The Charlotte News

Thursday, March 26, 1959

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the President, British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan and French Premier Charles de Gaulle had agreed conditionally this date to meet Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev at a summit conference on the Berlin crisis and other problems. They differed materially, however, regarding the emphasis they placed on the conditions for the conference. A U.S. note said that the U.S. was prepared for a meeting of heads of state "on the understanding" that a prior meeting of foreign ministers would at least narrow differences and prepare "constructive proposals". The British note to the Kremlin took a considerably more positive approach, saying that the British would be glad to go to the summit "as soon as developments in the foreign ministers meeting warrant." It spoke of a summit meeting during the summer, whereas the U.S. note only spoke of such a conference as soon as the foreign ministers conference might "justify" it. The French language concerning conditions was still stiffer than that of the U.S. Premier De Gaulle, in his note to Moscow, made his attendance contingent on whether the foreign ministers meeting "permits the envisagement of genuine progress" at the top. The note spoke only of a summit session at "an inappropriate time" instead of mentioning the summer. All three of the Western notes had reserved the right of all participants to bring up whatever subjects they chose. That was in contrast to the Soviet proposal of confining the talks solely to Berlin and a German peace treaty. In a March 2 note, the Kremlin had proposed that the foreign ministers meeting, at least, be held exclusively on those subjects. U.S. officials said that in spite of the differences in wording, they considered the Western notes to say substantially the same thing. The Western powers proposed that the foreign ministers meeting would start in Geneva on May 11 "to consider questions relating to Germany, including a peace treaty with Germany and the question of Berlin." From there on, they went into their divergent approaches to the summit session. Despite the variations of emphasis, the Western proposals appeared to bring closer the prospect of a summit conference between the Big Four leaders. The American note was released in Washington and the British and French communications in London and Paris, respectively, after their delivery to the Soviet Foreign Office. In general, they all followed the line of a formula worked out by the President and Prime Minister Macmillan at their Camp David meeting the previous weekend. That plan called for dealing with the Berlin crisis through diplomatic negotiations aiming toward one or more summit meetings. The U.S. note said: "The purpose of the foreign ministers meeting should be to reach positive agreements over as wide a field as possible, and in any case to narrow the differences between the respective points of view and to prepare constructive proposals for consideration by a conference of heads of government later in the summer. On this understanding and as soon as developments in the foreign ministers meeting justify holding a summit conference, the United States Government would be ready to participate in such a conference. The date, place and agenda for such a conference would be proposed by the meeting of foreign ministers." The three-point proposal had been the heart of the talks between the President and Prime Minister Macmillan, which, in substance, had been approved later by Premier De Gaulle and West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer.

In Henderson, N.C., it was reported that a union official helping to negotiate a cotton mill strike had been cut on his forehead the previous night when a rock flung from a passing car had broken the window of his car. Boyd Payton, Carolinas director of the Textile Workers Union of America, said that he was driving on Highway U.S. 1 near Henderson when the other automobile had drawn alongside his car and without warning, a rock had come flying through the window. He said that he almost lost control of his car but had managed to outdistance the other vehicle. He had been returning from his home in Charlotte, where his wife was in the hospital recovering from a heart attack. The new eruption of violence in the long, bitter strike against cotton mills in Henderson had included three dynamite explosions the previous night, one of which had showered glass into the bedroom of an official of the struck Harriet-Henderson Cotton Mills. Other than shouts and jeers from strikers, however, the scene had been calm during the current morning as workers resumed their jobs at the mills. It was the second time Mr. Payton had been injured in violence connected with the strike, as about a month earlier, he had reported to police that he had been beaten up when he opened his motel room door and was met by an unidentified assailant, having to spend a couple of days in the hospital recovering from that attack. The explosions the previous night had brought to five the total number of blasts since Governor Luther Hodges had joined negotiations in Raleigh between the company and the union the previous weekend. It was the second explosion in two weeks near the home of a mill official, the production chief, and had broken out several windowpanes, scattering glass into the bedroom of the official and his wife, and digging an eight-inch hole in the front yard. The official had been sitting in on contract negotiations for management, headed by the company president. Governor Hodges had said that no agreement was reached at sessions on Monday and Tuesday, and the talks were to resume on Friday at the executive mansion. A hearing had been held in Winston-Salem this date by the NLRB regarding union charges of unfair labor practices against the mill. The TWUA charged that the mill had refused to bargain in good faith to end the strike. No announcement of the results of the hearing and investigation was expected within two weeks, when the NLRB would decide whether to dismiss or prosecute the charge. An arbitration clause in the proposed new contract had been the major problem leading to the four-month strike. The mills had reopened on a limited basis on February 16. In Washington on Wednesday, AFL-CIO president George Meany had charged that the company had provoked the violence-marred strike in an effort to destroy the union locals at Henderson. He said that the company was insisting on a no-strike clause and elimination of arbitration, which he said could "completely wreck the union". The company president, however, denied those charges. Governor Hodges said that he had sat for hours listening to both sides together and that the alleged facts of Mr. Meany did not agree with what he understood the facts to be.

