The Charlotte News
Friday, March 27, 1959
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Britain, France and West Germany had this date reacted generally favorably regarding a U.S. master plan for negotiations with the Soviet Union on the future of Germany. The aim of the plan was to achieve the unification of West Germany and Communist East Germany in stages during a period of years. That would begin with the creation of a loose federation and end with the conclusion of a German peace treaty. Limitations on forces in central Europe and an end to the division of Berlin were also envisioned as the plan would progress. The foreign ministers of Britain and France were to discuss the program with Acting Secretary of State Christian Herter in Washington the following Tuesday. West German representatives would join the talks on Wednesday in advance of broader discussions among foreign ministers of all of the NATO powers, who would meet Thursday for a NATO tenth anniversary session. The preliminary discussions were aimed toward an East-West foreign ministers meeting in Geneva on May 11 and a later summit conference, as proposed to the Soviet Union by the Western powers the previous day. It was an open question whether the Soviets would be interested in any part of the U.S. plan or in any other plan which the Western powers might suggest. Some officials had indicated that there was at least a slight possibility that Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev might be seriously interested in negotiating an acceptable German settlement, while others said that whether or not he was interested, the Western powers had to go into the negotiations with the Soviets prepared to put on the table a set of reasonable proposals which would dramatically demonstrate the willingness of the Western powers to make agreements with the Soviet Union on fair terms. The detailed program which had been worked out would begin the merger process by increasing direct contacts between East and West Germany in all types of practical ways, in such fields as commerce and travel. A temporary all-German group, possibly to be known as a council, would be created by representatives from the traditional 15 German laender, the states, of which ten were in West Germany, with its population of 52 million, and five in East Germany, with its population of 17 million.
In New York, it was reported that honest Christianity did not subscribe to the rosy idea that "death comes as a friend," according to the Reverend Dr. Edwin Dahlberg, president of the National Council of Churches, who said that there was a modern tendency to dodge the hard truth about death. The Council which he headed included most major Protestant and Orthodox churches in the country. Recalling the words of Jesus, he said, "I go to prepare a place for you: if it were not so, I would have told you." He said that it made it clear that Jesus had thought through all of the possibilities of skepticism and unbelief as well as of faith and that He had been saying in effect to the disciples: "If there was no life after death, I would have said so." The minister said that any religion which was realistic had to reckon with doubt as well as with conviction, that Christ had been intellectually honest, as had been the Apostle Paul, not subscribing to the rosy ideas that "there is no death" or that "death comes as a friend". Noting Paul's description in I Corinthians 15:26 of death as an enemy, Dr. Dahlberg said: "Why should we not be as truthful as the Word of God? Death is an enemy. Cover it up with wreaths and flowers as we will … it is the stone curtain between ourselves and God, between living on earth and living in the great beyond. We should resist death with all our power. We should put up a fight to the finish against everything that causes death, whether it be ignorance, superstition, poverty, disease, drunkenness, war, famine or religious unbelief. Death can never have the last word. It may be the last enemy. But it has been destroyed. Christ has destroyed it by the power of His love. Life and immortality have been brought to light through Him. He has shattered the stone curtain…" The Rt. Reverend Arthur Lichtenberger, presiding bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church, had issued an Easter message, saying: "When we believe that Christ rose from the dead we are caught up with Him into a different kind of life from what we knew before. We are made partakers of His resurrection. A Christian has working in him that same power of God which raised Jesus from the dead. How desperately we stand in need of that transforming power today. We need it in our own lives to give us faith and patience and courage. We need it working through us to bring order and justice and unity to our world. And that resurrection power is at hand. That's what Easter tells us: It is here."
