only a decent subsistence wage, deprivation of which was "not the American way", with current wages for such workers requiring families to live in debt, as the wage earner made only $25 to $30 per week in such jobs.

The minimum wage had been an instrument of prosperity for both management and labor as it provided that much more spending power for consumers and spread the wealth more evenly throughout the society.

The State Labor Department commissioner, Frank Crane, viewed it as an essential instrument for growth of the state. Governor Luther Hodges, who had been a businessman before entering politics, urged in 1955, in a speech before the Southern Garment Manufacturers Association, that the minimum wage should not have such tough sledding in the General Assembly, reminding them that it would cost more in taxes if revenue were not obtained through higher individual incomes, that it would provide for more widespread purchasing power while raising the level of very low income earners.

But the previous day before the Senate Committee, the lobbyist had been warning that minimum wage legislation in the state would be "a danger flag in the face of capital we want to attract for new industries." It responds that the state had never pursued that type of industry, that its philosophy had been more in line with a statement from the Journal of Commerce out of New York, which had indicated that industry's attitude toward wages was that an employee who made good money and was capable of doing a good job would help the firm to be the kind of efficient operation which could produce more profits by turning out a larger volume of better quality goods at less cost.

The piece thus urges the General Assembly to pass the state minimum wage bill.

"Give Generously to the Symphony" tells of the Charlotte Symphony Orchestra having announced plans for its 1957-58 drive for contributing members, indicating that it was unthinkable that the city would not respond generously and enthusiastically.

The Symphony had a quarter of a century of valuable musical service behind it, becoming a permanent fixture in community life, earning the respect and admiration of thousands, with few cultural enterprises having given so much to so many for so little.

The sale of tickets, program advertising and special performances provided about half of the expenses of operation of the Symphony Orchestra, with the remaining half coming from subscriptions by individuals and firms. It urges the community to provide generous support to enable the cultural climate to continue in the community, allowing all to benefit directly or indirectly, as it was a drawing card for incoming industry and enhanced the desirability of living in the Charlotte area, as well as having educational value and encouraging full appreciation of the arts. It regards its goal of 2,500 contributing members, one for each seat in Ovens Auditorium, to be modest, considering that the size of the city was estimated currently to be 160,000.

"City's Growth Must Not Be Stunted" finds that the arguments presented before the Legislature the previous day against a formula for orderly extension of the city limits of Charlotte to have been earnest and honorable, but tended to overlook the question of greatest good for the greatest number, which was at stake. For if Charlotte was to be restricted by bedroom communities contributing only in a limited way to the city's support, it would decay, victimizing the entire metropolitan population.

While there were defects in the formula for annexation, they were heavily outweighed by the virtues and rewards of a swift and orderly extension of the boundaries.

"We are one people and one community. By joining hands we can achieve a better life for all. The only alternative is decay."

A piece from the Raleigh News & Observer, titled "The Vanishing Stroller", indicates that it was common knowledge that in medieval history, when middle-aged men were boys, all public schools had been built at least four miles from the nearest house, causing the boy to have to walk a substantial distance to and from the place of education. "If wisdom were predicated on walking, every store and office in the state would bulge with Platos."

But now, all schools were built just down the street and most students did not even walk that far, given carpooling and city buses making legs superfluous for everything but racks on which to hold long pants. Even in small towns, to think of not riding four blocks to work was "almost like using the gas chamber at the state pen in lieu of sleeping pills." In present times, walking appeared to be outmoded for everyone but the postman and Parris Island recruits, though it excepts the bloodhounds who chased golf balls "on the grounds of intermittent sunstrokes", even if one never saw any of them who did not ride to the golf pasture.

"Walking is not only a physical necessity. It is great fun: It sweeps the cobwebs from the mind, jangles the juices around wonderfully, and tunes up the nervous system better than a two-horse wagon load of tonics."

Drew Pearson indicates that if the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the economizers in Congress wanted to save additional money, the Civil Aeronautics Board and Senator Paul Douglas had shown them the way, entailing the recoupment from Pan American Airways of 5.9 million dollars in overpaid 1954 Government subsidies, plus a proposed collection of 6.5 million dollars as a result of bookkeeping errors. Mr. Pearson indicates that it was a way to enable the Government to make money instead of having to cut important programs, such as school construction. The bookkeeping error had been the direct result of the hiring of 30 additional auditors by the CAB to check on the subsidiaries of Pan American.

For a long time, certain members of the CAB, led by former member Joe Adams, had been seeking to obtain money to examine the books of Pan Am, with those members being suspicious that the airline, with more subsidies than any other U.S. company, had been collecting extra subsidies by failing to bill its foreign subsidiaries for services. But the CAB had never been able to get a thorough examination of the books of the subsidiaries to prove the suspicion.