In New York, the Grace liner Santa Rosa, bringing home 247 passengers from a happy Caribbean cruise, had collided early this date with an empty oil tanker off Atlantic City, with one tanker crewman having been killed and five injured. No one was injured aboard the cruise ship, which also carried a crew of 263. But a fire had broken out in the paint room in the forward part of the vessel, kept from spreading but difficult to extinguish. Although a number of other ships had raced to the scene, neither the Santa Rosa nor the tanker was said to be in any danger of sinking. At one point, it was said that the cruise liner's passengers might be transferred to a sister ship, to continue their voyage to New York, but Grace line officials said later that it would not be done unless for some reason it should become absolutely necessary. The Coast Guard said that the Santa Rosa's bow had sliced halfway through the tanker in the engine room section near the stern when the vessels had collided in the wee hours of the morning about 22 miles east of Atlantic City. The cause of the crash was not immediately determined. The weather was described as clear with a slight haze at the time.

In Los Angeles, it was reported that a 35-year old gold miner, whose right leg had been shattered from a premature blast and was gushing blood, could only wait while trapped in a Death Valley tunnel for other dynamite to explode, as 18 unexploded sticks of dynamite continued to hiss. He had gasped a prayer and buried his head under his arms, then had heard his alarmed partner starting into the shaft from 18 feet above to see what was wrong. The trapped man said for him not to come into the tunnel as there was no use in both of them dying. Moments earlier, he had lighted the 40-inch fuses to ten stick charges, spaced across the end of the tunnel wall. Ordinarily, he would have had two or three minutes after lighting the first one to get out, but something had gone wrong with a faulty fuse. There was a blast and with each successive blast, two sticks of dynamite had detonated, throwing rocks and dirt around. The trapped man had counted three explosions spaced several seconds apart, eventually having reached ten, counting the first one which had slammed him against the opposite wall ten feet away. As the last echoes died away, his alarmed partner had charged into the shaft, thinking he would encounter his dead companion, but was mistaken. All he could see of his comrade was a shoulder sticking out of the debris. He grabbed it and pulled the man's head free, asking what he should do, at which point the man said for him to get out of the tunnel. Instead, the other man tied a rope tightly around the trapped man's leg to stop the bleeding and then packed the injured man up a ladder on his back and drove him to the nearby village of Skidoo. The previous night, the freed man, from his hospital bed, told the story. He was in traction with a leg broken in two places and was waiting for X-rays to show how badly his back was injured. He said that he figured he was "a goner sure" when the blasts had started the prior Sunday. He was conscious the while and each succeeding jolt did nothing to make him feel better. He said, "It felt like it lifted you right off the ground each time." He and his partner might wish to find a more salutary occupation than seeking out the last trickling down dregs of a long-abandoned gold mine in Death Valley.