In Broadbeach, Australia, evangelist Billy Graham had interrupted a holiday on the Gold Coast to address 8,000 people in the rain at the edge of the surf at Greenmount beach resort this date. The audience included many teenagers in swimsuits and raincoats, who had begun to assemble two hours before the evangelist was scheduled to appear. His Good Friday address had been widely publicized in advance. He stood in the rain for 20 minutes and told the crowd that the world was on the brink of an abyss and seemed to be driving toward war. He stated: "This milk and toast Christianity we have today is not pure Christianity. Young people today do not know what to do with sex. I've studied this business and I do not think you can find control, apart from God." He said that many youths who "swagger in a gang" were really afraid, that he had seen youths marching under the banner of the hammer and sickle, dedicated and ready to die for communism, and that youth had to be dedicated and ready to die for God.
In New York, it was reported that there had been peanuts, pink popcorn and a lion on the loose, the latter inadvertently having been served up to about 2,000 persons attending a dress rehearsal the previous night of the Ringling Brothers-Barnum and Bailey Circus in Madison Square Garden. Putting on an impromptu act for about ten minutes, Ponto, a heavily maned, 800-pound lion, said to be one of the largest of his species in captivity, had finally been recaptured in the lobby and no one had been injured. He had broken through a door of his cage and started roaming around the big arena where a tiger and lion act was in progress. Temporarily king of all he surveyed, he leaped over the arena rail into a section of seats, which happened to be sparsely occupied. Some spectators stood their ground, not knowing what else to do, and others had scattered. The lion's trainer had dashed after him with a whip, chair and pistol, as the lion headed for the 50th Street and 8th Avenue lobby, which emptied immediately of people. Apparently, the lion was following the scent to other animals in the basement menagerie and vainly sought to tear down the big iron door to the basement, which was locked. Frustrated, the lion tried to climb onto a telephone booth in the lobby, and men with an aerialist's net had cornered it there, with the lion tamer directing, wheeling a cage on rubber tires into position and Ponto was safely back in his cage. The perspiring trainer said that the lion had never given him trouble before and he did not consider him dangerous, at least to himself. He added, somewhat shakily, "But to you—yes." The report indicates that one thing was missing from the exciting tableau: Ponto never let go with even one roar.
In Raleigh, it was reported that Governor Luther Hodges this date stated that renewed violence had made more difficult attempts at finding a settlement for the prolonged Henderson cotton mill strike. He told a press conference that he was "still hopeful" for progress in his talks with union and management representatives, although recent developments had "dampened optimism". He returned a courteous "no" to a request for comment on State Attorney General Malcolm Seawell's description as "an absolute hoax" an alleged attack on Carolinas director of the Textile Workers Union of America, Boyd Payton. The Governor said that he was in a very difficult position, trying to mediate between the sides, pointing out that Mr. Payton was one of the union representatives in the negotiations which resumed in Raleigh this date. Mr. Payton claimed that his automobile windshield had been shattered by chunks of tile hurled from a passing car on the highway at night. The union was offering a $2,500 reward for information about the attack. The windshield had two holes, one of which appeared large enough to have admitted the four pieces of tile found in Mr. Payton's car. But Mr. Seawell said that examination had indicated that the glass had been broken by a round object, such as a hammer or hatchet head.
Governor Hodges also had surveyed the legislative scene this date and said that he believed his program was coming along fine. He indicated that he did not take as a defeat the delay of the State Senate to act on a bill for a new legislative building, the Senate having voted to postpone the measure until the general appropriations bill would be passed, which could be the final week or so of the session. The Governor said that he believed the majority of people favored a new legislative building and that it would come out all right. The Governor and the Advisory Budget Commission had proposed 4.5 million dollars for the construction of the new building. The Governor also laughingly turned aside a suggestion, made at a public hearing during the week, that minimum wage legislation for the state was inspired by the writings of Karl Marx, saying, "To tell the truth, I never read Das Kapital," the major work of Marx, regarded as one of the fathers of communism. He added that "a minimum wage is a simple common sense, overdue piece of legislation."
