The Charlotte News
Saturday, May 23, 1959
ONE EDITORIAL
Site Ed. Note: The front page
reports from Little Rock, Ark., that a new test of strength between
the pro and con forces in the the city's continuing controversy over
public school integration would occur on Monday in an election to
recall all six members of the School Board. The outcome of the
election would provide the first indication of whether Governor Orval
Faubus had gained or lost support since voters had ratified by 3 to 1
his closing of public high schools to prevent integration the prior
fall. Three Board members were staunch supporters of the Governor,
those three having sparked the latest integration controversy by
dismissing 44 faculty members, and the other three members had once
been denounced by the Governor as "integrationists". Those
against the position of the Governor had walked out of the meeting at
which the teachers had been fired on May 5. The Governor, who
previously had not taken sides, the previous night said in a
television speech that he would vote against the recall of his
faction on the Board, and that if the other faction were recalled,
"It would be no better than they deserve." The Governor did
not touch on the issue of the teacher firing, but stressed what he
termed the evils of integration. Those opposed to the Governor on the
Board contended that the dismissals had been illegal as they had been
undertaken after they had walked out of the meeting. Indignant school
patrons had rallied immediately behind the teachers and the Board
members opposed to the Governor. Within three days, the committee to
"Stop This Outrageous Purge" had been formed to recall the
segregationist Board members under the state law which, ironically,
had been designed purposely to oust school board members suspected of
integrationist sympathies. But segregationist groups backing the
Board president and the other two members supportive of the Governor
had moved almost as quickly, filing petitions seeking the recall of
the other three Board members a few hours after STOP had filed its
petition against the faction supportive of the Governor. Members
would be voted on individually and so would not necessarily be
removed or not by groups. The campaign had grown in bitterness
following the segregationist cause being taken over and spearheaded
by a new group, the Committee to Retain Our Segregated Schools,
CROSS
In Fort Bragg, N.C., 20,000 men and 300 aircraft had gathered this date to launch a 16-day brushfire war training exercise, the largest such maneuver for air reserve and Air National Guard personnel since the Korean War. It was named "Exercise Dark Cloud-Pine Cone II", and would continue until June 7. The joint Army and Air Force maneuver included 13,500 troops of the 82nd Airborne Division, 1,800 Air Force reservists and Air National Guardsmen and support elements drawn from the Military Air Transport Service, the Tactical Air Command and the Continental Air Command. Most of the action would take place in the Pinehurst-Fort Bragg-Camp Mackall area. In theory, a country dubbed North Salada, actually North and South Carolina, faced overthrow by rebels supported by troops from the countries of Palania and Mountainia, comprised of Tennessee, Virginia and part of North Carolina. Air Force reservists and Air National Guardsmen from 27 states were taking part in the maneuver. Most of the troops were from the 82nd Airborne Division, but others from Fort Bragg, Fort Benning and Fort Gordon in Georgia, and Fort Eustis in Virginia, would be pressed into action to defend North Salada against Mountainia and Palania. (What about Aintry?) U.S. troops sent into North Salada would employ tanks, air support and other conventional weapons to drive out the invading armies. An airdrop of 6,000 paratroopers and support equipment behind "enemy" lines would climax the exercise during June 1-6.
In New York, Maj. General William Stone, commander of the eastern transport air force of the Military Air Transport Service, with headquarters at MacGuire Air Force Base in New Jersey, spoke at ceremonies dedicating Idlewild Airport as the first base of the civil reserve air fleet in the nation, joining 18 other air terminals across the nation similarly designated, stating that in the event of a national emergency, commercial aircraft quickly could be put into military service within 48 hours to fly troops and supplies anywhere in the world.