Senator Douglas had repeatedly urged his colleagues both to cut down on airline subsidies and to hire enough auditors to examine the books thoroughly. In the House, Congressman John Rooney of Brooklyn had done the same thing. Senator Douglas had argued that the taxpayers, through the subsidies, were paying for luxury hotels and Pan Am's foreign subsidiaries, beginning that campaign in 1953 and continuing it through the ensuing two years until he finally was able to convince his colleagues to enable the hiring of 30 additional auditors.

The order by CAB chairman J. R. Durfee had been one of the most sweeping ever issued by the Board. After enumerating various cases in which Pan Am had failed to charge its Mexican and Central American subsidiaries for services rendered, it concluded that as a result, Pan Am's subsidy needs might have been substantially overstated and that completion of the audit might disclose other discrepancies. It also indicated that until fiscal year 1956, when the CAB received appropriations for its substantial increase in auditors, it had not been possible for such auditing to take place.

Mr. Pearson indicates that between 1951 and 1956, TWA had received a total subsidy of nearly 4.6 million dollars on its foreign operations, while during the same period, Pan Am had received 138.6 million dollars.

For the first time in history, the House Appropriations Committee had cut Pan Am's subsidies to zero, but it remained to be seen whether the Senate would restore the 5.5 million dollar subsidy which the President had requested for the following year.

Walter Lippmann, in London, tells of a new British defense policy set forth in an official White Paper released the previous week and how the skein of events since 1949 when the Soviets detonated their first atomic device, triggering the arms and missile development race, had influenced the new policy.

Britain particularly, with its large commitments and diminished economic resources, had problems in meeting the new era, having to finance the new weapons while maintaining simultaneously conventional arms, a difficult task for any nation. For all of the nations of Europe and Asia, the new weapons had posed the question whether there was any such thing as defense in the ordinary sense of being able to repel an attack. If not, then there was no security except the prevention of nuclear war through deterrence and diplomacy.

For a number of reasons, Britain had been the first of the major powers to articulate distinctly and openly the complex problems posed by the new military revolution, and to reshape its military policy accordingly. The recent White Paper, unusually candid and explicit for an official statement, would have impact far beyond only Britain. It included the blunt statement "that there is at present no means of providing adequate protection for the people of this country against the consequences of an attack with nuclear weapons," and that therefore "the overplanning must be to prevent war rather than to prepare for it." The practical military conclusion drawn from it was that Britain had to have some deterrent nuclear power of its own if it was to remain not completely dependent on the U.S. But what the British were saying would be read in countries which were no less defenseless and yet incapable of acquiring any deterrent nuclear force.

The British conclusion depended on the assumption that the U.S. was currently ahead of the Soviet Union in the race to produce guided missiles of intermediate range, and that in the not-too-distant future, the U.S. would be able to supply Britain and the NATO countries with those missiles. If that assumption was correct, an era was beginning in which the balance of nuclear power would be theoretically and statistically inclined against the Soviet Union. Theoretically, the Soviets would be within range of the intermediate missiles based in Britain and Western Europe, whereas the U.S. would be somewhat less vulnerable.

Mr. Lippmann indicates that many, including himself, did not think that such theoretical calculations were reliable enough in the real world to be taken seriously as a basis of practical policy. But the assumption that the U.S. had a lead in intermediate missiles was held by military planners all over the world. Whereas Britain would have to reduce its military establishment and overseas commitments in any event, the intermediate missiles promised from the U.S. during the ensuing five years, during which Britain would be reducing its military forces, could support the claim that the overall power of Britain relative to the Soviets was nevertheless not reduced.

Mr. Lippmann indicates that it was probable that the Soviet warnings to Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands and to Western Europe generally were addressed primarily to that problem of medium range missile development, indicative of the genuine disturbance by the Soviets at the prospect of being encircled by a ring of guided missiles with nuclear warheads, especially if for some years to come, it would not have comparable power to strike at the U.S. The Soviet warnings contained major threats of what would happen if medium range missiles were launched from Western Europe. But it was only fair to note that there was no suggestion in those warnings that the Soviet Union was considering a preventive attack should the missiles be actually installed in Britain and elsewhere, as such a preventive attack would entail war against the U.S., and it was plain that the Soviets had no intention of starting such a war.

If the basic assumption of temporary Western superiority was correct, it meant only that the West's diplomatic bargaining power, which had declined since the previous fall when the abortive Hungarian revolution had taken place and the Suez Canal crisis had occurred nearly simultaneously with Egypt, would be temporary and short-lived, as the Soviets would catch up with the U.S., assuming they were lagging behind.

He concludes that one would feel better about it all if British and American directors of diplomacy were willing to think as freshly and frankly as the authors of the British White Paper on military policy.