Also in Raleigh, State Senator J. Spencer Bell of Mecklenburg County had said this date that there were laws on the books which now made possible everything they were trying to do regarding court reform, but that the Legislature was not getting the results it wanted. He said that a State Bar Association committee study of the courts, which he had headed, had concerned itself above all with pinpointing all responsibility for day-to-day court operations. Legislation carrying out its recommendations would place much of the responsibility on the General Assembly. He told members of the Senate Constitution and House Constitutional Amendment Committees that the General Assembly would control establishment of an intermediate court of appeals, jury sizes, court costs, fiscal policy, the number of judges at all levels and their pay. He told State Senator Luther Hamilton of Carteret County, a former Superior Court judge, that the Legislature would not, however, be able to strike down rules of operation adopted by the State Supreme Court. State Representative George Uzell of Rowan County had asked Mr. Bell why the court reform bill he had introduced had proposed constitutional amendments if the Legislature already had authority to reform the courts, and Mr. Bell had replied, "The Legislature has had the power to do it, but has been unable" to do so.
A mixture of winter and spring storms battered areas in the Eastern half of the nation this date, as the violent wintry weather which had hit the eastern Rockies and plains states appeared to have ended. Heavy snow piled up in central lower Michigan and Wisconsin as the storm swept into the Midwest after dumping more than a foot of snow in sections of Colorado and southwest Nebraska. The snow belt had extended eastward across northern areas into New York State. A band of thundershowers extended ahead of a cold front from the Carolinas into northern Florida.
In Orangeburg, S.C., safe crackers this date had taken $75,000 in checks from county offices but it was doubtful that they would find the robbery rewarding as the three checks had been unendorsed and payment on them had been stopped.
In Fort Scott, Kans., it was reported that a campaign for $600 to send the Fort Scott Junior College debate team to a national forensic tournament in Aberdeen, Wash., had been called off because they had received too much money.
On the editorial page, "U.S. Foreign Aid Must Be Redesigned to Meet the Necessities of the Age" indicates that in both houses of Congress, "foreign aid" had become an oath of satisfying earthiness, uttered frequently bracketed fore and aft by other Anglo-Saxon profanity. Barring an act of God, the President's Mutual Security Program would be completely gutted. The "savers" of both parties were getting in their licks and even the program's defenders were on record as being "not too sure" about certain aspects of the whole program.
The consequences, it indicates, might be tragic, as the popularity of foreign aid had never been great, but, for years, had been accepted as a bitter necessity. It was still a necessity, but not in the same way as the Eisenhower Administration had presented it. That was the reason for a fundamental reassessment of the foreign aid program.
In presenting his Mutual Security requests on March 13, the President had weighted the program, as usual, in favor of "defense", and, as usual, economic assistance, upon which the free world could expect long-range benefits, was shamefully neglected.
It finds it precisely the sort of planning which had given foreign aid a bad name. As C. L. Sulzberger had pointed out in his book, recently reviewed by the column, What's Wrong with U.S. Foreign Policy, the country was helping to build armies incapable of fighting modern war upon economies incapable of supporting such establishments, not greatly helping the beneficiaries of foreign aid, as the poverty remained in the areas which remained undeveloped industrially. Since contributions were channeled through existing and often corrupt governments, the benefits were not even widely shared, with one consequence being the spread of military dictatorships by the armies the country was building up.
It points out that of the 150 billion dollars which the U.S. had disbursed overseas in recent years, the greater proportion had gone for unproductive purposes, finding it economic lunacy. It suggests that it was small wonder that opponents of foreign aid talked of pouring American dollars down foreign rat holes. Unfortunately, the wasteful aspects of foreign aid had been so outrageous that it was difficult to find and appreciate the good points of the program, which did exist.
It suggests that first, it had to be recognized that impoverished, unstable countries could confront vital U.S. interests with economic burdens and security dangers which were real, immediate and grave. The Middle Eastern situation at present was a good example, with deeply resented poverty and a frustrated desire for progress driving those countries to excesses which served the global aims of the Soviet Union. The U.S. could not solve those problems with rifles, as liberty had to be worth something before a people was willing to fight for it.
Economic assistance was therefore more important than military gear, the only way those nations could be made stable, peaceful and independent. Economic growth in those areas could not fail to enrich world trade and private investment opportunities, including those of the U.S.