In Los Angeles, it was reported that defense counsel for a woman who had been convicted of hiring the death of her 30-year old daughter-in-law, contended this date that there was "startling new evidence" which he said could help obtain a new trial for his client. The attorney said that the new evidence was a tape-recorded interview with a man, one of two laborers who confessed to the actual slaying of the daughter-in-law, saying that the tape contained a statement by the laborer that a woman other than the defendant had begged him to kill the victim. The attorney said that the tape had been made by a third party of Phoenix, a newscaster, and that it would be delivered to him sometime this date, promising transcripts for the press. He identified the woman mentioned by the laborer only as a person who had testified at the trial and who had figured prominently in the investigation. He said that the tape had been made the prior Tuesday and that he was told that the laborer had named the woman who had begged him to kill the daughter-in-law and that the woman was not the defendant. In their confessions and at the trial, the laborer and his associate had both sworn that they had strangled the Canadian nurse the previous November at the urging of the defendant and that she had promised them $6,000 to do the job.

In Jasper, Ala., a 17-year-old ninth grade pupil was being held in jail on a charge that he had raped his high school teacher's wife because of the way his teacher treated him in class. The boy said: "He was always picking on me. He always blamed me for everything that went wrong." The sheriff said that he had asked the youth if he realized what he had done, and the youth responded: "Yes, I guess I just should have taken it out on him." The sheriff said that the 26-year old victim had identified the youth by his skinned nose, despite his having worn a mask which covered most of his face. The sheriff said that before the identification, the boy had already confessed to him. The boy said that he had planned the incident earlier in the week and had spent Tuesday making a mask which covered most of his face. The sheriff said that it looked like it had been made from an old pair of trousers, with only his eyes and his skinned nose having been visible. The boy had said that he went to the home of the victim the previous morning instead of going to school, had threatened her with a knife, assaulted her twice and taken three dollars from her purse.

In Raleigh, it was reported that James "Catfish" Cole, whose Klan rally near Maxton, N.C., in January, 1958 had been scuttled by whooping, shooting Lumbee Indians, said this date that he planned to carry to Federal courts his appeal of a conviction of inciting to riot. The North Carolina State Supreme Court the previous day had affirmed the conviction in connection with the melee which had broken up the Klan rally, the Court finding that the defendants made claims as if they had been charged with engaging in a riot when they had been charged with the distinct offense of inciting a riot—not dissimilar to the distinction in the charges formerly brought against Trump for his conduct on and prior to January 6, 2021, who, but for his election in 2024 by idiots who can't see beyond the tips of their noses, blunted by alcohol and/or drug abuse in most cases, would today likely be serving a stretch as a non-penitent in a Federal pen, where he richly belongs, where anyone not a billionaire with political connections engaging in similar conduct with similar results would be likely for the next 20 years, as were the most culpable leaders of that riot were before Trump pardoned them. Mr. Cole's prison sentence of 18 to 24 months was thus sustained. Mr. Cole, of Marion, S.C., said, "I have felt all along I am the victim of public opinion." He had recently severed his Klan connections to join another segregationist organization. In South Carolina, he was facing trial on the charge of posing as a private detective. In delivering the Supreme Court's unanimous opinion, Associate Justice E. B. Denny said: "There can be no justification for the defendants and their associates to go to the rally armed with rifles, shotguns, pistols and other weapons, some concealed and others unconcealed, if their intent and purposes were legitimate and peaceful. Such show of armed defiance was incompatible with peaceful and lawful purposes. Moreover, such conduct within itself would be calculated to cause a breach of the peace in any community, particularly in a county where the defendant Cole had been preaching racial dissension and hatred and conducting cross-burnings for the purpose of frightening certain Indian families in the community. If any of the Indian residents of Robeson County are violating the law in any respect, it is the duty and responsibility of the duly constituted law enforcement officers of that county to prefer proper charges against them and to see that they are dealt with according to law (and this we are confident they will do), but there is nothing in our Constitution or laws that authorizes the Ku Klux Klan or its officers to substitute themselves for the law enforcement officers of a community or the courts of the State." The co-defendant, James G. Martin, was granted a new trial because of erronoeus admission of certain prejudicial statements, constituting admissions, made by Mr. Cole outside Mr. Martin's presence regarding why Mr. Cole had engaged in cross-burnings in East Lumberton and St. Pauls the week before the rally, which the Court deemed inadmissible against Mr. Martin, presumably on the unexpressed ground that they were hearsay not within any exception as to Mr. Martin, not entailing any admission by him, which is an exception to the inadmissibility of hearsay, that is an out-of-court statement sought to be admitted into evidence for the truth of the matter asserted. In the case of Mr. Cole, they might have been admitted also to show his state of mind, by way of showing criminal intent to incite a riot by holding the rally shortly after the cross-burnings.