In Henderson, N.C., it was reported that a sniper had fired at two National Guardsmen on Friday night but had hit neither one. It was the first violence directed at the Guard since a 3,300-man detachment had moved into the city on May 11 to quell disorders arising from the six-month old Harriet-Henderson Cotton Mills strike by the Textile Workers Union of America. The incident had occurred while the Guardsmen had been patrolling in a jeep near a striker's home which had been under constant surveillance for several weeks. The Guardsmen had quickly surrounded the home and arrested its owner, a 48-year old man, finding a loaded rifle and spare ammunition in the house. A State Bureau of Investigation agent had signed an application for a warrant charging the man with assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill. In another section of town, a bullet had crashed through the windshield of a car driven by a woman after she had gotten off work late at night, a worker at a textile mill but not one of the two involved in the strike. Police theorized that she was mistaken for a worker at one of the struck mills. It had been quiet, however, in the vicinity of the mills as they had closed for the weekend. Law enforcement officers had been working frantically in an attempt to identify persons responsible for shootings and dynamiting around the struck mills. The arrest of the man who had allegedly shot at the Guardsmen was the first for sniping since violence had begun on February 16 when the mills had resumed operations. A large number other arrests, in connection with picket-line rock-throwing and rioting, had been made since that time. A Superior Court judge on Friday had passed the stiffest sentence to date in connection with picket-line activity, sentencing a striker to a total of 27 months in jail for his having engaged in a riot, assault with a deadly weapon and property damage. He had appealed the conviction to the State Supreme Court, there being no intermediate court of appeal in North Carolina at the time.
In Asheville, a proposal that the General Assembly clear the way for possible purchase of the Henderson cotton mills had been made this date by Heinz Rollman, an industrialist of Hazelwood. Mr. Rollman had suggested that the Legislature approve loans to some 20 to 30 businessmen and industrialists to enable them to form a combination "to take over the plants, to bring new blood into the organization and settle the differences so the mills can run three shifts." Mr. Rollman, president of a shoe company and another corporation, had told the Asheville Times that if the two cotton mills could not operate on three shifts, they would go broke, indicating that since everything else had failed to bring about peace in Henderson, including the mediation efforts of Governor Luther Hodges, it would appear that the Legislature ought join in efforts to halt the battle which reflected on all of North Carolina industry. He said that not only was the strike costing the state thousands of dollars per day to maintain National Guardsmen on duty but that the move had not seemed to help matters, as the same differences continued between labor and management. He suggested that the Legislature appoint a subcommittee to investigate the possibilities of clearing the way for purchase of the plants as a means to bring about peace. His proposal was the second in less than a day which sought action by the Legislature, State Senator James Simpkins having suggested to the Joint Appropriations Committee on Friday that "a subcommittee be appointed to buy this mill."
In Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, it was reported that rioting and looting in Niteroi had tapered off and finally had been halted early this date by a heavy guard of soldiers and police, as heavy rain also reduced the crowds. The final casualty toll for the day-long riots, touched off by a ferryboat strike, had been four people killed and 118 wounded. One person had been killed the previous day when Marines had fired into a crowd protesting the sudden halt in ferry service to Rio, across the bay. Another person had been electrocuted when high tension wires snapped during the demonstrations and two others had been killed in street fighting.
In Lincoln, Neb., Charles Starkweather, 20, the confessed slayer of 11 persons, convicted of one murder which had taken place in late January, 1958, had been set for execution on three separate occasions, each stayed, presently stayed until June 4, pending action by the U.S. Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals—which, as indicated, would, on June 22, reject his habeas corpus petition as improvidently taken without first exhausting state remedies and also substantively finding that there was no merit in any event to his claim of ineffective assistance of counsel at trial, finding that the alleged deficiencies were merely the result of trial tactics and strategy, clearing the way finally for his execution on June 25. His father, Guy Starkweather, had saved him from the death penalty on Friday by last-minute phone calls to two Federal judges after failing to get a District Court judge to halt the scheduled dawn execution. His father now said that he hoped to obtain an attorney to aid Mr. Starkweather, at present formulating his own petitions for the writ of habeas corpus, though the Circuit Court would find that they appeared to have been drafted by an attorney who chose to remain anonymous. Mr. Starkweather said that he was ready to give up after the first judge had made his ruling late on Thursday, indicating that he did not see that he could have done anything more. But at midnight, he had begun his efforts anew, contacting the chief judge of the Eighth Circuit, who referred him to another District Court judge, who, after deliberating over the petition for about two hours, granted the stay at 4:22 a.m., with the execution scheduled for 6:00 a.m. He had now been given until June 4 to file his petition with the Circuit Court of Appeals.
