The Charlotte News

Wednesday, March 25, 1959

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the President, at his press conference this date, said that he believed the Western allies would have to hold a summit meeting with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev to obtain any sort of valid agreement on German problems. But he said that no one was going to command the U.S. and the other Western powers to show up at such a conference, and the West would not be bluffed or blackmailed into a summit. He thus said anew, although indirectly, that his attendance at any summit meeting would be contingent on progress at an earlier conference of East-West foreign ministers. The President was asked specifically whether he attached any condition to meeting with Mr. Khrushchev and the country's Western allies at such a meeting. At the time of the President's discussions with British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan the prior weekend, there were reports from British quarters that the President had agreed unconditionally to attend a summit meeting. But this date, the President noted that the reply of the Western allies to a March 2 Soviet note regarding a proposed summit conference had now been coordinated with NATO, and the reply, to be made public soon, and its answer to the matter of any conditions in connection with a summit meeting, would be disclosed in that note. He went on to say that his convictions concerning a summit conference had been known for years and that he never had changed them. He added that he did not expect to change them unless something cataclysmic developed. That had been an obvious allusion to his statements, as recently as a week earlier, that he would go to a summit meeting, provided developments in the meantime would warrant it. At another point, the President had been asked to explain what he had in mind when he said the prior week in a nationwide television-radio address that there had to be justification for a summit meeting, replying that he meant progress which would justify a top-level conference. Still later at the conference, the President was asked whether he felt anything worthwhile might come from a meeting with Soviet representatives at anything less than the summit level and he had replied that it was clear that Mr. Khrushchev was the only man with sufficient authority to negotiate for the Soviet Union with the West and make it stick. Any Russian of lesser stature, he said, would have to be on the telephone to Moscow all the time checking with Mr. Khrushchev. The President had gone on to say that if the U.S. were going to get anything of substance from the Russians, then Mr. Khrushchev would have to be in the picture.

The Commerce Department reported this date that a new record in production of goods and services was in prospect for the first quarter of 1959.

In Brownsville, Ore., it was reported that armed members of a posse had searched this date for a gunman who had abducted one police chief, then shot another before hiding in the timbered foothills of the Cascade Range. According to the sheriff, the 27-year old gunman of Harrisburg, Ore., a dairy worker, was armed with a pistol, a .30-caliber carbine and 300 rounds of ammunition. More than 100 policemen had been pressed into the search for him and later they were joined by FBI agents from Portland. The FBI said that the man had once been an inmate at the Montana State Prison and was sought on a Federal warrant which charged him with interstate transportation of a stolen car. At Harrisburg late the previous day, the police chief sought to arrest the man for having improper license plates on his car. The chief was taken prisoner at gunpoint and released ten miles out of town. He then phoned ahead to Brownsville, alerting the police chief there and a state policeman of the situation. A few minutes later, the latter had spotted the man refueling his car in a service station and gave chase as the dairy worker sped out of town. On the outskirts of Brownsville, the man's car had veered out of control into a ditch. He then alighted from the car and raced into the shelter of a nearby barn. In the exchange of shots which followed, the second police chief slumped to the ground with a bullet wound in the head. As the State Police radioed for help, residents of the area had seen the man flee from the barn, splash across a waist-deep creek and vanish into a timbered ridge. Later, on the other side of the ridge, police had found fresh footprints which led into a clump of brush and then stopped. Bands of armed men roamed through the rugged Cascade Mountain foothills until dark and then set up mobile patrols along backwoods roads.

In Hibernia, N.J., it was reported that the bodies of two babies had been found jammed into a clothes basket in a playhouse 50 feet from their rural home the previous night, one having been bludgeoned and the other suffocated. The children, ages two and six months, had been found swathed in a blanket. The police chief said that the mother, a former schoolteacher, would be given a psychiatric examination, but no charges had yet been filed. The father, a microbiologist, had come home from work to find his wife and two other children, ages 14 and nine, under the influence of drugs. The children had later told police that their mother had given them sleeping tablets and told them that they were calcium pills. The police chief said that the mother told a friend of the family that she had killed the babies. Her husband quoted her as saying: "They are gone away and are never coming back." He told police that he could not believe it, as she was a wonderful wife and mother. The couple had moved to the town several years earlier from Youngstown, O. The father worked for the Warner-Lambert Pharmaceutical Co. at nearby Morris Plains. Hibernia was about 40 miles west of New York City.

In Asheville, N.C., it was reported that criminal charges against eight motor carriers, charging them with violations of the Interstate Commerce Act in the transportation of textiles from western North Carolina to New York, and other points, had been filed this date by the U.S. Attorney. The charges were filed as a result of an investigation conducted by the ICC, disclosing a widespread disregard of the regulations on the part of both the motor carriers and the shippers.

In Concord, N.C., it was reported that a 19-year old youth, picked up by sheriff's deputies as he walked along Highway 29 during the morning, had admitted leading police officers on a high-speed chase through two counties the previous night. Cabarrus County sheriff's deputies said that the young man of Hartsville, S.C., had admitted stealing the car he was driving and fleeing from the police officers. The deputies said that he had at first denied being the driver of a 1959 Chevrolet Impala which was wrecked near Concord the previous night. The car had been stolen the previous day from a doctor in Lancaster, S.C. The driver had lost control of the car on a curve and it had spun around in the road and slammed into a bridge. The youth told officers that he had jumped out of the car and hid in a nearby junkyard until the hunt for him had subsided, then built a fire to stay warm until daylight, when he left his hiding place and began walking. He was picked up about 2 miles from the wreck scene. He told deputies that he had served six months in a Federal prison on charges of transporting an automobile across state lines and had spent a year in a South Carolina prison on charges of breaking and entering and grand larceny. He said that he was headed to Pennsylvania when the police had begun chasing him. Deputies said that he would be turned over to Charlotte police and the FBI.