It finds it a long-term process which required long-term commitments. Programs had to be custom-tailored to individual countries and regions for the most efficient use of capital development and technical assistance. Loans were preferable to outright grants because they generated a greater sense of self-reliance and independence, but, obviously, some grants would be necessary for temporary technical assistance and the construction of basic facilities which would not yield revenue immediately. It was not necessary, it finds, that economic assistance be dependent on guarantees of mutual defense, as such guarantees were meaningless anyway unless the friendship was genuine, and they always put a bad taste in the mouths of beneficiaries of U.S. aid.
U.S. military commitments were already so scattered that they were virtually meaningless. At present, the U.S. was committed to defend no less than 45 nations on five continents. The U.S. said that its aim was to "strengthen the free world", but it still lacked the type of coordinated economic assistance program which could really do the job. The U.S., it concludes, had to have such a program and lacking satisfactory proposals from the White House, it was up to Congress to provide it.
"Egg Rolling Cannot Crack the Word" indicates that one of the strangest social customs of the time would be enacted again on Monday when the annual Easter egg rolling would take place on the White House grounds.
It finds it notable that the event would be punctuated with the music from four military bands, and there would be other events of like nature across the nation. The children were offered egg hunts indoors and out. There was a California community which offered satiated adults a gold-plated egg as an open competition prize.
It indicates that it still liked to believe, however, that Christianity had achieved something of a minor triumph in towering above all in the presentation of its most meaningful event. The emphasis was still on religious faith and church services were carefully prepared, sermons given and choirs harmonizing better with added voices.
Hats were decked with boughs of springtime, but there was a reverence to Easter which the world of commerce could chip but could not crack. "For despite the oddity of Monday's tumbling eggs, we know Washington's churches will be jammed the day before."
"The Golfer's Greatest Sand Trap" indicates that the women's pages of a neighboring newspaper had an item of interest recently, listing a golfer who would be married soon, with him and his bride said to intend to spend their honeymoon at a certain tournament where he would defend his title.
It finds it not so with most wives, that often there was a great sand trap of misunderstanding between womanhood and husband-golfers.
It indicates that a pitch to the point was the saga of the ardent golfer who, after lining up his ball, suddenly had doffed his cap and stood at parade putter while a funeral cortège had gone by the green. His opponent, impressed, had followed suit and then complimented his friend's action. "Oh, I suppose it was the least I could do," replied the decorous golfer. "That was my wife."
A piece from the Milwaukee
Journal, titled "Those Rustlers Are Still at It",
indicates that critics of television movies often complained that
Americans were forgetting their cares of the present in nostalgic
return to days which were no more, the old West
Some rustling was done at the fringe of cities where cattle grazed, awaiting loading for market. A lot of that, lawmen believed, probably went to supply home freezers. A lot of the rustling was being done by youngsters who tucked a stray in the trunk of their car and picked up a few quick dollars. In the nine months ending in November, Mr. Stewart's Association had traced down and recovered 1,039 head of stolen cattle valued at $148,161.
No longer were cattle rustlers hung,
but as one cattleman had said, "Out here we consider stealing a
calf as serious as kidnaping a baby." The FBI entered rustling
cases when cattle were taken across state lines, just as it did in
similar kidnaping
The biggest headaches for ranchers were the "shade tree butchers", thieves who killed and butchered a cow right on the range and carried off the meat, it being hard to trace a side of beef. With meat prices as high as they were at present, such butchering was a temptation.
"So don't laugh at the people who like western pictures filled with rustlers. They're interested in a modern problem."