In Greencastle, Ind., it was reported that a teenage escaped convict had taunted a search party this date with boasts that he had enough ammunition "to hold off a fort" and that he "would never be taken alive". The 19-year old from Indianapolis had broken into a farm home two miles south of nearby Putnamville the previous night and had left behind a note addressed to his pursuers, in which he had admitted breaking into another farm home on Thursday night and stealing a shotgun, a rifle, ammunition and a television set. The rifle and the television were found in a cabin from which the youth had fled. He hinted that he had seen the dozens of men combing the rugged central Indiana hill country looking for him, the search party including about 35 State police, Putnam County sheriff's deputies and guards from the Indiana State penal farm. Lights had burned throughout the night at homes in the area as residents maintained a watch over their property and volunteered to help police. With the coming of daylight the searchers, forced to stay mainly near roads during the night, had begun moving into the woods. The youth had been sentenced to the penal farm on March 22 to six months after conviction of assault and battery with intent to rape. He walked away from a work detail on Wednesday.
In Pittsburgh, a father made a plea to his 27-year old son who had fled following a romance with an 18-year old coed, imploring him to return home, that they were worried and wanted to know if he was all right. He was a married University of Pittsburgh instructor and part-time minister, who had vanished on May 12, and it was feared that he had drowned after his automobile had been found over a steep bank along the Monongahela River, about 15 miles north of Pittsburgh. Later, according to detectives, the coed admitted that the man had faked the accident and fled west. She said that she and the man had tried to get married but had not succeeded because of her age. Detectives said that the girl told them that the man had planned to go west, find a job and then send for her. His father said that he hoped to get to him before he tried anything more foolish, that he was alive and that was all that mattered, and he was willing to overlook his indiscretions. In Columbia, the girl's mother said that her daughter had "a fine upbringing and never ran around or did anything like that. I thought I was doing the right thing by sending her to college in Pittsburgh. We wanted her so much to get a good education… Now I wonder." The young man's letters to the coed had been mailed to the home of a couple where she was employed as a babysitter. She had once introduced him to the couple as her fiancé, albeit calling him by another name. Upon seeing the picture of the missing man, the couple said that it bore a striking resemblance to the person to whom they had been introduced by the babysitter. With that evidence, detectives brought the coed in for questioning and after obtaining her statement, had notified the family of the missing man.
In Nice, France, actress Elizabeth Taylor and singer Eddie Fisher this date had decided to extend their Riviera honeymoon for another weekend, having been booked to fly to London this night but having canceled the reservations. Ms. Taylor was due in England the following week to start making a movie and she and her new husband planned to leave France on Monday.
In London, it was reported that Britain had shipped 21,000 cars, worth 24.5 million dollars, to the U.S. in April, twice the number sold in the U.S. in April of the previous year.
Starting on Monday in The News a new cartoon feature, "Doctor Bill", by artist Jack Tippit, a native of Texas, would begin appearing, as it already did in many national magazines, including the Saturday Evening Post, Look and Sports Illustrated. A former Air Force jet pilot, Mr. Tippit had named his new creation after a doctor he had once known in Texas. He said that he was a personal friend, a wonderful doctor and godfather to his children. The announcement ensures that the reader would laugh with him every weekday in the newspaper. (Though apparently no relation to Dallas police officer J. D. Tippit, slain allegedly by Lee Oswald on November 22, 1963, less than an hour after the assassination of President Kennedy, the cartoonist's middle initial was D.)
