The Charlotte News
Thursday, May 21, 1959
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that a bill to establish a 50 million dollar annual program of cooperative international medical research had been sent to the House thus date by a Senate vote of 63 to 17. Senate Republican Minority Leader Everett Dirksen had waged a futile floor fight against the bill on Wednesday, basing his argument primarily on its cost. The chief sponsor of the bill, Senator Lister Hill of Alabama, said that Administration officials had endorsed its purposes. He said that the bill would help mobilize the world's top medical brains. Much of the money would be used for grants for research in laboratories across the country and abroad, with the achievements to be for the benefit of the entire world.
In Galveston, Tex., it was reported that staggering winds, which possibly had exceeded 200 mph, had ripped parts of the city this date from a storm line which spread destruction in some cities and towns nearly to the Mexican border. Two men who had gone to check their fishing lines near Galveston remained missing late in the morning and were feared drowned. The wind had torn down an oversized sign, called a "spectacular", on Galveston's Pleasure Pier in the Gulf of Mexico. Authorities said that engineers had inspected the sign three months earlier and declared it would withstand winds of between 175 and 200 mph. The winds had blown a tanker aground, had sunk a fishing vessel, had virtually destroyed three homes and caused widespread lesser destruction in Galveston and its immediate vicinity. Some residents said that the storm had descended in what they called a "big, black, rumbling cloud." One resident on a peninsula near Galveston declared "it definitely was a tornado." A woman said that she had heard it coming and that it sounded "like a jet plane. A house was picked up and a house near where I live was moved 40 feet." Weather Bureau officials clocked the winds at Galveston at 87 mph, well over minimum hurricane strength. On Bolivar Peninsula nearby, winds had been estimated at 100 mph. The wind had blown railroad cars off the tracks at Galveston. The Continental Grain Co. dock at Galveston was partially destroyed. Port Bolivar was without power or telephone service for a time. At Carrizo Springs, 300 miles west of Galveston, winds had taken the roof off of the City Hall.
In New York, it was reported that the power of the Federal Government had been turned this date on the notorious 1957 underworld convention which had taken place at Apalachin, N.Y., with 27 delegates to it indicted on charges of conspiring to obstruct probes of it. Arrests of the defendants had quickly gotten underway and many were already in trouble and some in jail as a result of their refusal to answer questions of various investigatory agencies on prior occasions. The crackdown had been the result of nearly a year of effort by a special crime-busting agency set up by the U.S. Attorney General, with teams of agents working across the nation. The Apalachin delegates had come from many cities, and authorities since the meeting had been struggling to establish its purpose. The general opinion was that it was for tightening or altering control over a vast racket empire. All 63 persons who attended the meeting had been named in the indictment, but only 27 as defendants, with the remaining 36 dubbed co-conspirators, the reason for the distinction not having immediately been made clear but usually the result of a lack of evidence regarding some of the defendants. Sometimes those named as co-conspirators had indicated a willingness to cooperate with or to testify for the prosecution, but in the present instance, that possibility appeared remote. If convicted of conspiracy to obstruct justice, as charged in the indictment, the 27 defendants could receive five-year prison terms and $10,000 fines. The indictment had been returned on May 13, but had been kept sealed until early this morning. Agents of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics had been reported to have begun arresting defendants early in the morning. The indictment was termed the result of months of round-the-clock work by members of the special team set up by the Attorney General's office to combat major crime.
In Louisville, Ky., a North Carolina pastor charged this date that Southern Baptist theologians were teaching that Christ's virgin birth and resurrection might be viewed as myths. The criticism was considered likely to stir an uproar at the denomination's annual convention. Southern Baptists always had firmly stressed traditional doctrines. But as the church representatives from across the country had gone into their third day of the convention, the Rev. James Bulman of East Spencer, N.C., issued a statement saying: "I have what I consider clear and conclusive evidence that under the official supervision of the Seminary president, Southern Seminary is teaching so as to allow that the resurrection of Jesus Christ is a myth, and that the virgin birth of Jesus Christ is a myth." He told newsmen that he would present material backing up his charge in a special period set during the morning for consideration of the simmering dispute at Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville. The accreditation of its 100-year old Seminary, the oldest in the denomination, had been called into question as a result of the firing the previous summer of 13 professors. Rev. Bulman, a perennial critic of denominational procedures and fervent advocate of all-out independence of local congregations, said that he had been informed that the professors had been removed for "not holding the historic Baptist doctrinal position." He had also said that he had evidence that the Seminary was not adhering to its "abstract of principles", a list of 20 statements on doctrine which he said the school was "legally and morally bound to uphold." Those included points from the historic creeds, such as the resurrection and virgin birth.