A pre-Easter snowstorm had whipped across the eastern Rockies into the Midwest this date after kicking up a rash of violent weather in sections of the plains and Mississippi Valley. The storm which had hammered the eastern slopes of the Rockies left drifts waist-high in parts of Colorado, Wyoming and western Nebraska. Snow depths were more than a foot in many places. Denver had a foot of fresh snow. The early spring storm, abating in the Rockies, did not lose much of its fury as it swept eastward. Heavy snow warnings were posted for Nebraska, Iowa and Minnesota. Lighter amounts were in prospect for northern sections of Wisconsin and Michigan and parts of Texas, Oklahoma and Kansas. Texas had an outbreak of wild weather, with tornadoes, snow, hail, rain and strong winds hitting the state the previous day. Freezing weather followed the snow in the Panhandle region and the tornadoes had caused some property damage and had injured one person.

On the editorial page, "Raleigh's Word for Today Is 'Boo!'" indicates that the political medicine men who viewed state minimum wage legislation with dread were casting spells, raising ghosts and calling on Heaven as a witness again during the week.

At a public hearing of the House Committee on Manufactures and Labor, the incantations had reached a peak. As always, the cry of "Socialism" had been raised. But the rogue's gallery of contemporary demonology was present and accounted for, including Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin and Franklin D. Roosevelt. As an added refinement, the conservative sponsors of the legislation had been bedeviled with impartial fervor.

It finds it nothing less than amazing that sensible men could make such dusty arguments and dim distinctions in proposing a state minimum wage. Governor Luther Hodges was not carrying out the Communist Party's platform, and if Marxism had any coherent meaning at all, it meant the vesting of the ownership and control of capital, land and industry in the whole community. What Governor Hodges wanted to do was to bolster the state's capitalistic economy, not destroy it.

It finds it difficult to believe that more than 90,000 North Carolina workers presently made less than 75 cents per hour, that recommended by one group of legislators as a reasonable wage. Nearly 200,000 made less than the one dollar minimum proposed by another group. That situation reduced the purchasing power of labor, threatened the stability of industry and hamstrung the state's economic progress. Yet opponents of any sort of state minimum wage legislation were resorting to the same kind of ideological hocus-pocus which lobbyists had been using around Washington in 1937 regarding the proposal of a Federal minimum wage law, prompting President Roosevelt then to declare: "A self-supporting and self-respecting democracy can plead no justification … for chiseling workers' wages or stretching workers' hours… Our problem is to work out and practice those labor standards which will permit the maximum but prudent employment of our human resources to bring within reach of the average man and woman a maximum of the goods and services conducive to the fulfillment of the promise of American life."

Congress had responded a year later with the Federal Wage and Hour Act.

Yet, 21 years later, nurturing the same old fears and calling up the same old spirits was the State Legislature in response to the proposal for a state minimum wage law. They claimed it was "not the American way".

It suggests that it could be argued with greater logic that it was "not the American way" for 90,000 North Carolinians to be working for wages below the decent level of subsistence. Likewise, it was not the American way to deny in-state workers the protection granted their neighbors who happened to be involved in interstate commerce and so subject to the Federal law.

