The Charlotte News
Monday, May 25, 1959
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, in a piece by Ed Creagh of the Associated Press, that former Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, 71, had died of cancer the previous day. A man who had worked closely with him had said, "If Foster goes to heaven, which is a pretty good bet, he will immediately start negotiations with the devil to patch things up." The piece suggests that he might have added that Mr. Dulles would insist on God's terms, not the devil's, in any peace settlement. He had been a man of ironclad moral opinions and in his book, the Bible, was a staunch Presbyterian, and black was black and white was white. That had provided strength to his convictions. It was for history to say whether, as some of his critics had suggested, it had also made him too unbending and self-righteous see the other side's point of view in international negotiations. "Inflexible" was a word often applied to him, sometimes in praise and sometimes in blame, but no one denied that he had energy. He had flown the Atlantic and sometimes the Pacific the way most people took a streetcar. He had visited 46 countries, traveling about 600,000 miles in the process, during his six years as Secretary. He had worked quite long hours, often in great pain as his fatal illness had developed. At his office and at his Washington home, he was constantly on the job. In his role at the State Department, he was the original do-it-yourself person, leaving administrative details to his helpers while handling the big foreign policy matters himself. He could do that because the President had utmost confidence in him. The two were not especially close socially and Mr. Dulles had not been a member of the President's golfing set, but the President had leaned on him in matters of state and had never failed to declare his faith in him and affection for him. Personally, Mr. Dulles had been hard to describe. A British correspondent had once referred to him as a "pawky chap", a Scottish expression which had two meanings, either cunning and sly or saucy and lively. Neither definition told the whole story. Mr. Dulles was both blunt and subtle. He had been the grandson of General John Watson Foster, a Civil War soldier who had been Secretary of State under President Benjamin Harrison in the late 1880's. He had cut his diplomatic teeth at the Hague Convention of 1907, having gone there with his grandfather and seen international law in the making. At that time, he was a junior at Princeton and was seldom away from foreign affairs for the rest of his life. His great ambition had been to follow in his grandfather's footsteps and he had. He had been the certain choice for Secretary of State in any cabinet of Thomas Dewey had Mr. Dewey been elected to the presidency in either 1944 or 1948. But he had lost both times and Mr. Dulles, not without impatience, had bided his time. President Truman, who had beaten Governor Dewey in 1948, had named Mr. Dulles acting chairman of the U.S. delegation to the U.N., to sit in for the then ailing General George C. Marshall.
In Geneva, it was reported that the East-West talks regarding Germany would be suspended on Wednesday and Thursday while the Western foreign ministers flew to Washington for the funeral of Secretary Dulles. Secretary of State Christian Herter would take with him British Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd and French Foreign Minister Maurice Couve de Murville. They would leave Geneva on Tuesday night following a brief session of the Big Four foreign ministers conference and would return on Friday in time for a Big Four meeting that afternoon. Western diplomats speculated that Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko also might attend the funeral, but there was no word from Soviet headquarters to confirm or deny that speculation. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Andrew Berding said that he believed it was possible Mr. Gromyko might fly to Washington. The latter had agreed in a telephone conversation with Secretary Herter to the two-day suspension of the conference, saying that he fully understood Mr. Herter's wish to attend the funeral and expressed his condolences on the death of the former Secretary. The recess had come during a critical week for the conference.
In Washington, it was reported that Federal authorities this date had announced their withdrawal from the kidnap-murder case of Mack Charles Parker and that the results of their lengthy investigation would be turned over to the State of Mississippi. Attorney General William Rogers said that the evidence obtained by the FBI after a masked mob had snatched Mr. Parker from the Pearl River County Jail at Poplarville on April 25 and killed him, had failed to show any violation of Federal law. Mr. Rogers said this date that he had thus directed the FBI to deliver to Governor J. P. Coleman at Jackson "a summary of information relative to facts and evidence obtained during the FBI's investigation." It would be left to Governor Coleman to determine whether any prosecution under state law was possible. Mr. Parker, 23, had been on the eve of being tried on a charge of raping a pregnant white woman when he was abducted. His body had been found on May 4 in the Pearl River swamps near Bogalusa, La., by FBI agents and Mississippi Highway Patrolmen. He had been shot twice.