Julian Scheer of The News reports that the long discussed City-County vote on school consolidation and an 8 million dollar school bond issue was tentatively set for June 25. The City School Board this date had announced that date as a target but several legal hurdles still had to be cleared. Once done, the vote would occur on June 25 and if not then, in July. The enabling legislation which set up the machinery for a consolidated school system vote had passed the General Assembly and an amendment which stated that the exact amount of the supplementary school tax levy be carried on the ballot had also passed. The City School Board had petitioned the County Board earlier to take in the City Board, but the petition had been filed before the act had been passed by the General Assembly and so the petition would have to be refiled and the City Board would meet on Monday to take that action. Meanwhile, a joint school consolidation finance committee would have to set a countywide school tax rate, presently 40 cents in the County and 50 cents in the City, with the combined rate expected to be between 52 and 53 cents.
Jerry Reece of The News reports that the County Commission had decided to wait before appropriating any money to a county-wide free school lunch program for needy children. The Commission, in a called budget session, had discussed the matter this date with County School superintendent J. W. Wilson, Welfare Department superintendent Wallace Kuralt and William Van Allen, chairman of a Social Planning Council committee which was studying the problem. One of the commissioners, J. Herbert Garrison, had moved to hold the matter under consideration until a ruling from the County attorney could be obtained and the remainder of the Commission voted to accept that stance. On Monday, the Commission had cut a $50,000 item from the Welfare Department's budget, which was slated to purchase free lunches for Mecklenburg children receiving welfare. The Commission chairman, Sid McAden, had brought the matter up again this date, saying that he did not think the Commission members knew exactly what the money was for, that he had not. The County auditor had reminded the Commission that it might be against Federal regulations for the Commission to spend tax money on the Federally supported school lunch program. That was when the Commission had decided to obtain legal advice on the matter before taking further action. Mr. Kuralt had told the Commission that the Welfare board had decided to ask for the $50,000 in order that the 3,600 children receiving aid to dependent children funding and the 1,400 other children receiving welfare aid might have enough money to pay for more school lunches. He explained that two-fifths of the 5,000 children receiving welfare were schoolchildren, a total of 1,320 in the County schools. He said that it would take $111,000 to furnish all of the free lunches needed but that the Welfare board had decided to seek only $50,000. Children receiving ABC money got only $2.44 per month for school lunches, while it cost four dollars per month in the County and five dollars per month in the City to eat in school lunchrooms.
Bill Hughes of The News reports that North and South Carolina would continue to be split along the Catawba River between Mecklenburg and York Counties and that there was virtually no hope of cooperative effort to meet the problems of increased use of that popular recreation area. The "floating state line" had been given a touch of finality by installation of a floating state line. The line recently installed was in the form of half a dozen buoys in the eight-mile stretch where the state line was in the middle of the vast lake. The North Carolina Wildlife Resources Commission had paid the bill for installing the buoys and the Mecklenburg game protector had supervised the project. South Carolina game protectors had cooperated in locating the approximate line which divided the two states. In addition to the buoys, some 15 signs had been installed on banks to pinpoint the line. For years, there had been discussion of a cooperative effort to administer the lake and there was a recognized need for unified supervision of law enforcement, fish and wildlife regulations and conservation activities, but thus far, it had amounted only to talk. Each state was continuing to go its own way in management of the lake at a time when many authorities believed that the recreation area was in danger of being strangled by increasing crowds of boating and fishing enthusiasts. The North Carolina Legislature would probably consider a boat registration and regulatory law, and if passed, would become effective only on the North Carolina side of the line. Each state presently had patrols operating to enforce boat safety measures and fishing regulations on its respective side of the line. But a culprit could escape across the floating line and the officers were helpless to enforce the law except in rare cases when a felony was committed. There was every indication that there would be increased boating activity, more water skiers and more fishermen on the Catawba River in the current year and, like other years, there would probably be more drownings, more boat accidents and more tickets given for fishing on the wrong side of the line. There was scattered discontent about the situation.