On the editorial page, "The Background of Southern Thinking", an editorial book review of Seeds of Time by Henry Savage, Jr., indicates that for the South, it was the age of obscure oracles, hot-eyed prophets and Gypsy fortune tellers, that never before had so many would-be Nostradami peered into the region's future and predicted so many "manifest destinies", most of which was the "wildest nonsense".
The oracles either did not know the South and its history or did not care, and tended to interpret the region in terms of standard historical weights and measures applicable perhaps to the American Midwest, Patagonia and the Isle of Man but not to the area which Allen Tate had called "Uncle Sam's other province".
Carl Carmer, in speaking of Alabama, had once said wryly that "the Congo is not more different from Massachusetts or Kansas or California." The same, it finds, could be said of the entire South as a region, in terms of its traditional attitudes and historical development. There was great diversity within the region, but taken as a whole, it was a unique world of its own and generally misunderstood.
Mr. Savage, a native of South Carolina and a graduate of the University of Virginia, had penned, it finds, one of the most fascinating studies of the complex world of the South since W. J. Cash's The Mind of the South, published in 1941. The new book would be both a guidebook to the South's psyche and a key to a fuller understanding of the region's peculiar anxieties in an era of social change.
It indicates that its first exposure to Mr. Savage's own highly civilized mind had been three years earlier when he was Mayor of Camden, S.C., attempting at the time to solve a touchy situation involving an interracial gathering scheduled at a private school for blacks in the community. He had been rewarded for his trouble in two ways, the Klan having burned a cross on his front lawn and having been denounced for his "intolerance" toward blacks in a letter signed by some 40 students of Columbia University in New York. He took the double rebuff in good-natured fashion and philosophically, for it was superbly illustrative of the malice and misunderstanding which still clouded Southern problems. He had referred to the incident in a postscript to Seeds of Time and credited it with supplying some of the inspiration needed to write the book. The clincher had been added later in Massachusetts, where he had taken up temporary residence in 1957, during the year of the Little Rock crisis of which Boston's daily newspapers had been reporting regularly. At the same time, Boston had been experiencing serious racial disorders at a series of rock 'n' roll dances, incidents which were virtually ignored by the Northern press. Meanwhile, newspaper columns were filled with wholesale denunciations of the South and Southerners for their failure to solve more difficult racial problems.
Mr. Savage said: "Again here was an impressive illustration of the need for rational efforts to breach the wall of misunderstanding which has risen between the South and the rest of the country, a wall which hampers the ultimate maturing of southern society by feeding the fires of emotion, as southerners struggle with enormous difficulties of adjustment."
Seeds of Time, it finds, was a sensitive study of the conditions, events and developments which formed the background for the modern South, with the author probing deeply the history of the region, searching for the roots of human anguish, examining the realities of a tumultuous past, unveiling the mess which still distorted the popular image of a region which was not always quite what it seemed to be.
He discovered keys to the South's future character in the early settlers who had fled Europe to try their luck in the new and untamed land, the Scotch-Irish, the Rhinelanders, the Huguenots, the Highlanders, the Welsh, the Swiss and others. Typically, they were tough and spare of physique, frequently having a fanatical devotion to the reformed church and a bent toward religious observances with a minimum of ritual and a maximum of emotion. Mr. Savage indicated: "Add their intense individualism to those religious characteristics and their social characteristics consistently follow. Independent, intractable, resentful of regulation and regimentation, they were ever ready to resist any authority seeking to curb their individualism. These characteristics plus their emotionalism gave them their propensity to violence. They were inordinate romantics, lovers of fine phrases and florid oratory and ever strongly partisan in causes which appealed to their emotions, be the causes positive or negative, programs or prejudices."