Governor Hodges had strongly recommended a state minimum wage of at least 75 cents per hour. Furthermore, he had noted in his biennial message on February 5 that "employers can afford it, employees deserve it and the state's economic progress demands it." State Labor commissioner Frank Crane had called a state minimum wage law "an essential instrument in the growth of the state".

It indicates that 30 states presently had such laws, but minimum wage legislation had been defeated in at least seven sessions of the General Assembly, finding that the time had come for the state to recognize its duty and accomplish it, that it would not be an act of Socialism, but of Americanism.

"Exhibit A: Why a Merger Is a Must" indicates that the Mecklenburg County School Board during the week had made a unilateral bid for an election to authorize the issuance of 6 million dollars in bonds for its building needs. The City School Board was allegedly caught flat footed with building needs of its own and nothing before the County Commission. There had been an informal agreement in effect between the two school systems to "locate schools where the children are" regardless of district lines. But the agreement had no legal standing.

Under present law, the two administrative units might determine their building needs, select their sites and erect their buildings without reference to each other's needs and sites. Mecklenburg County voted as a unit for the issuance of bonds for school buildings and paid for them from countywide taxes. The County Commission, speaking for the whole county, had made the allocation of the bond revenue between the two administrative units, but did not control the location of the sites for the buildings to be constructed, that being left to the governing boards of the two administrative units, except for the fact that plans for individual buildings had to be approved by the State superintendent's office, normal procedure in the state.

It indicates that the frailty of "informal agreements" was obvious, that even though the two administrative units employed the same consultant, communications between the two boards had never been very good. In fact, there was just one way that Mecklenburg's taxpayers could be assured of countywide planning, which was through consolidation of the City and County school systems.

"Pause that Refreshes" quotes from a report issued by Communist China's Honan Province Communist Party: "If, after day and night shifts on steelmaking, the workers participate in a little farm production, they will feel refreshed…"

"A Plan To Resist the Vices of Spring" indicates that with longer afternoons and willows beginning to pop into leaf, it offers a token of advice to men, particularly those of households. In the spring, the tired blood rebounded just as in the television commercials, and then trouble began for the male's physical well-being. The person felt great, beginning with 18 holes of golf, or digging shrub holes, laying brick, carrying fertilizer in a wheelbarrow or pitching a game with the neighborhood children.

Then, the man was "stroked out", left a whimpering wretch from attempting the impossible. Physically, his nerves reacted like a netted shark and the mental processes resembled dripping dregs from a syrup bottle. It would take weeks, perhaps the entire summer, to regain well-being, relaxation and a supervisory capacity.

Thus, it announces the creation of Athletes Anonymous for that person, its program designed to enlist all former athletes, former laborers and all others who wished to break the nasty habit of physical exercise. It expects an outraged cry from many fronts, as exercise was good for people. But it suggests that not many could do it to moderation when faced with the incense of the sun-god or the budding earth.

Athletes Anonymous was designed to save those who became drugged into a stupor from a southerly breeze. When a spring addict felt an attack coming on, he would call another member, who was duty-bound to respond. Bringing in soothing reading, perhaps a record player and bright conversation, the patient was distracted until the spell passed. Later, the unfortunate could be carted outdoors with a shovel or golf club in hand and if he quickly retreated to the sanctuary of the house, he had beaten the vice. On the other hand, if he fell to the grass and began to breathe deeply, a cold shower was recommended as an emergency measure.

Wolf bane might be prescribed as the remedy for such a wild man of the mountains, constantly imbued with the spirit of spring when come down to Los Angeles for some r & r, only to be chased and hounded unmercifully by Spanish provincials, and their half-wit half-wolf doggie, incensed and offended at the indelicate, rude manners, rueful of Spanish custom and protocol, on display in his political interactions with the ladies.

