The Charlotte News
Saturday, April 4, 1959
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Gettysburg College that the President, in an address this date, had cautioned against any appeasement of Russia in the Berlin crisis, saying that it would be a dishonorable course and "the most dangerous one we could pursue." He said that appeasement would only embolden the Communists to step up their world domination drive. He emphasized anew, however, that the Western powers wanted to avoid war regarding Berlin and wanted to negotiate a settlement. In keeping open the possibility of a summit conference with the Soviets, the President said of the U.S. and its allies: "They seek to substitute the rule of law for the rule of force, the conference table for the battlefield." In the major address prepared for the Gettysburg College spring convocation, the President called the Soviet move to drive the allies from West Berlin "a part of the continuing effort of the Communist conspiracy to attain one overriding goal: world domination." The college, a small liberal arts school located not far from the President's farm, had awarded the President a plaque for "service to the nation". In his speech, the President underscored what he called the need for Americans to understand the U.S. role in "strengthening the free world's nations which, with us, see our concepts of freedom and human dignity threatened by atheistic dictatorship." The President coupled his appeal for firmness on Berlin with a new plea for the Administration's 3.9 billion dollar foreign aid program. He singled out the free part of Vietnam in Asia as an example of a country in urgent need of such aid to stave off the threat of Communist conquest. He also spoke of Japan's economic problems as grave, and called on Western nations to liberalize trade relations with Japan or risk Communist domination of "the free world stake in the Pacific." Regarding critics who wanted to cut the foreign aid program, the President referred to them as "uninformed Americans" who believed that the U.S. ought turn its back on its friends. He dealt at some length with the Berlin crisis. After calling it part of a Soviet plot to win world domination, he added: "Against this background we understand that the mere handing over of a single city could not possibly satisfy the Communists, even though they would particularly like to eliminate what has been called the 'free world's showcase behind the Iron Curtain.' Indeed, even if we should acquiesce in the unthinkable sacrifice of two million free Germans, such a confession of weakness would dismay our friends and embolden the Communists to step up their campaign of domination. The course of appeasement is not only dishonorable, it is the most dangerous one we could pursue." Alluding then to the 1938 Munich agreement, from which Hitler had gone on to conquest, the President said: "The world paid a high price for the lesson of Munich—but it learned it well."
In Washington, the NATO foreign ministers concluded their Berlin crisis conference this date with a new solid-front warning to the Soviet Union against trying to force the Western powers from West Berlin. In three days of meetings, the 15-nation NATO Council was reported to have endorsed fully the determination of the Western Big Three to hold on in Berlin in the face of Soviet threats and pressures. Just how the Western powers proposed to resolve the Berlin dispute in negotiations with the Soviets beginning in Geneva on May 11, however, remained undecided. The occasion of the gathering was the tenth anniversary of the signing of the NATO agreement. Sentiment within the NATO Council appeared to be growing in favor of assigning a prominent role in any arrangement to the U.N. Canadian Defense Minister George Pearkes had proposed on Friday that in preparing for negotiations with the Soviets, the allies ought consider advocating that U.N. personnel stand watch along the access routes between West Germany and West Berlin. Both the U.S. and France were reported to be cool to that idea on the theory that it might weaken their wartime rights in Berlin and Germany. But Italian Foreign Minister Giuseppe Pella said that the possibility of U.N. help ought not be ruled out and Halvard Lange of Norway supported the Canadian initiative. Mr. Pearkes said that any new Berlin arrangement worked out with the Soviets ought be based on the presently existing right of the U.S., Britain and France to keep forces in West Berlin as a result of their victory over Germany in World War II. Soviet forces were in East Berlin on the same basis, but the Soviet had proposed to end its occupation responsibilities and turn over full authority to the East German Communist regime. Since the Soviets had a veto in the U.N. Security Council, any plan such as that proposed by Canada would have to have Soviet approval to go into effect. Diplomatic officials reported that in Friday's closed-door meeting of the NATO Council, several points had been stressed by various speakers. But everyone who had spoken, according to one source, had used the word "firmness" to describe what he thought the basic Western attitude toward the Soviet Union ought be. The point was made repeatedly that any concessions given to the Soviets had to be met by equal concessions from them and could not destabilize the balance of power in Europe.