Loneliness, born of isolation, produced a passionate devotion to liberty. But the rural nature of the South also, in time, gave rise to extreme conservatism. The region's geography became the insistent arbiter in welding the South into a unit and molding the minds of its diverse peoples into "more nearly a single mind than was ever elsewhere displayed in America." It was a temperate area with extensive rainfall and a long enough growing season to supply many of the basic commodities for which there was a worldwide demand, including sugar, rice, tobacco, hemp, small grains, timber and cotton. King Cotton reigned for too long, holding the entire region rigidly enthralled. The North moved away in different directions from the South which simply multiplied its colonial image.
But the tyranny of cotton had been linked irrevocably to the black. Blacks by 1860 numbered about 9 million living in the region, of whom 3.5 million were slaves. Mr. Savage said: "If one is to know the historical background of southern thinking, if one is even to begin to understand the South, one must understand that its extreme ruralism is one of the two essential keys to the vault that has held, for more than a century, its Pandora's box of prejudices and predilections that so baffle the urban mind. The presence of the Negro in massive numbers is, of course, the other essential key."
It finds that the book wove the black into the woof and warp of Southern history with great skill and accuracy, forming not always a pretty pattern, but Mr. Savage had made no attempt to erase or distort the legacy of malice, prejudice and bigotry, all borne on the winds of fear, to which the South was heir. The Civil War, Reconstruction, the New South and the region's future were all a part of his continuing narrative. His observations about the politics of the region, industrialization and the challenge of urban growth all rang true. He had wisely rejected the notion that the region had arrived at a critical choice of ways, stating: "Those who speak of an impending choice speak without the perspective of history. There is no such choice. That choice was made years ago when the South embraced change, chose the American way, and sealed its choice by truly remarkable accomplishments and deep commitments. Now, the only choice remaining to the South is one of the means of resolving difficulties now flowing from its irrevocable commitments to the American way."
He believed that there was need for both patience and realism, but that the adjustments could be made and ancient tensions erased. "Then," he posited, "a southern sun will continue to shine upon and southern rains will continue to refresh and rejuvenate a happier land where, from the harvest of the seeds of time, the forces of pride and circumstance will have winnowed the good from the evil, where that which was noble in its past will be retained and the best in its heritage secured for the future, even as the opportunities and privileges of a changed world are embraced and kneaded into a truly triumphant South."
It finds it a good book, sensitive and honest, and one which ought be read by Americans both inside and outside the South.
A piece from the New Orleans States & Item, titled "Electronic Earmuffs", finds intriguing the electronic earmuffs developed by science to help soldiers hear their orders despite the thunder of battle around them. The earpieces actually broadcast "counter-irritant" sounds just as loud as the battle noises but in opposite phase and thus reduced the exterior din of noise to a whisper and enabled the soldier to hear his orders clearly.
It finds that it was a military gadget which was bound to find its application in average living rooms, where the noise from the radio, the television and the children at play were counter-irritants eminently worthy of mutual cancellation.
Drew Pearson indicates that New York Representative Victor Anfuso, a veteran crusader for closer relations with Latin America, wanted to make Puerto Rico the 51st state, having introduced a bill providing the machinery for statehood to be set in motion, provided the people of the territorial island favored it in a popular referendum. His action followed a personal survey of Congressional colleagues indicating that Congress was sympathetic to the idea of adding another state, though it might take another year to complete the necessary steps.
The previous March 12, when Congress had granted statehood to Hawaii, the 50th state, Mr. Anfuso had proposed early consideration of statehood for Puerto Rico "which," he said, "unquestionably deserves this recognition and meets all the criteria required." He had since received a flood of letters, telegrams and petitions bearing more than 250,000 signatures from Puerto Ricans supporting the proposal. Proponents of the plan expected signatures to mount to 500,000 within a few weeks. Mr. Anfuso's 21-page bill provided for "an island-wide referendum" on the matter of statehood. If a majority of the voters favored admission, the Governor of Puerto Rico would then transmit the decision to the U.S. for action by Congress and the President. The legislation also called for a constitutional convention in Puerto Rico, with delegates chosen at elections for the purpose of adopting the U.S. Constitution, as well as formulating a state constitution and a state government for Puerto Rico. The state constitution would then have to be ratified by the people of Puerto Rico and when that procedure was complete, the President would issue a proclamation declaring Puerto Rico officially admitted to the Union on an equal footing with all other states.