A piece from the Christian Science Monitor, titled "Perquisites of Office", indicates that the rising young businessman knew he had gone up when he could refer to one of the girls in the "steno" room as "my secretary". The junior officer in the armed services knew when he rated four instead of three rooms in his "commutation of quarters" allowance. The young executive knew he had been promoted when his office acquired an anteroom, the major, that he had entered the colonel class when he could put "scrambled eggs" on the visor of his dress cap, the senior executive, that he had arrived when his associates referred to him with studied familiarity as "J. D.", the colonel, that he had gone up a peg when a single-starred flag flew on his car.

Norman P. Mason, recently elevated to be administrator of the Housing and Home Finance Agency, said that he now knew how one could tell when one reached "flag" rank in the Federal bureaucracy: "I now have a rug in my washroom."

Drew Pearson indicates that King Hussein of Jordan, the 23-year old monarch presently being entertained in Washington, had been kneeling beside his grandfather, King Abdullah, in the Great Mosque of Jerusalem some years earlier when a Moslem fanatic had shot and killed his grandfather, a bullet having grazed the young prince in the process. That had been the King's first brush with death, but there had been many attempts on his life since that time, the last having been by Syrian planes while he was attempting to leave Jordan the previous year.

Mr. Pearson indicates that when he was given an audience with the King in Amman over a year earlier, he was just trying to get a parliamentary form of government established after a revolt and another attempt on his life. Mr. Pearson opines that he had more courage than any other Arab leader. Above his desk hung a picture of King Abdullah, who held two secret meetings with Golda Meir, the present Foreign Minister of Israel, in an attempt to straighten out relations between the two countries, the reason why King Abdullah had been shot. He indicates that probably, if King Hussein were given half a chance, he, too, would try to settle problems with Israel.

The Defense Department had denied that three large Boeing jet luxury liners which Senator Clair Engle of California had been scrutinizing, were designed for the use of the President, the Vice-President and Secretary of State Dulles. "They will be for pool use by the President and other high-ranking officials," according to Assistant Defense Secretary Murray Snyder. "Neither the Vice-President nor the Secretary of State will have a special plane designated for his use. In any instance where either the Vice-President or Secretary of State has required a plane for official travel, arrangements have been made with the Special Air Mission fleet." Mr. Pearson indicates that it was true, but somewhat deceptive, as the Special Air Mission Fleet even included the President's private plane, the Columbine, and theoretically it was available to other people. In actual practice, however, it was not assigned to other people except to bring a president of a foreign country, a king, or other dignitary to Washington. The new Boeing 707 jets would be in the same general category, and Senator Engle had pointed out that by saving the 15 million dollars to be spent on them, plus 75 million for 17 other "executive" planes, the Administration could save 90 million out of the 97 million dollars which it did not wish to spend for airports.

He indicates that it was Secretary of State Dulles, not the RNC, who had picked Ogden "Brownie" Reid, the 33-year old publisher of the New York Herald Tribune, to be U.S. Ambassador to Israel. Mr. Dulles had read the series of articles which the Herald Tribune had published by Golda Meir and figured that because of Mr. Reid's friendship with her, he would be the logical choice as the new Ambassador.

Joseph Alsop indicates that the central question in the discussions between the President and British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan had been whether to sanctify the status quo in Eastern Europe, including the division of Germany. From the outset of the discussions, it was obvious that the sanction of the Eastern European status quo was the immediate goal of Premier Nikita Khrushchev's pressure on Berlin. While West Berlin existed as an island of freedom in the surrounding "wasteland of tyranny", East Germany's Communist regime could never achieve true stability. East Germany's instability in turn affected all of the other Soviet satellites in Eastern Europe.

If the light of freedom was dimmed in West Berlin, then the "slimy" East German Communist Party leader Walter Ulbricht would have no great difficulty in transforming East Germany into a profitable, dependable satellite, something like Czechoslovakia, and the Kremlin's European problem would be solved.