Drew Pearson, who had returned to Washington, had written this date's column while still touring the Caribbean, writing from Ciudad Trujillo in the Dominican Republic, indicating that renaming the first city of Christopher Columbus in the New World in honor of dictator Rafael Trujillo was like renaming Columbus, O., "Wolfville" in honor of the Wolf family which controlled its newspapers, banks and insurance. But Generalissimo Trujillo, absolute ruler of the well-kept and rather beautiful police state, was a dictator with vanity. He operated family-owned socialism and wanted the family name identified with it. His brother Hector was president of the nation and his son Ramfis, 29, was chief of staff of the Army. Sr. Trujillo owned the slaughterhouse, the cement plant, the power plant, and even sold beer named in his honor, "Presidente" beer. (That is something Trump has not yet thought about, "El Presidente Trump" beer, to be sold exclusively at the halftimes of all NFL games, only to the first 1,000 drinkers at the special low price of $25 per 12-ounce cup, with a special gold-embossed Trump cup for $100 dollars extra, subject to additional tariffs up to $1,000 charged by the importers from Japan and China where, respectively, the cups are produced and embossed. Limited time only. Sure to be a collector's item in no time, worth millions. Step right up…)
He indicates that the American public, however, seemed to have a sense of smell regarding dictators, for at the height of the tourist season, the hotels of the city were not buzzing with tourists and the well-kept streets looked empty, with traffic cops standing on pedestals to govern traffic which was not there.
He finds that next door in turbulent Haiti, the hotels were crowded, with tourists all over the nation, in dramatic contrast with the Dominican Republic. Two hotels in Ciudad Trujillo were as luxurious as any in Miami, but presently were half empty. On the edge of town was the dictator's Fairgrounds, with beautiful buildings in a crystal setting beside an azure sea, but nobody came to the fair and it was a flop. Sr. Trujillo had transferred his government to the Fairgrounds and his industries were located there.
Twenty-eight years earlier, when Sr. Trujillo was just getting started as a dictator, Mr. Pearson had visited his republic and had previously written a series of columns indicating that in 1911, while serving as a postal clerk, the dictator had been forced to leave the country temporarily for stealing from the mails, that in 1912, he had been convicted of stealing cattle, in 1918, had served six months in jail for forging the signature of his employer. After he had been released from jail, he had joined the National Guard, then trained by the U.S. Marines, where he was employed as a secret agent to spy on his own people for the unpopular Marine Corps occupation. The Marines had promoted him and eventually, after the Marines had withdrawn, he had staged a revolution and taken over.
Mr. Pearson, having detailed that history in the press as early as 1931, had gone to the Dominican Republic the same year and met Sr. Trujillo. The dictator had walked into the Faustus Hotel where Mr. Pearson was having dinner, and over a bottle of warm champagne, they discussed the problems of the Caribbean, each retaining the right to disagree with the other. In the years which had followed, Sr. Trujillo had become, in the eyes of many, respectable, having been entertained by such society queens as Mme. Gwendolyn Cafritz in Washington, and he had entertained and decorated a long list of Congressmen. He had speeches delivered on the floor of his own Congress by U.S. Representative Donald Jackson of California and Gardner Withrow of Wisconsin, praising his system. He also had the son-in-law of John Foster Dulles, Robert Hinshaw, come to Trujillo City and stay for three months as a guest of the dictator, and had Mamie Eisenhower's brother-in-law, Col. Gordon Moore, become his partner in a sugar deal.
Some people had asked whether Mr. Pearson was not afraid to come to the country on the current trip, that perhaps in light of the Galindez kidnaping, he might be shot or poisoned. He indicates that the dictator was too smart to do that and besides, he was of the opinion that he was more philosophical at present and wanted to retire, pushing age 68.
Whether he was philosophical or not, he was still a tough military man when it came to defending his island against Fidel Castro. His gunboats patrolled the coast night and day and he was alert and ready for any eventuality. The U.S. had built him up as the greatest dictator of the Caribbean and the best target which Sr. Castro and Communism could possibly have, and now the U.S. was stuck with him, one reason the Caribbean was so troubled.
The Congressional Quarterly provides "some of the moving moments" of the Senate's occupation of its new 25 million dollar office building, starting with a tractor-trailer crammed with file cabinets easing down the driveway of the new marble building, approaching the entrance to the underground garage and stopping abruptly, as it could not go any farther for the entrance being too low, resulting in the filing cabinets being dumped onto the driveway and then carted inside to the unloading platform.