Jerry Reece of The News also reports that Missy was just about the best therapist of her kind in the business of helping children find themselves. She had crammed a lifetime of love and affection into just a few months. Missy was a mostly collie pup, though of mixed breed. She lived at the Mecklenburg Juvenile Diagnostic Center and had been given to the Center just after it had opened the prior February, since that time having spent from 1 to 12 days with about 80 juvenile delinquents at the facility. The director of the center said that sometimes a disturbed child would take up with an animal when nothing else could break through the shell. He said of Missy that she was the best adjusted dog he had ever seen. She followed the schedule of the kids at the Center without a whine and when they slept, she slept, when they ate, she ate, and when they worked, she slept. She played no favorites and was as quick to lick the hand of a newcomer as that of an old favorite. The staff of the Center received no special treatment from her, with everyone getting the same treatment, a wag of her tail, a twist and a smile. He finds that Missy could smile and that nobody blamed her. "After all, it isn't every girl who gets three squares a day, a cool spot for a midday nap and all the love she needs."
It brings to mind the Bicentennial of fifty years ago, to which we took our young doggie, Bogart. Bogart had never been around such a crowd of people as then jampacked Fishermen's Wharf in San Francisco, back in a time when the area had some character and was not merely a tourist trap, as it later became, until it petered out entirely, with little left today. Bogart cowered to the ground and crept along, Indian-style on the tracks, suspiciously eyeing the crowds, worthy of any private dick on a case. Bogart was normally free and open with people, too much so, which probably led to his dognaping less than a year later outside Chapel Hill, that occurring shortly after he was accused of killing some ducks. It was a bum rap. In any event, we have to contrast the hoopla associated with the Bicentennial celebration, even if quite corny at times then, compared to the Trumpisasquatchiancentennial celebration, or whatever you call it, of the present in 2026. We even had a song
On the editorial page, "Is There a Place for Carver College?" indicates that the big question mark had been mercifully removed from ten-year old Carver College during the week, as action by the College board of trustees had authorized the purchase of a 50-acre site for new buildings, assuring the institution of a continuing role in the local community college system.
It had been suggested by some that Carver be abandoned in favor of a single, racially integrated Charlotte College, finding that the idea had wisely been rejected for the present. Carver was an established institution of higher learning and, with a long record of service to the community in the past, had been able to answer many special needs of local black students, and ought be able to continue to do so, perhaps on a somewhat more ambitious scale, into the future. It finds no reason for closing Carver, any more than for closing North Carolina College in Durham, subsequently North Carolina Central University, or Greensboro A&T. There was a demand for those institutions and a demand for the opportunities they afforded.
There were no racial bars at either Charlotte or Carver Colleges and both were worthy institutions of higher learning, both with good programs to offer the youth of Charlotte and surrounding areas. They did not have identical programs, as in addition to a liberal arts curriculum, Carver offered special work not available at Charlotte College, including vocational subjects and adult education. Charlotte College was concentrating on its liberal arts program, with the hope of becoming a four-year college within the ensuing decade—as it would in 1965.
It indicates that just as N.C. State in Raleigh and UNC at Chapel Hill had developed along different lines within the framework of a single educational system, it was likely that Charlotte and Carver would serve different needs and different ways, with that development not needing to be governed strictly on racial considerations in the years ahead. It finds that it would be cruelly disruptive of highly sensitive social and educational processes, however, to wipe out Carver overnight and expect a previously all-white institution, Charlotte College, to serve the same needs. Thus it finds that the community needed both colleges and that they ought be permitted to develop in such a way as to provide the greatest good for the greatest number of people. It indicates that it was the proper role of community colleges in the state and the role of Charlotte's community college system ought attempt conscientiously to fill that role, that anything less would serve the public poorly.
"Whose Pocket Is Henderson Raiding?" indicates that when it began to cost the State an estimated $6,000 per day to police the strike-ridden town of Henderson, pocketbooks had become strained. The public treasury of the State was one of those pockets. Adjutant General Capus Waynick of the National Guard estimated that the State's contingency and emergency fund might be depleted in the course of keeping troops in Henderson and that the cost might reach $300,000 or more if the emergency were to continue.
It regards it as a dubious appropriation of funds for North Carolina to maintain the costly policing of a town and threaten at the same time to shortchange public schools and colleges.
It finds that the State's public pocketbook was not only the wrong one to sustain the lengthy luxury of the quarrel between John Cooper, president of the Harriet-Henderson Cotton Mills, and the mill workers of the Textile Workers Union of America. Every day, approximately 300 to 400 National Guardsmen were helping to finance the strike. What they paid was the difference between the salaries they had left behind and the meager sustenance of an active soldier, added to the daily $6,000 paid by the State.