In Henderson, N.C., it was reported that two dynamite blasts the previous night, one of which had blown a hole in the roof of a small mill building, had marked the outbreak of new violence in the strife-marred textile strike. The police department reported that the first dynamite blast had gone off at around midnight and blown a "pretty good sized hole" in the roof of the first aid building at the South Henderson plant of the Harriet-Henderson Cotton Mills. An officer said that indications were that someone had hurled the explosive from Alexander Avenue, outside the mill fence, to the roof of the small brick structure, which was located about 30 feet inside the fence. The other explosion was described as a "right loud" blast, which had gone off at around 4:00 a.m. in the southern section of Henderson. Officers said that the scene of the latter blast had not been located and that it apparently had done no damage. The explosions followed the breakdown on Thursday of negotiations conducted in Raleigh by Governor Luther Hodges, in an effort to end the strike, which was now nearly five months old. The Governor had said, in admitting failure, that although agreement had been reached on many points, differences were still serious. The breakdown in negotiations had been accompanied by an announcement that citizens of Henderson, in an effort to curb nighttime violence, such as dynamite explosions, had voluntarily come together to form a "night watch" group. About 400 or 500 strikers had listened attentively the previous day as the Carolinas director of the Textile Workers Union of America, Boyd Payton, proposed a return to work, provided management would agree to submit contract issues to a committee for study. But vocal opposition had grown to that suggestion and Mr. Payton had finally withdrawn it.
In Atlantic City, N.J., Johnny Saxton, former world welterweight boxing champion, had tried to hang himself this date in the police jail where he was being held for burglary. The 28-year old boxer, using his socks for a rope, had been found hanging by a patrolman during a routine inspection. The officer had cut Mr. Saxton down and taken him to an Atlantic City hospital. Doctors said that there was no sign that asphyxiation had set in and Mr. Saxton was returned to the jail where he had been placed early this date on burglary charges. The patrolman said that the fighter had looped the makeshift rope around a bar over the cell door. He had been twice welterweight champion of the world. He was accused of robbing a store early this date and police had captured him at gunpoint on the roof of the building. Sounds like he may have been watching an episode or two of "Naked City".
In Los Angeles, a veteran who had received a Purple Heart in World War II, bearded and in tatters, had told the police the previous night how he had renounced civilization five years earlier to live alone in the wilds of Griffith Park. The 32-year old man was questioned by officers, who found him while searching for a prowler on a street at the fringe of the park. Officers said that the man trembled at his first contact with humans in five years. Finally, he related that he had been an infantryman in the war and had been shot through the lungs on Okinawa. He then sought to explain his retirement to the life of a hermit, saying: "At first I just wanted to die because I saw no future in anything. I tried starving to death. The first time I went without food for three days, then again for 11 days. But each time I gave up fasting. I couldn't stand it anymore." He said that he had lived on the scraps of picnickers and had spent the nights in caves or shelters built from lumber scraps. He was not held in custody, the officers, in fact having offered him money for food and new clothing, which he had declined, whispering that he could get along by himself. He then had faded back into the park's protective covering. Police said that he undoubtedly was the "Ghost of Griffith Park", a shadowy figure occasionally spotted by park visitors, who described his ragged clothes and Christ-like beard. Post-traumatic stress syndrome had not yet been formally diagnosed for his apparent condition.
In Raleigh, it was reported that reapportionment and the state minimum wage had met big tests in the General Assembly during the week. Reapportionment had suffered a new defeat by a 61 to 50 roll call vote in the House, which refused again to change its membership to reflect population shifts shown by the 1950 decennial census. The minimum wage had won a preliminary victory, with the chairman breaking a tie vote on a 75-cent hourly minimum when it was discharged from a House committee and sent for a showdown on the floor. Those two events had highlighted one of the busiest weeks yet in the two-month old session. Typically, much of the activity came in committee meetings.
Dick Young of The News indicates that Ernest C. Foard, a member of the City Council for the previous two years, had announced this date that he would seek re-election in the forthcoming municipal election. He had been prominently identified with local civic, church and veterans organizations for many years, and had first been elected to the Council in 1957. He said that his support of projects and measures for Charlotte while on the Council had provided him with a record on which to run again, indicating that Charlotte needed street widening and improvement, that money from recent bond issues had been allocated and some of the projects were underway, with some of the work actually completed, that the program had to be kept alive with the next big money to be spent in unbottling the downtown area. Make sure that when you do so it doesn't spew all over the place.