In Dallas, Tex., it was reported that police had crashed into a barricaded house this date and dragged out a dead gunman after he had killed one man and held four persons hostage for hours. A burst of machine-gun fire across the man's chest had killed him. All four hostages had escaped earlier after authorities had poured at least 14 teargas grenades into the house in southwest Dallas. The violence had erupted after the owner of the house had taken workmen there for renovations. Two of the captives had come out of the house handcuffed together, the handcuffs not explained immediately. Two of the hostages had been women and two had been men. A neighbor said that the man in the house had been "crazy drunk" since Friday. The owner of the house said that the man had some drunken belief that by holding the hostages, he could force the Dallas County Sheriff to come out to the house. The landlady said that he held a grudge against the Sheriff because of past evictions. During the 90 minutes of the gunfight, the body of the first shooting victim of the crazed killer had lain on a porch of the house. The gunman had held the hostages in terror with a .38 revolver and a .22 rifle. Police riddled the house with rifle and submachinegun fire after the hostages had escaped after first softening up the gunman with teargas. Captain Will Fritz, head of the homicide squad—who would subsequently become well-known to the nation during the sad weekend of November 22 through November 25, 1963—, walked to the front door of the house five times, firing a submachine gun as he walked. One teargas grenade had set fire to the rear of the residence. An off-duty patrolman and a police sergeant, who was a former newspaperman, had made the final rush into the house. The two officers fired blasts at the man who was sitting in a chair with his back to the wall.
In Mt. Clemens, Mich., it was reported that five young people on an outing had drowned the previous night after their small 16-foot runabout cruiser had capsized in Lake St. Claire. Three girls had been rescued, found this date clinging weakly to the overturned craft. The bodies of the victims had been recovered nearby. One survivor, 17, said that they had overcrowded the boat because it was late and they were in a hurry to get home from a picnic on Strawberry Island, four miles southwest of the town. The boat had capsized in shallow water and the youths had attempted to push it back to the island but had suddenly slipped into deeper water. The survivor said that they had clung to the craft and cried for help, that during the night five of them had drowned, one by one, slipping away into the water. Rescued with her had been a 17-year old and a 20-year old, both females. Drowned had been five people ranging in age between 16 and 26, including three men and two girls, both of whom were 16.
In Prescott, Ariz., it was reported that an airlines hostess with a yen for excitement had found enough "to last me for a lifetime" when she had rushed to the aid of a pilot she believed was in danger of being sucked from the plane. The 20-year old stewardess of Denver had grabbed the Frontier Airlines pilot and held on grimly when she thought he was being swept into the open sky by suction from an open door. But the pilot, 36, said: "I was not in danger at any time. Air from the outside rushed in and knocked me backward. The stewardess did a fine job of handling the passengers and there was no panic." The 118-pound stewardess, who said she had been hoping for some excitement since joining the airline four months earlier, found it more than a mile above Prescott. It all started when a passenger door on the DC-3 had suddenly whipped open and the pilot had struggled vainly to close it. Several passengers on the flight thought that he was caught in the grip of suction, with the stewardess stating that her heart had stopped when she saw him so close to the door, thus grabbed his arm. Both had fallen to the floor and she had anchored herself by wrapping her other arm around the bottom part of the seat. The pilot, unable to close the door, then moved back to take the controls from the copilot and, despite the door banging and bouncing on the runway, had made a perfect emergency landing at the Prescott Airport. The Frontier station agent in Phoenix, who was aboard the flight, said, in refernce to the stewardess, "It was darn lucky she was here." After a brief delay, the passengers were flown to Phoenix in another plane. Airline officials had not determined what had caused the door to open.