It indicates that in fairness, Mr. Cooper might lawfully employ whomever he wished and the union might lawfully strike as long as its treasury held out, and longer. But it qualified what was strictly legal when the State and members of the National Guard had to pay much of the cost of the strike.
It concludes that if the Harriet-Henderson Mills and the TWUA were meeting the whole bill, some meeting of the minds would likely be found in a hurry.
"Starting Early" indicates that the School of Business Administration at the University of Richmond was offering a course in how to spend money, and it suggests that Charlotte youngsters ought learn that lesson before they went to college.
"How To Solve the Intellectual Problem" finds that the noisome fracas over whether Admiral Lewis Strauss was or was not to be confirmed by the Senate as Secretary of Commerce had raked up old embers. Once again the designation "intellectual" had come into question, as his accusers charged that he had practiced what Arkansas Senator J. William Fulbright had once dubbed "the swinish cult of anti-intellectualism" in dealing with atomic scientists.
The Admiral's defenders had retaliated that far from being merely an anti-intellectual, he was a fierce anti-intellectual intellectual. The difference was that "intellectuals" were known to be bright young eggheads to man the cadres of the "'Democrat'" Party's high command, or who became law clerks for "leftist" Supreme Court justices.
It finds that in fact, the Admiral was a self-confessed shamefully Hooverian Republican intellectual, scorning "intellectuals" as arch foes. The squabble over his confirmation grew increasingly obscure, it indicating that it sympathized with the Admiral's defenders to the extent that it did not think his private notions about intellectuals disqualified him from the Cabinet. "After all, why shouldn't an anti-intellectual intellectual dislike intellectuals if intellectuals are entitled to dislike anti-intellectuals?"
It finds it tiresome, however, to be always mucking about trying to decide who was an "intellectual", who was an "anti-intellectual" and who was an "anti-intellectual intellectual". It says it had often contended that no one cared anyway, that if those who fancied themselves one or the other would keep quiet, there would be little controversy.
But such a silence seemed unlikely, and after much intellectual agony, it had thought of a plan to rid the confusion, letting all those who belonged by their lights to each of the three clubs band together and assume military ranks. "Rather than shuttle labels to and fro, which becomes vague and boring, the commander-in-chief of each little army would create ranks. Thus we might read: 'Today, General Bertrand Russell, commander-in-chief of the intellectuals, designated Col. Adlai Stevenson as the intellectual spokesman against Adm. Lewis Strauss of the anti-intellectual intellectuals. General Eisenhower of the anti-intellectuals is said to be neutral…'"
A piece from the Wall Street Journal, titled "Hand that Rocks the Cradle", indicates that a short while earlier, an anthropologist, Dr. Von Mering, had told the Family Service Association that the role of the father in U.S. society had changed from that of Victorian lord of all he surveyed to that of mere onlooker at the family councils.
It indicates that the view of the father's present status might not qualify as news to many family men, but the anthropologist had suggested that the father should not try to break up the mutual admiration society which the mother and the child had created in the home, warning that such would likely cause discord within a happy family, that what he should do was to sneak himself into the partnership as an objective, friendly, informal solver of interpersonal problems which arose when the mother and child were unhappy about one another, "which sounds about as dangerous to us as causing discord in a happy family. Or father can retire in 'splendid isolation' and occupy himself with matters not apt to interest the rest of the family, such as raising money to pay the bills."
It indicates that it was not certain that the anthropologist had helped very much to solve the problem of the father's place in the family, but it was not sure that anyone could. "Because we're not at all certain the Victorian father—any more than the Elizabethan, the Sumerian or the Neanderthal father—was ever lord and master of anything he surveyed except when Mom and Junior were out of sight."
Drew Pearson indicates that the big push to confirm Admiral Lewis Strauss as Secretary of Commerce had been directed backstage by former Secretary of the Treasury George Humphrey, crown prince of the M. A. Hanna industrial empire of Cleveland. It had been his recommendation that had led to the appointment of Admiral Strauss as Secretary, and Mr. Humphrey had pulled the strings which had sent Ohio's former Senator John Bricker scurrying back to the Senate the previous week to urge the confirmation. Through Mr. Bricker, Mr. Humphrey had arranged to make the confirmation fight a party issue. A party-line statement had been drawn up by Mr. Bricker's former aide, John McElroy, who had stayed on in Washington as Republican counsel to the Senate Interstate Commerce Committee. Andy Schoeppel of Kansas, senior Republican on the committee, had read the statement into the record. Then Senator Thruston Morton of Kentucky, the Republican national chairman, and Senator Hughe Scott of Pennsylvania, the former Republican national chairman, had cracked the party whip over Republican colleagues.