Floods continued to plague areas in the Midwest this date as fresh overflows from streams swollen by spring rains and melting snow had forced more families from their homes. In New England, the flood situation appeared easing considerably after damaging overflows the previous day. Some 1,700 persons had been temporarily rendered homeless in flood-stricken communities in the Rockford-Freeport area in northern Illinois, as the Rock and Pecatonica Rivers had appeared surging toward record levels. Floodwaters from the Milwaukee River had spilled into Saukville, Wisc., and several other communities north of Milwaukee. More than 100 persons had to evacuate their homes and thousands of acres of lowlands had been inundated. More than half of the village of Saukville, a town of 700, had been inundated as the river backed up behind ice jams. The ice jams had been dynamited the previous night to relieve the pressure. Flooded rivers and streams had also menaced areas in other parts of Wisconsin. Skies were clear in the plains, the Mississippi Valley and Florida, and mostly partly cloudy to cloudy in other sections of the country.
Scattered frost in low areas of Charlotte was predicted for this night and the mercury was forecast to drop to 37 by dawn the following day. The front which was to have left Charlotte with a warm low reading of 54 during the morning had passed through more quickly than expected and city residents had awakened to find the temperature at 39. The average date for the last killing frost of the spring was March 24, but the current year's winter was extending as long as the cold days of 1958, although the temperatures had been warmer. In the first three months of the previous year, the temperature had run a total of 486 degrees below normal, whereas for the same period during the current year, it had been 45 degrees below normal. The previous day's high reading had been 78 and this date's high was expected to reach 67, with the high the following day forecast to be 72. It sounds pretty chilly.
In Lausanne, Switzerland, Princess Grace of Monaco, according to her Philadelphia surgeon, was reported to be on the road to recovery after undergoing a successful appendectomy this date. The 29-year old Princess had entered the operating room of the exclusive clinic early in the morning for the operation, which had lasted for a half hour. The surgical aspect of the operation had been completed in less than ten minutes. The surgeon said that her condition was completely satisfactory and that she had withstood the operation very well. He said there were no complications and no abnormality. He said that she had a moderately inflamed appendix and nothing else, that she had regained consciousness about half an hour after the end of the surgery and was given an injection, was now resting but would take a short walk in the clinic during the afternoon. He said she would be completely recovered after a week in the clinic and a further week of convalescence. He said that all tests had shown that she was in "perfect condition".
On the editorial page, "Reapportionment: The 'Fix' Was On" indicates that the populous Piedmont was victimized by the oldest shell game in North Carolina political history during the week, that for the fifth time in five sessions of the Legislature, the reapportionment bill had been killed in the House. The chief argument against its passage was the familiar claim that there was no reason to act at present when another census was just around the corner in 1960.
The State Constitution stated, however, that reapportionment had to occur after each decennial Federal census. The General Assembly had refused to act on that mandate since 1941. In 1951, when appropriate legislation had been introduced, it had been argued that the 1950 census figures were not final and had not been certified. When the bill was reintroduced in 1953, its sponsors had been told that they had waited too long and that action had to be postponed until a new census could be taken. The same reasoning had been used in 1955, 1957 and now in 1959.
It finds that the argument that the state ought to wait until 1961 before redistricting was barren of any legal or moral validity. Because equal representation had been denied in the current year in defiance of the State Constitution, the same legislative imbalance in favor of the rural East would exist in the General Assembly in 1961. Legislators who chose to ignore the Constitution at present would be just as apt to do so two years hence.
Representative Thomas Turner of Guilford County had spoken for the conscience of the state when he had said: "The issue is simply the Constitution of North Carolina. We are honorable people elected as state representatives. Everyone has taken a solemn oath on the Bible to uphold the Constitution… I appeal to your sense of fair mindedness, your sense of patriotism."
It indicates that his eloquence had been in vain, that such fundamental concepts as constitutional government and majority rule had been totally obscured by doubletalk and dusty alibis. The Piedmont had now to rest its hopes for equal representation on a plan for semi-automatic reapportionment in a revised state constitution presently under consideration. It finds, however, that those hopes were presently flimsy.
"Keep the Shrine, but Make It Safe" indicates that the bulk of the evidence showed that the Confederate Women's Home in Fayetteville contained fire hazards, but that the Raleigh oratory in defense of the home had clanged with Southern heritage and so the home would remain where it was.
Aptly labeled a "shrine" by at least one speaker before the House, it was all right to let the aged women's residence remain where it was, as long as safety standards were met and remained adequate. The residents of the structure ranged in age between 67 and 95, with 25 of them being over 80.