Bill Hughes of The News reports that Charlotte units of the North Carolina Air National Guard would be called to active duty to maintain order in strike-torn Henderson, N.C., for a two-week period beginning June 7, according to Adjutant General of the Guard, Capus Waynick. The Air Guardsmen would relieve Army National Guard units for summer training encampment during that period of time. Charlotte Air Guard units affected would be member organizations of the 145th Fighter Group at Morris Field. The Army National Guard had the duty of keeping peace in Henderson since May 12. The Air Guardsmen would be the first to be called from the Charlotte area. Army Guard units from Tarboro, Scotland, Rocky Mount, Nashville, Farmville, Hickory, Wilkesboro, Morganton, Asheville and Forest City-Spindale had also been called up. The commander of the Air National Guard, Col. William Payne, said that the task force at Henderson would be commanded by Col. Henry Byrd, Jr. The force had been designated the 145th Air Police Support Group on a provisional basis. Air Guardsmen would convene for a special training assembly on Saturday and Sunday next to make preparations for the Henderson operation, according to the colonel. The number of men to be sent to Henderson was not specified, as the exact number of troops on duty at Henderson had been a closely guarded secret since the Guard had taken over. Col. Payne asked cooperation from employers of Guardsmen who would have to leave their jobs on short notice. The Air Guardsmen were scheduled to report to active duty on Friday, June 5, and depart for Henderson the following Sunday, to be relieved on Sunday, June 21. The strike at the Harriet-Henderson Cotton Mills had begun the prior November 17 over a dispute to remove an arbitration clause from the contract between the firm and the Textile Workers Union of America. The mills had been closed until February, when the company began operations with non-strikers, and violence, including dynamite blasts and shootings, had then erupted on numerous occasions since that time.
In New York City, more than 100 cats and dogs, Gypsy Rose Lee and a Catholic priest had shared billing, crowded, along with spectators, into a tiny park in Greenwich Village. The priest had blessed the animals, a centuries-old custom. Ms. Lee, chairman of the Greenwich Village Humane League, and a bevy of Broadway actresses had distributed free ice cream cones for the children.
In Washington, several Senators had made a pitch for a flower to become the national emblem, usually a flower from their home state. Senator Philip Hart of Michigan had decided to stay out of the controversy and boost his home state at the same time, recently having sent each Senator a note which read: "No matter what your candidate for the national floral emblem, we of Michigan are confident it will grow best in Michigan peat moss."
On the editorial page, "Why Not an Outdoor Concert Series?" indicates that for years the community's superb Symphony Orchestra, Opera Association and choral groups had stopped presenting programs in May for the duration of the summer.
But starting on Wednesday evening, Henry Janiec would conduct the Charlotte Symphony Orchestra in an outdoor "pops" concert in Freedom Park and according to the program, the performance would signal the end of the Symphony's 1958-59 season.
It suggests that it ought actually to be made to signal the beginning of a bright new tradition of music under the stars throughout the summer, that a series of outdoor concerts in Freedom Park during the summer months would add luster to the community's cultural climate and enjoyment to the lives of thousands of people. With due planning and a modest investment, success would be virtually assured.
Orchestras performed in the open air in scores of cities within the country and abroad. There were the Stadium concerts in New York, Boston's Esplanade concerts and the Hollywood Bowl in Los Angeles. Music lovers could hear fine music under the trees in Beauregard Square in New Orleans and on the terrace of the Kursalon or in the Stadtpark in Vienna. Public response to those musical interludes had usually been enthusiastic.
It finds that Charlotte had a perfect setting for outdoor concerts as there were already benches enough in Freedom Park for about 1,500 people, with space for many more on the terraces. Portable baffles and a makeshift acoustic shell would be used for the orchestra on Wednesday evening. For a regular season of summer concerts, a permanent shell would be needed similar to those presently in use in many Florida cities. It would not be practical for concerts to be attempted without some specialized acoustic equipment. Once a shell was installed, it would be suitable for band concerts, opera and outdoor jazz recitals as well as symphonic presentations. The cost of permanent shells varied greatly according to the size and appearance of the structure. Charlotte did not need a lavishly decorated or massively constructed shell, as the park itself would provide enough decoration.
It suggests that it was obviously a question which the Park and Recreation Commission ought consider soon, that if funds could be earmarked for a shell in the 1959-60 budget, interested musical groups could begin planning immediately for a series of concerts under the stars the following summer. "Then, in Charlotte, June would be as welcome as the flowers in May."
"Democrats Should Keep Their Tempers" indicates that the Democratic Party had a sound reputation for being jolly, that traditionally, Democrats managed to sweeten the often bitter draught of politics with a smile or a wisecrack. The lightheartedness of Adlai Stevenson or FDR had been known to irritate the dour opposition, but regular Democratic patrons admired it.
But lately, the news out of Washington had borne the sad tidings that the party might have lost its traditional sense of humor. Democratic Congressman Chester Bowles of Connecticut had told Democrats in Minnesota that the Democratic Congress might moodily enfeeble the foreign aid bill because they felt "frustrated" by the President's threat to veto certain pet measures. Arthur Krock, columnist of the New York Times, had found the same frustration and spleen in what Congressional Democrats were doing to presidential appointees, charging that the sudden anger regarding the economic upswing was now giving the lie to the previous fall's dire warnings by Democrats. Hindsight, employment and production indices seemed to show that the Democrats' call for inflationary spending was premature. Embarrassed, the Democrats were said to be peevish and were showing it.