A power in Ohio politics, Mr. Humphrey brought political pressure on that state's Democratic Senator Frank Lausche to vote for confirmation of Admiral Strauss. Mr. Humphrey had arranged for Admiral Strauss to be invited by Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd as the only outsider to his annual apple outing for Southern Senators. Senator Byrd's son, Harry, Jr., happened to hold a lucrative job in one of Mr. Humphrey's subsidiary companies, Industrial Rayon. Finally, Mr. Humphrey had brought hidden economic pressure on both Senators and newspapers to support the confirmation.
It remained to be seen, however, whether the powerful Republican business leader could stampede the Democratic majority into confirming Admiral Strauss.
He notes that the Government staff of Admiral Strauss had also been lobbying behind the scenes for his confirmation. A former Washington Star editor, Joe Fox, presently working for the Commerce Department, had shown up in the Star's editorial rooms to urge that newspaper to support the confirmation. Others had been telephoning influential friends and slipping around to see Senators.
Julian Scheerof The News tells of an interview with P. D. East, editor of the Petal Paper in Petal, Miss., mentioned in a May 9 editorial, who had given a talk at the Charlotte Public Library in which he had delivered "some of the saltiest comments" on racial segregation heard recently in the city.
He had lifted the telephone in his hotel room and said to the operator, "This is God, 852... This is 852, will you send up coffee? Thank you." He smiled and said, "They never believe me."
Mr. Scheer indicates that the words were from a man "infinitely gentle in tone but brash (and sometimes profane) in manner, who looks older than his 37 years, who laughs much but it is strained, who jokes about civilization but worries about it, who talks of tolerance but 'hates people.'"
He said that the difference between him and Harry Golden was that "Harry is an extrovert. He likes people. He loves people. He's a great guy. I hate people. I hate the buzzards." He again smiled and said, "Understand?"
Mr. Scheer finds that the only difference between him and anyone else was that he said what he thought in a climate where bedsheets and hate-fronts made it extremely uncomfortable to do so. He said it and it cost him peace and money.
He edited and published the tabloid, skinny Petal Paper in a suburb of Hattiesburg, one of the unique papers in the country as it was the personal voice of a clever editor who spoke his mind on the subject of integration, which was taboo in his own "Magnolia jungle".
He said that he had started the paper in November, 1953 and had been for the "right things, against the right things. I was for motherhood, against sin. It was a good beginning. The Boy Scouts, the PTA, everybody sold subscriptions. We had a circulation of about 2,300. Everything was going along fine. Then came the Supreme Court decision. That was a helluva thing to have happen to my business."
The May, 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision had little impact in Mississippi, but Senator James Eastland and Mississippi's fall elections had seen the school question debated, prompting Mr. East to say: "That's when the pie hit the fan, you might say. I tried to stay clear of it all. There was an amendment about closing schools. I'm no crusader, but I finally had to get some things off my chest."
The State Legislature had passed a bill to abolish the public school system as a last resort to avoid desegregation. That had made Mr. East angry, saying that it was "sheer stupidity. The Supreme Court obviously won't let you do indirectly what you can't do directly. Well, I got religion, and I started writing editorials against the bill. It turned out there was no middle ground on this point. If you opposed the bill you were a 'nigger-lover.' I opposed it." The result had been, he said, that he now had the lowest per capita circulation in the world after the people of Petal had decided not to renew their subscriptions to the paper run by a "racial editor". He said that he had been defending himself ever since.
The Petal Paper presently had another 2,000 subscribers, but they were scattered around the South and across the nation, with a few in Mississippi. Mr. East, whose cryptic comments blistered the segregationists, had lost money in saying what he thought. He had offered a pre-cut do-it-yourself cross-burning kit to readers. When the White Citizens Councils had organized in Forrest County, he had donated a full-page ad "in behalf of liberalism, fairness and progress." The advertisement had the headline, "Yes, you, too, can be superior." He urged readers to join so that they could be free of "social worries". He offered a list of ten freedoms for "white folks only". Among the freedoms had been "freedom to interpret the Constitution of the United States to your own personal advantage. Freedom to wonder who is pocketing the five dollars you pay to join. Freedom to take a profitable part in the South's fastest growing business: Bigotry. Freedom to be superior without brain, character or principle."