It finds that the latter facts ought to have been enough to point to the extra precautions to be provided. State officials reported open stairwells, narrow fire escapes and a kindling-dry interior as a few examples of substandard conditions. Sponsors for the home said that protective measures would be provided, along with certain alterations.
It finds that all of the inspiring speeches in the world could do nothing if the building would catch fire, that it would not be stayed regardless of how hallowed the shrine. It urges that preventative measures ought be taken and quickly.
"Mower-Accident Season Is Just Ahead" indicates that the previous day it had noticed that the grass was growing in the yard, that to most homeowners, that was of little import and was to be expected, but it regarded it always as a bright sign, for its grass had to shove aside the wild onions before it could make a start. Having observed the phenomenon, it knew once again that the power mower would have to be brought into combat readiness for the months-long fight ahead.
The previous season, wearied at the end of an afternoon's worth of guidance at the blade, it had grown careless and had trusted luck instead of clearing the area first, whereupon the blade had picked up a rock and hit the writer like a rifle bullet, leaving a 12-stitch scar just below the knee.
It admits that it should not have happened and that only it was at fault. As it turned out, the writer had been the seventh mower casualty that day visiting the hospital.
It brought to mind, as in driving, that most mower accidents were caused by owner carelessness. Almost everyone knew of a fellow homeowner who was hit by a rock whirled from a mower's blade, or who had broken out a window with a flying object. They were preventable accidents. A loose blade came from lack of maintenance; objects flung from blades ought not to have been there in the first place. They were lethal weapons. It warns that one thoughtless moment and the muscular servant of lawn care could turn into a crippling monster.
"The Handy Phrase for the Newspapers" indicates that there were phrases which had become the stock-in-trade of some reporters' sources. Examples were: "That's off the record", which meant that it might make a good rumor story; "You can quote me", meaning the person needed the publicity; "We are working on that", meaning that the person had mentioned it to his wife recently while watching television; "We are taking a survey", which meant that the person would have the problem figured out in about six months; "It's being expedited", which meant that the person was not quite sure and his secretary was out to lunch; "We are firming up plans", which meant that the person dimly recalled someone mentioning it between dessert and coffee; "It's in the mail", which meant that the person's secretary still had not returned; "Let me refer you to…", which meant that the person preferred somebody else's name in the story; "Plans are finalized", which meant that the person did not know any of the details; "Off the top of my head", which meant that the person remembered that he had given his secretary the rest of the afternoon at the beauty parlor; "Glad you called, ol' buddy", which meant that the person already had forgotten the name of the person making the inquiry.
A piece from the Richmond News Leader, titled "Whear Is the Bare?" indicates that the mysteries of the American language were nowhere more baffling than in the field of spelling. American English, however, was not obsessed, as was German and French, with diacritical marks. Yet, spelling was difficult for a reluctant child.
It considers the "are" sound in "care", "aware", "bare", and, naturally, "chare". After due correction for the latter, the child would go on with "dare", "fare", "hare". The parent would instruct that the latter two meant, respectively, that which you paid on a bus or a rabbit. But the child might say that he was thinking of the state fair and ordinary hair.
Then would come "mare", "pare", "stare", "rare", "tare", "whare". The parent would stop at "pare" and indicate that the student had spelled the thing one did to an orange, not the fruit from the tree. The student then would respond that he was thinking of a pair of queens. The parent would correct the spelling of "where" and clarify that "stare" was glaring at someone rather than going up a flight of steps. While there was a word "tare", as in unloaded weight, "tear" meant to rend clothes.
"There are times when a parent begins to despare—ah, despear, despeir, despere—when a parent wants to give up."
Hit the child a good rap on the top of the head with a fare-sized hammer every time he or she messes up the spelling. They will learn soon enough.
Drew Pearson indicates that the Air Force had hastily canceled the flight of top brass to Spain recently after Oregon Congressman Charles Porter, who had gone along as a reserve officer, had threatened to confront U.S. Ambassador John Davis Lodge and demand his resignation. As a result, the planeload of generals and colonels had stopped in London, Paris, Wiesbaden, Rome and Naples, but had skipped Madrid. Congressmen Porter and T. A. Thompson of Louisiana, both Air Force reservists, had accompanied the military delegation which was commanded by Maj. General R. A. Grussendorf, with their purpose having been to compare notes with European military leaders on military reserve programs. An outspoken foe of dictators, Mr. Porter had served notice that he would take advantage of their Madrid stopover to lambaste Ambassador Lodge for his warm support of dictator Francisco Franco. Mr. Porter had pointed out that Ambassador Lodge had called for a change from the polite handshake to the warm embrace in the nation's dealings with the Generalissimo. That had been the reverse of what had been happening in Washington, where the Administration had called for a cool attitude toward dictators. Since Ambassador Lodge in Spain was the brother of U.N. Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, his statement carried weight. Thus, Mr. Porter said that he intended to tell Ambassador Lodge in Madrid to his face that he ought to quit pampering dictators and resign. But the outspoken Congressman had never gotten a chance to confront Ambassador Lodge. The forewarned Air Force had quietly crossed Madrid off the itinerary. General Grussendorf showed Mr. Porter a letter from the U.S. air attaché in Madrid, explaining that there was no reason to stop there because Spain had only 25 reserve air officers.