It indicates that the fact should be faced that the new trends put the Democrats in a sorry fix, reflecting a tumble from the previous fall's overwhelming victories in the midterms. Those elections had given vent to a vast public discomfort about the wobbly course of the country, internally and externally. It had spurred the Democrats to a feverish zeal to repair the fallen public spirit, falling back on an old Democratic faith in public welfare. Congress would daringly expand public services, build highways, schools and housing, renew urban blight, all of which would serve the dual aim of restoring public heart and building a backlog of good politics. But Democrats had failed to reckon with two things, one being the Berlin crisis, which had served to distract, and the other being that the still entrenched President would effectively play on the national fear of inflation to quiet their zeal.
The Democrats ought know, as their even-tempered colleagues such as Mr. Bowles had warned, that it was dangerous to take their present frustration as an occasion for flying off the handle. Bitterness bred meanness and irresponsibility and meanness and irresponsibility could quickly break public confidence. It concludes that if the old merriment of the Democrats yielded to those corrosive habits, the voters of 1960 might make them very sorry.
"They Talk—But What Do They Say?" indicates that it had looked at a copy recently of the National Grange Monthly and read an editorial by Herschel Newsome, master of the National Grange, from which it abstracted a sentence: "We must nevertheless seek diligently to build the framework within which we may serve that sort of purpose in due course of time without invoking the cumbersome and excessively expensive processes from our own point of view and within our own structure—which processes at the same time complicate the very purpose and objective of using our productive capacity for the soundest and finest results possible on the international scale—because of the inherent inequity and injustice that we inflict on producers of comparable commodities elsewhere in the world—even though it is not our declared purpose to do so."
It indicates that it had been completely baffled and decided to drop the matter and turn to baseball to figure out why the Yankees had not been winning. As an aid, it had a quotation from Yankees manager Casey Stengel: "I put that fella in left and he can't field now; somebody else would use him maybe, but I can't. So I wait, and then my big fella gets hurt because he's goin' at half speed and he's got to bunt once in awhile because he can't always swing from his heels. Especially when he hits the ball to either side of the other fellow he's sure to get on because nobody can catch him. But he wants to hit now and I give him his chance to play center and he does me a good job because he is a strong fella. But some fellas don't know about getting a bat with a thick handle like that Chicago fella does. He knows when you get it on the fists your muscle ain't worth a damn. But do you think these fellows understand that?"
It indicates that, reduced to despair, it turned to the problem of Admiral Lewis Strauss and his attempt to be confirmed as Secretary of Commerce. The President had said at a press conference on May 13: "Why he cannot be, after all these months, cannot be confirmed is something that is completely beyond me—unless they just—there is, you might say, a delaying thing there out of which they think some benefit will accrue. I don't know what…"
It had then decided that there were some things which were better left unsaid, such as the ancient Hebrew word for God. And the subjects which lent themselves best to unsaid things were agriculture, baseball and politics. "We'd just rather not hear any more about them, if you don't mind."
A piece from the Denver Post, titled "Tell Us More!" indicates that the Army had learned what married men had known all along, that it cost more to clothe a woman than a man. With its customary attention to detail, the Army had put the exact difference into the records of the House Appropriations Committee.
The initial clothing allowance for an enlisted man, according to the Army, was $166.20, but for a Wac, it was $232.36. A soldier received one pair of shoes and two pairs of boots whereas a Wac received four pairs of shoes and one pair of pumps. A Wac received a handbag and overshoes while a soldier used his pockets and got his feet wet. A soldier received $5.40 worth of shirts and underwear, and a Wac received $30 for "undergarments", which the Army discreetly did not describe specifically.
It indicates that the Army was to be commended for letting the taxpayers know what it had learned about the problems of clothing its personnel. "Now if it will tell us how it handles the problem of the Wac who says she can't go on duty because she simply doesn't have 'a thing to wear', all husbands will be eternally grateful."