Economic pressure had come from advertisers, but Mr. East had told them to "Go To Hell In a Bucket", in addition to subscribers, and the previous year, he had lost nearly $5,000 on the operation. He said that he would have to go to work and make an honest living, that if he said what he really believed, he would sound like a preacher or a high school kid who had just read the Constitution for the first time. "Well, in the first place, I don't think much of mankind, as a whole. We're just a bunch of slobs from the word go."
No one had been shocked. He said: "We've been swinging from tree to tree by our tails and finally have come up up with the best thing yet (democracy) and I hate to see this destroyed, that's all, because we say we have classes of people under a government which says all people are created equal in the eyes of God and have the right to live freely under the law. It is important for man to have the right to move around and do what he pleases. I don't care whether people like each other, but don't destroy civilization because you don't."
For speaking about the rights of man, against the Klan, against the White Citizens Council, Mr. East had learned some fear, saying, "I would be lying if I said there have not been times when I've been scared and afraid physically." He said that he had no choice now, that he had to say what he thought, that there was depression in Mississippi sometimes beyond the ability to take it, "but what good would it do to move from one jungle to the next?"
He believed that, ultimately, the South would obey the law. "Maybe it will boil down to either respect the law or don't survive."
He said that he did not know what his role in the future would be. "I know that people tell me the paper is a symbol of hope. It is a lousy paper, really, and I am just preaching what is already supposed to be accepted by the people, preaching equality under the law. I don't enjoy being a rascal, but somebody has to. We, as bigoted, prejudiced Southerners, can't help the way we feel. I'm not apologizing for it, but I say look and laugh at ourselves. Maybe that way will be less tense and more willing to sit down and be rational about this thing. This is the negative approach to making something positive—whatever that means. To laugh at yourself, this is good. And someday, somebody is going to say, 'If this guy gets away with what he says, maybe I can say a little bit, too'."
A letter writer says that with few exceptions, the press in the country was owned and controlled by big money. "If Nixon becomes President we will have a government responsive to and in sympathy with big money. If Kennedy becomes President we will have government sympathetic to big money and the Catholic Church." Aside from taking intercontinental trips at taxpayer expense, he questions what Mr. Nixon had ever done to endear himself to the people or indicate his special fitness for the presidency. He had gone around the world, visited Africa, England, South America, in the latter there having been insults to an American official as never before. He had won his spurs in national politics at a Republican national convention where, according to newspaper reports, he had left his own California delegation and supported General Eisenhower. That, according to the press, had gotten him the nomination for the vice-presidency in 1952. Since then, he had ridden the President's coattails. Some years earlier, he had something to do with the prosecution of Alger Hiss and had made great political capital from it. A thousand lawyers might have been employed to do the same thing and if elected to the presidency, the writer questions whether Mr. Nixon would be as pliant to big money as he had been to the Eisenhower Administration. As to Senator Kennedy, he indicates that there was no doubt that his millionaire father had put him forward. "His early contact, association and outlook would make his sympathies consistent with his early experience which has been far, far different from the average person in this country. We might see the inconsistency of the views of a son of great wealth with the commonality who make the world go round. However, big business is wise and able, possesses the instruments of propaganda, and has already gone far. The shadow of big money, which is Nixon and Kennedy, appears in ever greater outline."
In the case of Mr. Nixon, the shadow
he sees may be the one arising at 5 o'clock, making him always appear
rather shady
President Kennedy, in any event, would have the gravitas, sans any hint of bombast, to ask of his fellow countrymen to ask not what their country could do for them but what they could do for their country, and of his fellow citizens of the world, what together they could do for the freedom of man, while Mr. Nixon would be left making strange and vapid, nearly comic imitations by 1973, asking his fellow countrymen not just to ask what their country would do for them but what they could do for themselves; then would be left holding the smoking pistol
A letter writer from Salisbury indicates that it seemed to be a year of violence all over the world, that maybe it would be a good idea for each and every person to make sure that they were not the cause of any violence. He says that they did not wish to sacrifice their principle just because they were afraid of violence, but a little patience might bring about better results than a course of violence. "May God guide us through these dark waters to a safe shore."
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