Mr. Pearson indicates that women sometimes had a lot to do with picking presidents, applying to wives as well as secretaries. In Albany, N.Y., mail was pouring into the office of Governor Nelson Rockefeller from all over the nation, asking if he wanted to run and whether he was going to run, offering help to make him president. Ilene Slater was screening the mail, having been the "boss girl" for former White House chief of staff Sherman Adams, who had engineered General Eisenhower's early campaign in 1952.
Former Ambassador Joseph P. Kennedy, father of Senator John F. Kennedy, was planning to run his other son, Robert, for governor of Massachusetts. The elder Mr. Kennedy had burned up the wires from Palm Beach recently when Robert Kennedy had pulled a boo-boo by having revealed offers from the underworld to call off Senate dogs in return for presidential support for his brother.
It should also be noted that it had been recently reported that Mr. Kennedy had received anonymous telephone threats the prior December to his children if he did not relent in his investigation as chief counsel for the Senate Rackets Committee. On February 25, 1959, twelve days before Mr. Kennedy revealed the threats in executive session to the Committee on March 10, he had been examining witnesses regarding acid attacks against jukeboxes, cigarette and gaming machines in establishments which had refused to join an entertainment association, a protection racket
Joseph Alsop indicates that the resignation of Meade Alcorn as RNC chairman would be lamented by the party's orthodox professional politicians because Mr. Alcorn was a completely orthodox and professional businesslike man. But the question remained whether an orthodox professional was really what the Republican Party needed.
Mr. Alsop finds that the question had been raised by the story of Secretary of Defense Neil McElroy and his rough beginning in the position. When first appointed, he had considered bringing in as undersecretary one of the principal authors of the Gaither Report, William C. Foster. But Mr. Foster had been Undersecretary of Defense in the Truman Administration and was thus "tainted with Trumanism", as the orthodox professionals liked to phrase it. In the eyes of the professionals, all Republicans with the "Truman Taint" deserved to be blacklisted. Thus, Mr. McElroy's inclination toward Mr. Foster was discouraged and he then decided to retain Undersecretary Donald Quarles.
Having sought one of the authors of the Gaither Report as his primary tutor, the untutored Mr. McElroy ended by leaning on the most obstinate opponent of every idea in the Gaither Report. The result had been rigid orthodoxy and strict professionalism. The selection of Mr. Foster, however, would have helped Mr. McElroy in the long run, even if displeasing the orthodox professional politicians in the short run, such as House Minority Leader Charles Halleck. The policy which Mr. Quarles had stood for and sold to Mr. McElroy would be discredited and the price for the short-run party harmony would be paid in the long run in lost Republican votes at the polls in 1960.
One could cite other, similar cases, he indicates, such as Mr. Alcorn's successful effort to block the appointment of Henry Labouisse as foreign aid administrator. The point was that the President's drive to reconstruct the party had failed in the end. Mr. Alcorn, having been national chairman during the second Eisenhower term, could not justly be blamed for that failure as the pattern had been set during the first four years.
The banishment of the "Truman-tainted" Republicans had been one part of the pattern from the outset, although the President himself was Truman-tainted. For just that reason, the present chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, John McCone, had been vetoed for a major Defense Department job in 1953. Mr. McCone had gotten his present post because his predecessor, Lewis Strauss, had gotten into a fearful row with Congress.
Still another, even more important part of the pattern, was the heavy preference given by the President to men "who had met a payroll", including industrial executives rather than lawyers, bankers and men with academic backgrounds. Practical experience showed that industrialists commonly found it more difficult than almost any other group to adapt themselves to the peculiar ways of government. Furthermore, the competition for promotion in the industrial hierarchy made it very dangerous for the junior executives to shift to government work. Thus, the second-raters were more easily available. All of it had been plainly proven by the appalling effects of the years during which Charles E. Wilson, former head of G.M., had been Secretary of Defense.