Mr. Khrushchev had said that quite bluntly and plainly to Prime Minister Macmillan when the latter had visited Moscow recently. The language used by Mr. Khrushchev was of a different sort, demanding the abandonment of "the policy of rollback", which was the Kremlin's term for what Secretary of State Dulles called "liberation", insisting that the political "facts of life" in Eastern Europe had to be "recognized" and accepted. He had indicated that the situation in Berlin was intolerable to the Kremlin because Free Berlin was a symbol and an instrument of the "policy of rollback".

Mr. Alsop indicates that Mr. Khrushchev had been holding forth on the same theme to him and other reporters on all sorts of occasions during the previous two years. He had now gone from words to deeds, as he had indicated to Mr. Macmillan, because he believed he was justified in doing so by the changes in the East-West balance of military power.

Mr. Khrushchev's complaints about Berlin and his demands that the West face the political "facts of life" were in fact seasoned with boasts about new Soviet offensive weapons of immense destructive capability. On that point, Prime Minister Macmillan was reported to have concluded that Mr. Khrushchev still hoped and desired to avoid war, but also getting the impression that war would probably ensue if the Berlin crisis were ever allowed to reach the stage of blocking of West Berlin access routes, followed by a Western attempt to open those routes by force.

As those had been the results of Mr. Macmillan's "reconnaissance" in Moscow, and since the President had agreed in advance to go to a summit meeting, the pros and cons of sanctifying the status quo in Eastern Europe were bound to have dominated the discussions between the President and the Prime Minister. The problem had to be explored, if only because it was also bound to dominate the future summit conference.

Even after the discussions at Camp David, however, it was by no means decided what the final Western position would be. For one thing, the British Prime Minister had received a fairly sharp reaction from French Premier Charles de Gaulle when the Prime Minister had raised the question in Paris, and in Bonn, with Chancellor Konrad Adenauer of West Germany, he had hardly raised the question at all. The latter was likely to react fairly violently to any sort of compromise proposal which would conceivably satisfy Mr. Khrushchev. Also, it was still an even bet that Secretary of State Dulles would resume his duties in April and if he did come back, Chancellor Adenauer would have a powerful supporter.

The conference between the President and Prime Minister had failed to resolve what to do at the summit, as revealed by the cheerful but excessive emphasis placed on their agreement regarding going to the summit, a point which had been conceded by the President for all practical purposes even before Mr. Macmillan had come to the U.S. for his visit. But the talks had at least revealed what the British would like to do at the summit, that they wanted to leave the Western forces in Berlin and fulfill the West's moral commitment to the residents of that city, and also to propose a device by which de facto recognition would be given to East Germany and to the whole status quo in Eastern Europe. They believed that such a device could be devised, based in part on Premier Khrushchev's admission to Mr. Macmillan that the West could not formally recognize East Germany, seeming to suggest that a device would be accepted in the end.

He concludes that only a little more than six years after Secretary Dulles had given testimony before the Senate on the moral compulsion of the "liberation" policy, the foregoing was where the U.S. and the West now stood.

Marquis Childs indicates that indignant Senators might demand an investigation of what they considered a classic example of the manipulation of top-secret information to influence high policy. The example which the Senators had seized on was the leak to the New York Times of Project Argus, the 300-mile high explosion of three small atomic bombs. Members of Congress, entrusted with the information under a top-secret designation several months earlier, had been cautioned that secrecy was vital to U.S. security, and then they had read the same information in the newspapers.

The leak had coincided with the arrival of Prime Minister Macmillan for talks with the President, and the Prime Minister was known to be bringing a compromise proposal for agreement on a suspension of atomic tests. The news of Project Argus was leaked in such a way as to make it seem that tests would have to continue and the British compromise, therefore, would have to be rejected.

Even after the news had been printed and Deputy Secretary of Defense Donald Quarles had issued a statement on it, Senators were told by Pentagon officials that the information was still classified. They were aware of the absurd and impossible position in which that status had placed them when they undertook to legislate on or even talk about atomic matters and national defense.