To show how strongly sentiment was running in favor of statehood, Mr. Anfuso had cited a recent poll taken by a Spanish-language newspaper in New York, which listed the vote for statehood as 3,047, for independence, 282, and for commonwealth, 221. The poll showed that 89 percent of those participating preferred statehood, which Mr. Anfuso found to verify reports reaching him from Puerto Rico, where it was expected that both the Democratic and Republican parties there would strongly support the proposal. He had no doubt that Puerto Rico had ably demonstrated eligibility for statehood, as its people were "part of the fabric of America and like millions of other Americans, are vitally interested in maintaining a higher standard of living, better education, and the strengthening of the Western Hemisphere as a bulwark of freedom and democracy."
Doris Fleeson, in Geneva, indicates that the jackpot about which all summit-meeting conversation was centering in Geneva was the American people. Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev wanted a summit conference held in San Francisco so that he could barnstorm among Americans from New York to California in their own free-wheeling American style. She finds that apparently Mr. Khrushchev had been reading his press notices and had decided that he had captured the imagination of most Americans. He also possibly felt that anything Deputy Premier Anastas Mikoyan, who had visited the U.S. during January, could do, he could do better. He had told visitors that the President had let Mr. Mikoyan roam at will across the country and thus he ought be allowed as well to do so.
She finds a certain rough justice in his insistence that he be allowed to show the Russians that he could get along with the Americans. The extent to which candidates for the presidency in the U.S. had beaten the path to his door was a major phenomenon of the talking war and showed no signs of abating. Adlai Stevenson had spent weeks in Russia and Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota had spent eight hours with the Premier. Vice-President Nixon would soon leave for a visit in Moscow with a retinue of 40 reporters to describe his triumphal progress. She indicates that those ambitious men had made their long journeys not only to satisfy a natural curiosity but also as a means of proving that they merited the presidency to which they aspired.
She finds that it would be a sorry travesty to suggest that the Soviet dictator had any such electoral problems, and yet it was true that he had promised the Russian people peace and prosperity, and it was in the interests of his propaganda to show that he did fine with all Americans except warmongers, whom he regarded as the people who would not give him his way.
To the heated debate about whether the Premier would put himself over, if he got a chance in America, had to be added a sober consideration of his personal security on such a trip. Americans were little given to political assassination. Permission or an invitation for an official visit in the U.S., once given to a head of state, carried with it assurances of safety and well-being. Nobody could doubt that an invitation to Mr. Khrushchev to the U.S. would be accompanied by every possible precaution against trouble directed to his person or his party.
Yet, a U.S. President had to take the risk of inflamed political passions in a free society and some of them had paid for it with their lives. And U.S. Presidents and their partisan supporters had done far less to arouse such passions than had the "murderous men of the Communist regime in Russia."
The truly open-minded among the U.S. diplomats, who had to advise on such matters, were among those who expressed concern over the security of Premier Khrushchev. They would especially expect New York to be a problem and they believed that Mr. Khrushchev would want to visit the U.N. there. Regarding Washington and the interior of the country, they were less nervous about, and a wrangle in San Francisco, especially if Mr. Khrushchev became insufferably cocky there, would engender ominous tensions, they believed. Many people, however, believed that Mr. Khrushchev, like every expert politician, was suggestible and that the risks were worth taking, on the chance that he would learn much from such a journey.