A staffer of the Appropriations Committee looked around happily at his spacious new office and then sat down at his desk, or tried to do so, finding that his knees would not fit under it for the new walnut desk being too low.
A roly-poly Senator hopped over the threshold of his new office and immediately crumpled from an attack of claustrophobia, now refusing to budge from his old office until a wall was knocked out of the new one to make the entrance room bigger, being done.
A white-faced elevator operator and his red-faced Senator-passenger had ridden up and down the shaft like a yo-yo, unable to make the elevator stop at the right floor.
A swarm of elevator company bigshots flitted nervously from button to button on the elevator like bees working a clover field, trying to find which of their creations offered non-stop rides.
A Senator raised his fist to smash home a point, only to be drowned out in a Bronx cheer of electric clicks with the DT's, microphones which had something of their own to say, accompanied by a roll call buzzer loud enough to summon all of the ships at sea.
A letter to a constituent was dropped in the new mail chute, only to get stuck halfway down. The Senators, long accustomed to the double salaam treatment, naturally erupted at this buffing, akin to Walter Raleigh slapping Queen Elizabeth with his muddy cape.
Senator Norris Cotton of New Hampshire, who claimed that his desk was so close to the wall that he almost was sitting on the window sill, indicated that the whole building was the result of being planned by a Congressional committee. "A camel is an animal that looks like he had been put together by committee. The new office building was not only put together by committee, but one that changed members constantly during construction."
The Senate Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee was one of the 12 committees which had offices in the new building. The Committee handled complicated bills in the electronics field. But recently, its chairman, Senator Warren Magnuson of Washington, could not get his voice through the new microphone, saying: "It's a remarkable age we live in. You can hear a beep sound from 350,000 miles in space but can't make yourself heard over a microphone 6 inches from your face."
Recipients of those and scores of other complaints had been the architect's office in the basement of the Capitol. Spokesmen there defended their work, saying that the mistakes for the most part were natural ones which could be cleared up easily. One of the defenders said, "If it were a building for anybody else, you wouldn't hear anything about it."
Despite the complaints, Senators were moving steadily from the old building to the new one across the street, thus far, 20 Senators having moved in and 22 more expected to move in by June. The remainder would stay in the old building. The extra room would be used for committees scattered around the neighborhood of the Capitol. Besides providing the 42 Senators with five and six-room suites, each with three toilets, the building would house 12 of the 15 standing committees of the Senate. Each new committee headquarters would comprise a hearing room, four office rooms and an anteroom. There was also a gymnasium, complete with two steam-bath cabinets, a 500-place auditorium, two dining rooms for Senators and their guests, two cafeterias for the public and office workers, and a rooftop sun deck with a commanding view of the Capitol. The entire building was air-conditioned.
It indicates that the building resembled the old one in architecture, but its white marble exterior presented a sharp contrast to its graying, 51-year old predecessor. Inside, the new S.O.B. had marble hallways which gave it a palatial atmosphere, but the offices could not be called gaudy.
Robert C. Ruark, in Nairobi, Kenya, finds that it was difficult to speak a few kind words for colonialism at present without having one's head bashed in, but there ought be some differentiation made between colonialism and exploitation. He indicates that to colonize meant to make a community in and bring some sort of order to a place in which no order existed, by force or benevolent despotism. That eventually ought lead to a democratic process in which all hands who could pull their weight were adjudged equal. By contrast, to exploit, he ventures, was coldly to enter another man's country and place him into slavery, kill him off, and keep the constant foot on his neck, all for personal greed and profit.
In the exploitation arena, he reckons that North America ranked first for what it had done to the aboriginal Indian. "We never made much of an effort to colonize the noble red man. We poisoned his blankets and gave him diphtheria, fed him bad booze and stole his land. We turned loose armies against him and until very recently have deprived him of a great many civil rights, including the vote." He supposes that had occurred because Washington, New York and Pittsburgh thought that he was not up to it, despite America having been his land, not belonging to Britain, France or Spain, but rather to the Sioux, the Choctaw, the Cherokee and Apache.