Senator Clinton Anderson of New Mexico, chairman of the Congressional Joint Atomic Committee, had suggested an investigation, with principals from the Defense Department and the Atomic Energy Commission summoned to explain what had happened. The Senator said that when it was known that the Times would print the story, the White House, in the three-hour interval before actual publication, had telephoned top officials in the Defense Department and the AEC to give them the official line. But members of the Congressional Joint Atomic Committee were not informed, feeding the wrath which had long been smoldering, with one immediate consequence being that Senator Anderson had demanded the release of the so-called confidential letters sent to him showing a marked difference between the Defense Department and the AEC on the rate of nuclear fallout. In his statement releasing the conflicting correspondence, Senator Anderson had said that AEC commissioner Willard Libby ought try to explain contradictions in his recent pronouncements on fallout. For Senator Anderson and others on the Committee, the villain was still former AEC chairman Lewis Strauss, whose name was now before the Senate for confirmation as Secretary of Commerce. They believed that Admiral Strauss had set the policy of telling the public as little as possible about fallout and making it sound as innocuous as possible. They saw Admiral Strauss as still the dominating force in high policy in the atomic field, one element in the concerted effort to block the confirmation of Admiral Strauss.

Senator Anderson said that they wanted to look into the records of the Lewis and Rose Strauss Foundation, named for the Admiral's parents and of which he was president. The previous year, the Foundation had awarded $5,000 and the Albert Einstein medal to Edward Teller, popularly known as the "father of the hydrogen bomb", Mr. Teller having been one of the closest collaborators with Admiral Strauss in resisting any curb on nuclear testing and in playing down the possible effects of nuclear fallout. In 1959, the $5,000 and the medal had gone to Mr. Libby. Senator Anderson and others were now asking whether it represented a way of rewarding loyal supporters of Admiral Strauss. Awards from Foundation funds were exempt from personal income tax and, therefore, had a greater value than such awards otherwise would.

Quite apart from the personal bitterness injected into the controversy, the stakes were quite high. The correspondence released by Senator Anderson, after repeated demands to the Defense Department, showed that the fallout of strontium 90 was greatest in the U.S., and earlier reports had indicated it was heaviest in the Northern tier states. The reported concentration was contrary to previous assurances from the AEC.

Mr. Childs concludes that no one could really be sure of the long-term effects of nuclear fallout, but on the other hand, most military men insisted that to halt tests at present, particularly in light of the Project Argus experiment, was to endanger the national security. "With the screen of secrecy growing ever tighter, there are issues the democratic press is ill-equipped to resolve."

A letter writer indicates that there were many reasons why a person reaching the age of maturity could, through some unforeseen or unpredictable circumstances, not survive. Personnel agencies were confronted with the same restrictions, while there were many applicants in the Over 40 Club in Charlotte who were well-qualified for almost any field of employment, but in many instances were rejected. She indicates that the functions and operation of the Club had been a valiant fight, with its finances coming only from donations in Charlotte and the vicinity, that there were many business firms which had made contributions, but not enough yet to sustain a well-organized and valuable organization. All expenses had to come from contributions and thus far for 1959, it had been quite small. She suggests that if an employer could not hire the members, they could make a contribution, no matter how small. More people employed meant more taxes, more retail trade, better paid teachers from taxes, better roads, etc. The members were screened carefully and could give dollar value for a good day's work. She says that they wanted to make it a national organization but had to have funds to do so. Donations from one dollar on up would be appreciated and she provides the mailing address.

A letter from Senator B. Everett Jordan in Washington indicates that in looking over the list of organizations taking part in the Charlotte Arts Fund campaign, it had been impossible to escape the importance of the activities of cultural organizations in the overall development of Charlotte and the surrounding area. He congratulates the organization for the fine contribution it was making in bringing about a new awareness of the arts and the part they played in everyday lives, wishing the campaign every success.

Senator Sam J. Ervin had also expressed similar sentiments in a letter to the editor the previous Monday.

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