Drew Pearson indicates that for several weeks there had been a hush-hush effort inside the House Judiciary Committee to pigeonhole a report on the world's biggest utility, AT&T. Three Republican Congressmen and one Democrat had been sitting on the report. They had not said so in so many words but it had been obvious from their actions that most of them did not want the report on the AT&T wire-pulling to be released to the general public. The three Republicans who sat on the report were Representatives William McCullough of Ohio, George Meader of Michigan, and William E. Miller of New York—the latter to become Senator Barry Goldwater's running mate for the vice-presidency in 1964. Mr. Meader, however, had only been a member of the Committee during the current year and was not familiar with the hearings of the previous year, indicating that he needed time to study the voluminous records. The sole Democrat was Byron Rogers of Denver. The chairman, Emanuel Celler of Brooklyn, had gone to Mr. Rogers and urged him to vote with his fellow Democrats in getting the report to the public, pointing out that AT&T, with its subsidiary Western Electric, had been guilty of flagrant antitrust violations and had used all types of wire-pulling to get their case, which had been brought by the Democrats, settled inside the Justice Department by the Republicans. At first, Mr. Rogers would not budge, but Mr. Celler got tough, indicating that Mr. Rogers was already in trouble at home in Denver, with people on his payroll who did not seem to be doing much work, prompting Mr. Celler to advise him not to get further onto the wrong side of things. Finally, Mr. Celler had obtained the release of the report, but was guarding its contents as if it contained the secrets of the hydrogen bomb.
The column was able to reveal that the report consisted of 350-pages exposing AT&T and its subsidiary, Western Electric, former Attorney General Herbert Brownell, the counsel for AT&T, T. Brooke Price, and Bayard Pope, president of the Marine Midland Corp. of New York, for flagrant lobbying and antitrust fixing. The report told of secret meetings between Mr. Brownell when he had been Attorney General, Mr. Pope and Mr. Price in the Statler Hotel in Washington and the Greenbrier Hotel in White Sulphur Springs, W. Va. Mr. Pope was a member of the executive committee of the New York Telephone Co., and was also a director of the Statler hotels. Senator Kenneth Keating of New York, a good friend of Congressman Miller who had sat on the report, was a director of one of Mr. Pope's Midland banks. As a result of the secret discussions, the Justice Department had dropped the case against Western Electric and AT&T with a watered-down consent decree, negotiated by Edward Foote of the Justice Department, who had later been fired for having a conflict of interest in purchasing stock in Warren Petroleum at the time his office was passing on its merger with Gulf Oil.
He notes that AT&T stock would split 3 for 1 the following month in a record-breaking dividend which, when announced the prior winter, had caused the stock to rise $23 per share in a single day.
An attack on the Supreme Court, which would have made a front-page news story, had been finally deleted from a House Appropriations Committee report recently after Congressman John Shelley of California had raised cain behind closed doors, threatening to write a blistering minority report of his own if Democratic Representative George Andrews of Alabama, chairman of the subcommittee on General Government Matters, and Republican Congressman John Taber of New York, did not tone down their anti-Court diatribe.
Joseph Alsop, in Budapest, Hungary,
indicates that in the Coronation Church, the parish church of the
ancient fortress of Buda which still towered above Budapest, they had
sung Haydn's "Nelson-Mass"
But the great outpouring of passion had come at the close, when the whole crowded congregation had joined in the Hungarian anthem, the hymn of the Magyar people, which Hungarians had sung together for more than a century.
He indicates that the point of the mass at the church was simple, being all which the majority of the Hungarian people really believed in any longer. The system under which they lived, the Government which ruled them, the future which the Government promised, were all duly accepted, but they did not command belief or hope. He finds that belief and hope were stronger when the Hungarian people had a far more terrible existence in the iron times of Matyas Rakosi and Joseph Stalin. Because power was displayed with naked ruthlessness, and because of the cruelty of the policies pursued, there had seemed to be inspired a curious masochistic mystique, at least in certain sectors of the youth and the intelligentsia. It had been the same in Poland, where the most rigidly Stalinist intellectuals were presently the most strenuous "revisionists". That mystique had collapsed when Nikita Khrushchev had broken the Stalin-image in his famous speech, with consequences in Hungary, leading to the uprising there in November, 1956. Nothing had replaced the lost mystique, although the blood which had been shed was not shed completely in vain if one applied the common economic tests of the age. Economically, the Hungarian people were substantially better off under Janos Kadar than under Rakosi and somewhat better off than under Imre Nagy. The improvement had begun even before the great explosion in Budapest. The trading system under which Stalin's Russia had levied a heavy tribute in Hungary was abandoned soon after the old tyrant's death.