A letter writer indicates that the children of the state needed teachers who had a hunger for knowledge and a passion for unfolding truth to open minds, who were rewarded with respect to the service rendered, with better pay for experience and more post-graduate training, teachers who felt secure with a substantial retirement plus sick-leave, and who had the opportunity to take a leave of absence for study, travel or rest, and who had non-teaching days to formulate plans and evaluate. The schools needed the best educational facilities, competent school leadership and personnel which had a policy and a program to use those resources in a scientific approach to learning while also exemplifying the pleasures of achievement. It needed extra services of a music, art and science supervisor, a reading consultant, a psychologist, a director of guidance, a nurse, a physical education director and also secretarial and housekeeping assistance. The mission of the school was to educate and the duty of the teacher was to teach, and yet, she finds, distractions had hindered learning and instruction. The distractions consisted of drives, money-making school projects, the handling of lunch money, all taking thousands of learning and instructional hours from the children of the state. She finds that tax money for competitive athletics, with its big shows, distracted attention from basic studies, that the purpose of physical education was to train all children to promote better health and over-emphasis on athletics sometimes created the determination to win "right or wrong", becoming a curse rather than a blessing. Children received 12 years of free education, free instruction, supervision, housing, heat, educational facilities and supplies, playgrounds, textbooks, libraries and transportation, plus hot lunches served at cost. Teachers asked why the children should not pay their bus fare, with people expected to ride wherever they went in present times. People also wondered why the child should not purchase his own books as part of the educational process. If children and parents directly paid for some of the apparently free services, she suggests, it would be an incentive for students to make an effort to obtain more education for the tax money, that otherwise, they might be training future Socialists and welfare cases. A legislator had introduced a bill to operate the schools on a four-quarter schedule, and another bill recently introduced would change the school program to a ten-month term for 11 years, instead of the present nine-month term for 12 years. She says that in 1957, her late sister and she had advocated that same plan through a bulletin to educators and legislators, and that it had many merits. The curriculum could be arranged to include all units of learning experience in the present course of study with less tax money being necessary, or such revenue could be diverted to needed school services. More use would be made of school plants and it would eliminate the cost of classrooms and equipment for the 12th grade. Teachers would receive a better salary and it would help eliminate the teacher shortage, tending to reduce juvenile delinquency. Students would gain two months of instruction and a few more months in progress by having a more continuous schedule with less time for forgetting and becoming unadjusted to school work. Students who dropped out at 16 would have more education behind them and more students would remain in school to graduate. Graduates would gain a year for specialization before going to work or on to college with more post-graduate work in their community, state colleges and universities. She urges passage of the bill.
A letter writer from Salisbury indicates that all human beings were concerned with love in one form or another, that the child was concerned about the love and tenderness which he thought he had a right to expect from his parents and the youth was concerned about the love of his play and school group, the young man, of some beautiful young lady who would put him first in all of her thoughts and acts. The young husband wanted to make good in the world so that he might give his beautiful queen what he thought she deserved. The middle-aged man rested on his oars and delighted in the love of his wife and children and the old man sat alone and remembered his past loves, looking forward to meeting them in the hereafter.
A letter writer from Cheraw, S.C., calls the public's attention to the taxes paid for the current Administration's "giveaway programs" for which the people got nothing in return from other nations except "hate and envy". He calls to mind the U.S. visit of Fidel Castro a few weeks earlier on a so-called goodwill tour, while those from his country tried to sneak into Panama to cause trouble. When Sr. Castro had been asked for an explanation of the sneak invasion by his countrymen, he had stated that he knew nothing about it. The letter writer believes that not too many people in America had faith in those statements. The nations receiving foreign aid loved Americans when they wanted something for nothing, but also found fault with the American way of life and everything Americans did. He wonders how long Americans would give money to those who wished to cause trouble and wars. He wants America to start doing more for its own people at home, indicating that Americans could not help others if they could not help themselves at home. "Let's all ask Congress not to approve any more tax dollars for others until our own people are cared for."
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