Mr. Alsop indicates that it would take too long to analyze all of the other elements in the President's pattern, such as the behind-the-scenes influence which the late Senator Robert Taft had exercised over many of the early appointments. Many different forces had prevented the Administration from setting the example for the Republican Party's renovation.
Since the time of President Truman, the Democratic Party had been largely renovated by the type of men who organized the California and other state victories in the 1958 midterm elections. But the Republican Party would have to wait for renovation by Richard Nixon or Nelson Rockefeller, both of whom had strong ideas about how to do the job and both admitted that the job needed to be done.
Doris Fleeson indicates that the coming steel strike, which both labor and management seemed to be inviting or possibly merely regarding as inevitable, would have both economic and political repercussions which might have long-lasting effects. The steel industry was presently headed toward new output records as buyers hedged against a long strike. That would produce steel profits in the current quarter and keep employment high in the industry. Yet so much advance stockpiling could also mean lessened production in the final quarters of the year, whether there was a strike or not.
Economists had already been raising questions as to the outlook for the third and fourth quarters, and the prospect of a downturn in steel production was a key item in their forecasts. Along with automobiles and construction, steel production was one of the principal keys to the vitality of the economy. The effects of the previous year's recession were not over in every part of the country. More than 4 million people remained unemployed and even where unemployment was not a major factor, business in some areas had not recovered its normal resiliency and so the prospects of a long steel strike in mid-summer remained discouraging.
A strike in such a major industry would have not only its direct effects but far-reaching indirect consequences, true particularly if the end result was a wage-price package which could cause a sharp round of inflation. The success or failure of public officials in dealing with such a strike might make or break many reputations.
The previous year, the President did not respond to pleas from Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee to take measures to hold down a threatened steel price increase. The subsequent increase was felt almost immediately from an increase in the price of automobiles and other products containing steel. During the current year, the President had changed his position and had decried in advance any price-boosting solution.
Secretary of Labor James Mitchell would carry the burden for the Administration in dealing with the problems of a strike. He was ambitious and, as the most moderate member of the Cabinet, had lately suffered a belittling process by Republican right-wingers. An able handling of his role in such a domestic crisis as a steel strike would cause, could bring Mr. Mitchell back to public attention.
A letter writer from Monroe comments on the pending sterilization bill in the Legislature, indicating that it would probably be rejected because its evil nature was so obvious that even "liberal" newspapers opposed it. Such bills would continue to be brought forward, however, in the writer's opinion, until the statute on sterilization from 1933 would be repealed. He indicates that the State had no right to mutilate the bodies of the innocent epileptic, feeble-minded or mentally diseased persons unfortunate enough to be under its care. Only those who had lost faith in God believed otherwise. As long as the majority of states flaunted, in the face of nature and nature's God, evil measures such as the sterilization laws, the country would suffer. And it would continue to gravitate to the support of the enemies of God, as it did presently in Yugoslavia, in Poland and as attempted in Russia under the original Marshall Plan. He hopes that North Carolina would lead the parade of states in repealing the "evil sterilization laws".
A letter from two seniors at Charlotte Central High School looks forward to a new high school in the city, which they attribute to the leadership of superintendent of the City Schools, Dr. Elmer Garinger. They believe it would only be fitting to name the new school for him. They indicate that Central was recognized throughout the South for its scholastic standing and for the able leaders it had provided to the nation, and they question why Charlotte should be deprived of that school in the future, urge that it must remain and suggest that its name be incorporated into the new school, making it Garinger Central High School.
A letter writer from Zirconia indicates her opposition to the compulsory polio vaccination program, finding that there were too many compulsory medication measures eating away individual liberty, citing the proposed forced sterilization for unwed mothers. She also cites water fluoridation and vaccines for noncommunicable diseases. She believes that even if a small minority opposed such measures, it was within their constitutional rights to be respected, and even if the majority of medical doctors endorsed the program, some were strongly opposed. "Shortcuts to health are always popular with most people but they are an illusion. While medical science is busy chasing and isolating viruses our depleted bodies remain an ever open invitation for the next 'bug' on the list."
Mek Amurica Heelthy 'Gain. Don't poke those needles in our chillens or feed them those sugar cubes. They have the right.
A letter writer says simply: "Arise, stupes of Charlotte and Mecklenburg! Defeat the coming bond issue. Never in history have schools spent so much and taught so little."
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