Now, the rate of state investment was far more bearable. The investment plan was no longer insanely overbalanced in favor of an artificial ultra-heavy industry. Ordinary consumer goods were being produced in reasonable quantities, and above all, the burden of defense expenditures which Hungary was formerly required to carry had now been reduced by about four-fifths for political reasons.
All of those changes meant, in effect, that the state was taking less for itself and giving more to the people. Budapest, astride the Danube, with all its possibilities for beauty, was still sadly gray and drab. But there were goods in the shops and the people had decent shoes and clothing. Except for the old and the tragic survivors of the former ruling class, no one went hungry. The Government's conscious effort to improve the conditions in Hungary was the direct result of the defeated revolution. There was no solid evidence that the renewed drive to collectivize Hungarian agriculture meant a change in policy.
The propaganda regarding the new rural collectives being entirely voluntary was just propaganda. But brute force had not been used in the old way. There were many practical reasons why small-plot peasant farming was undesirable in that country, which had always been farmed in large estates. The state was paying heavily to make the new collectives succeed. For those reasons, the re-collectivization did not appear to foreshadow another general plunge into misery in the Stalinist manner.
He finds, in sum, that in the three years after the young boys had fought the Soviet tanks from street to street in Budapest, life in the country went on with most of the outward appearances of normality in other countries. The trouble was under the surface, where there was a total absence of belief. Without commanding some belief, at least among its own cadres, no government could lay down permanent roots, the problem of Janos Kadar, which was directly linked to the Berlin crisis and the current meeting in Geneva of the foreign ministers to discuss it.
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, indicates that there had just been a big prison riot in England, touched off in a jail full of military bad men by an order to return all surplus books to the company office immediately. A six-hour riot had resulted. According to the report, one prisoner at the subsequent court-martial had recited a list of grievances regarding library books and television viewing.
He had also read of there having
been a riot in the Montana State Prison in which the deputy warden
had been shot by a convicted murderer and the warden held prisoner
along with hostages, triggered by dissatisfaction with television
viewing hours, especially on weekends, as well as regarding a new
lights-out order for 9:30 instead of 10:00 p.m. (Well, they could still see in Butte "Peter Gunn"
He indicates that if they had been
forced to view some of the same programming that he viewed, he could
better understand because "forcible attendance at some TV
performances, especially in England, could be construed as cruel and
unusual, inhumane treatment of the poor prisoners." (They could petition the local tv station to air "M Squad"
He had read a piece sometime earlier in which someone had said that it would be cheaper to house prisoners in the Waldorf than to keep them in New York jails, and he was beginning to see the point, given the TV repair bills and the wear and tear on library books and how much it cost to bury dead deputy wardens so as not to dishonor the good name of the jail, plus the busted crockery and furniture, adhesive tape, etc.
He wonders if convicted murderers were usually supplied guns in prison and whether it was part and parcel to television as a reform program, whether wardens were paid to become captured by the prisoners while they were shooting up the place. He suggests that perhaps he was naïve but he had been brought up on the idea that if you were bad, you went to the jailhouse for two reasons, one being to prevent molesting the public and the other being to remind the prisoner that crime did not pay to deter further criminal activity upon release. He says he did not know that it was supposed to cost as much as a suite in the Waldorf to keep mad dogs from biting people.
He says that he would definitely engage in his commission of crimes in England, as the last press had informed him that 150 members of Parliament had just signed a petition asking for the reprieve from hanging of a heedless youth who had fatally stabbed a police officer for no reason at all.
A letter from Fayetteville from 1959 state Easter Seal campaign chairman Terry Sanford, to be elected Governor in 1960, expresses appreciation to the newspaper for its assistance during their recently completed Easter Seal Appeal, indicating that without their cooperation it would have been impossible for their organization to realize its goals both in service to the crippled children and in raising the necessary funding. He indicates that some of the services the newspaper had helped them provide were summer camping programs, physical therapy services, speech therapy, appliances and braces, hospitalization and surgery, plus transportation. As they were completely dependent on the wholehearted support from the public and would continue to be so, he trusts that they could look forward to the newspaper's continuing support of their efforts.
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