Doris Fleeson examines the nomination of F. Scott McLeod, currently the security chief at the State Department, to be Ambassador to Ireland, finding it to be "a little candle throwing its beam on the extraordinary supineness of present-day Washington", with indifference to duty and to the welfare and needs of others, which she finds to be afflicting both Republican administrators and the Democratic Congress.

Mr. McLeod was a former FBI agent, assistant to Senator Styles Bridges of New Hampshire and allied to Senator McCarthy, whom Secretary of State Dulles had placed in charge of security during the early part of the Administration when Senator McCarthy had been riding high and the President's orders had been to get along with him. The effect on foreign service morale had been diminishing and lasting, but Mr. McLeod had nevertheless remained, even after publicly seeking to help Senator McCarthy stymie the President's appointment in 1953 of Charles Bohlen as Ambassador to the Soviet Union.

As recounted in the recent biography by John Robinson Beal, as reviewed recently by Stewart Alsop, Mr. Dulles had wanted to fire Mr. McLeod at the latter point, but was talked out of it by then-Undersecretary of State Walter Bedell Smith.

Now with the President in his second term, Secretary Dulles had decided to get Mr. McLeod out of the security and immigration field, currently handling the refugee situation, where he had been a constant source of friction. But Senator Bridges was still the senior Republican on the Appropriations and Armed Services Committees, and so Mr. Dulles had offered Mr. McLeod his choice of embassies in Honduras or New Zealand, but he had chosen Ireland instead, and to avoid friction, Mr. Dulles had acquiesced.

Ms. Fleeson regards the matter as relatively minor, although Ireland would desire a more distinguished and effective Ambassador. But Ireland was not a trouble spot for the U.S. and it had not formally protested the appointment, despite attacks from the press and Parliament from liberal forces pointing out that Mr. McLeod's friend, Senator McCarthy, had declined markedly in his power and effect.

But the foreign service was bitter that Mr. McLeod was being rewarded effectively for what they regarded as his hatchet work, which had included promotion to ambassador of heavy campaign contributors who acquired the cream of overseas assignments in all administrations. With such appointments, career men were left only in the difficult places, such as the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, behind the Iron Curtain and near the Arctic Circle. Possibly, she posits, the country, however, ought be grateful for small favors.

She indicates that it was a ready-made case for the Democratic majority in the Senate, professing to believe that foreign policy was being badly executed, to act to block the nomination. But controversy was being discouraged by Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson, and any Senator who would start a controversy was likely to be relegated to the back benches.

It was beginning to appear that the Democrats had lost the art of controversy after their 20 years in power between 1933 and 1953. But how they could lose on Mr. McLeod was difficult for Ms. Fleeson to see, as all of the Democrats were against the appointment, while it divided Republicans and would bring the anti-Eisenhower right wing of the party rushing to Mr. McLeod's defense.

A letter from State Representative W. D. Reynolds of Robeson County, writing from Raleigh, indicates that he was introducing a bill to the Legislature to address repeated complaints by farmers over the pests of Bermuda grass, Johnson grass, nut grass, and sandspurs, which they claimed had been spread by certain segments of the State, especially the Highway and Public Works Commission and their employees, spread along the highways and impacting adjoining parcels. He indicates his awareness that Bermuda grass was a splendid type of sod which had helped to hold highway shoulders in place, but believes there were other grasses which could be used in lieu of them, which would not creep over the shoulders and into the farmers' fields, impacting their crops. He hopes that the press would explain to the farmers that it was his intention to do something through the Legislature to protect them from further encroachment on their livelihoods. He indicates awareness of a law passed in 1945 which had suggested that Bermuda grass ought not be spread under certain circumstances and in certain localities without permission of the adjoining landowners, but believed it was not enough to prevent the spread. The bill he was introducing would have all seeds sown on the highways checked by the Agriculture Department, and a future bill he would introduce would prevent use of water by the Highway Department or anyone else on adjoining farm lands without making sure the water would not sog or damage the crops.

This letter leads us to ponder the wisdom of our habit during this time at night on occasion of firing our finger-pistol at the radio towers in the distance outside our living room picture window, across the field on the other side of the road. Were there to be any crops over there in that field, which we have never seen, perhaps the whizzing of our bullets over them might impact their viability and hurt the farmers' income at harvest. Upon this notion, we have taken the studies. And, though we are an excellent shot, as proved by the fact that every time we fire our finger-pistol, the light on one of the radio towers goes out, even if the fast bulb-fixer is able to replace each bulb just as quickly so that it lights up instantly again, we have to stop and consider what if our aim is off on occasion, too low, and should hit either a farmer working in the field, though we have never seen one or any machinery over there, leading us to wonder what that field is all about, or a passing motorist. That would not be good. What would Marshal Dillon say? We must re-evaluate our nighttime shooting practice in light of the Representative's letter.

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