The white settler in Africa who had come in for so much abuse had been in those parts roughly 60 years. Old Colonel Grogan, who had strolled from the Cape to Kenya, was still alive, but there were now a passel of third and fourth generation white Africans who believed they could carve their homes and their very lives out of the bush.
They were saying that Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika and Rhodesia belonged as much to them as to the natives. The native position at present was roughly that Africa belonged only to Africans, ignoring the Arabs, the East Indians, all the progress which the non-black population had brought to the country. The settler, basically, had been a benevolent despot, whose major fault was that he hastened the process of civilization and removed the old controls, creating appetites without providing the means of satiety and stamping on some old customs without providing interim adjustment. He indicates that he meant that the Masai had gone because they were no longer allowed to kill Kikuyu and the stocks overgrazed because of lion and leopard controls.
"But I cannot imagine the colonist morals because he is not black or brown and the locals are black. Africa for the Africans is not a just slogan unless it includes the white and browns who consider themselves Africans, too."
A letter from J. R. Cherry, Jr., indicates that the death on March 16 of "General" John Salling, 112, of Virginia, had brought no happiness to him. He finds it fitting, however, that it was a Virginian who had cheated time for as long as he had, for it had been in Virginia and the vicinity "that most of the ferocious battles were fought in that War Between The States, mostly in Virginia that the Confederacy's most brilliant and decisive military victories were won; t'was Virginia, who, produced more military geniuses of that conflict, in Virginia that a gallant Army, with honor, finally gave up the fight." He finds that Virginia, a hundred years later, was proud and fiercely independent of spirit still, battling and continuing to battle "a totalitarian-minded court down to the last legal ditch to preserve the sacredness of the Tenth Amendment and the right to educate her children in accordance with the custom and precedent which she profoundly believes is wisest and best for all." He wants the bandmaster to signal the players to strike up the stirring strains of "Dixie", "after which let Southerners (in this age of alien brainwashing) who are not ashamed that our forefathers saw fit to engage in a military struggle in defense of what they believed to be their rights and liberties, give three stout rebel yells to the memory of "General" John Sallings—Virginian—Confederate—American."
Per his usual drift, Mr. Cherry ventures into defense of ancient ways which had been the product of an undereducated mass of people, using human labor drafted for the purpose to overcome the climate challenges of raising cotton and tobacco in the unaccommodating climes of the South, especially in summer, then projected forward in time, following its formal abolition, as a rationale for maintaining segregation in the society, to appease the poor, deprived, Yankee-conquered planters, raped of their mansions and land by the cruel Northern invaders, those planters, in the main, having actually been small farmers perhaps with two or three slaves each, apart from the few major plantations primarily located in the deep South, where absentee ownership thrived, all fed on the fire-breathers' myth that the Civil War was really only about states' rights, as was the current flap regarding desegregation, that it was this here Yankee-lib'ral brainwashing to the contrar' a-infiltratin' the schools which was at base the problem, FDR and those socialists, who were really commies, he brought in. Mr. Cherry sees things always, despite his UNC education, quite myopically.
It should not go unnoticed that,
quite by coincidence, when the prior Monday we linked to a News
column of August, 1981
A letter writer indicates that after reading the letter of another reader regarding why the country gave away foreign aid dollars, she wishes to provide the real answer, that if one counted the high number of Catholics in the U.S. whom the people had placed in the White House to handle the nation's affairs, there would be the answer. "For what other reason would we take from our own people and give to a country which has already been swallowed by the Saints? Every one of those countries are almost solid Catholic and their brethren in Washington have seen and will see to it that they get financed regardless if they accept communism or not." She suggests that the Pope "sell his crown which is adorned with precious stones and gold and open the coffers of millions of dollars and help his own people instead of letting the U.S. taxpayers support them. I for one am sick and tired of it."
So now foreign aid is based on the desire of some in Washington to bolster Catholic countries? We did not know that. What about Israel? Has it gone Catholic, too?
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