John Kilgo of The News reports that the tables had been turned on a city police officer the previous night, and he had been locked up. He said he wanted to holler for help but was too embarrassed. He had been walking his beat at around midnight when he came upon an open door in an office building and went in to investigate, finding nothing wrong. But when he went to the door to leave, it was locked. He said that somebody had locked the door with a key, but he did not know who it was. He was trapped and could not get out and could not get to a phone. He decided to stand there and wait for a beat man to come around and check. After about 25 minutes, one came around, shone his flashlight through the door and saw the officer. He told him just to get him out and quit talking, after the other officer had asked, "What in the devil are you doing in there?" The only way he could get out was through a second-story window and so a call was put into the Fire Department to send a "little truck" with a ladder. The only trouble, according to the firemen, was that they did not have a little truck with a ladder and so it took a big truck. By the time they got to the location, about ten police officers were standing on the street razzing the locked-up officer. One officer yelled that the captain knew where he was, but he had said "you ain't worth getting down." The trapped officer replied, "That siren on the fire truck was the loudest thing I've ever heard." The policemen would not let the firemen go to the rescue until they got some pictures of their trapped buddy. When a fireman had reached him, he said that he did not know if the trapped officer was normally red-faced or not, but that if he was not, "he sure was embarrassed. I told the boy when he came down that we would help the police out anytime we can except at the policemen-firemen baseball game."

Near Charlotte, it was reported that a man walking down a road in Paw Creek had observed smoke coming out of a house, knocked on the door and nobody answered. Becoming concerned, he had kicked the door open, then saw smoke in the house and called for help. The Moore's Chapel Volunteer Fire Department had answered the alarm and after awhile, County Police and ABC Law Enforcement had joined. The fire was in the house, but a 200-gallon liquor still was the cause of the burning.

In Seattle, it was reported that a youth on Tuesday had told of how he had burgled more than 100 Seattle homes after throwing rocks through the windows, saying, "If I had $100,000, I'd still pull burglaries. It just sort of came natural. I used to like to throw baseballs. I get a big thrill out of it. I like the stealth and the dark. I could easy be 160 places." He had been arrested the prior November and had admitted to 103 burglaries. Because he had no prior record, sentencing had been deferred and he was placed on probation for three years.

In San Francisco, it was reported that two little boys, who had invaded a branch of the world's largest bank with a hold-up note, hoped to be cleared of attempted robbery charges this date. The two boys, nine and 13-years old, on Easter vacation, had simulated a bank holdup on Tuesday, seeking some play-money. The trouble was that officials of the Bank of America, the world's largest bank, had taken them seriously, and a dragnet of 15 police officers and FBI agents had then taken the bank seriously. So when the youngsters returned home from a movie, they were arrested and turned over to the San Francisco Youth Guidance Center on charges of attempted bank robbery. They had cried when the police surrounded them, according to an inspector. The 13-year old's mother said, "The boys meant no harm, although they shouldn't have done it. Danny has never been in any trouble. He hasn't even been absent from school without my knowing of it. I gave him a dollar to go to the movie." En route to the movie, the boys had stopped at the bank in the Mission District, which had issued some play-money as a promotional gimmick, and the boys said that they had lost theirs and wanted more. The younger of the two, cleanly dressed in a sweater, jeans and tennis shoes, marched to the teller's window and placed a slip of paper on the counter which said, in the older boy's handwriting, "Put $100 in sack or we'll blow up the bank." The older boy had signed it. The teller asked the younger who had given him the note and he fidgeted and pointed to his buddy. The teller scolded them and said, "Get out of here." The older boy said that he told her it was a joke and apologized, and the boys then laughed. The teller reported the incident to the branch manager, who called the police and they traced the older boy's home address through school records. The mother of the boy said that three policemen had barged into the house while she was still out shopping and her son had not gotten home yet, but a guest was present who said that the officers were very rude, searched the house, but did not show the guest any papers. She said that when they got her son and the other boy, they were scared stiff and her son kept telling her, "Mama, they don't believe me and we're telling the truth." The younger boy's father, a service station employee, said that his son, one of six children, was "full of mischief" but had not been in any real trouble, and he said he planned to discipline him regardless of what juvenile authorities did. Beat the little robber within an inch of his life, and he'll never think about doing any such prank as that again. String him up by his neck, and place him on a little wobbly chair for six hours. That'll cure him.

In Memphis, Tenn., it was reported that a 19-year old student and his 69-year old bride had spent their first day at home the previous day fending off demands of the bride's children that they end their marriage. They said that they had been wed on Monday in Covington, Tenn., by a county judge and intended to stay wed. The bride said that she had told her children that she had already promised "before God and witnesses" to stand by her husband always and would. They had met about a year earlier when the man, studying accounting at a business school, had rented a room from his future wife. He said, "I was lost within the world and had no one to care. She looked to me to be the same." The woman, a widow of 19 years, said that she had first felt "very sympathetic to him. And later we fell in love. We tried to fight it. He moved out for a month. And then we gave in." She declined to identify her son and daughter, both of whom were married, saying that her son was in his mid-thirties and her daughter, about 40. She said, "They told me they're afraid of all the humiliation and he thinks he'll lose his position."

In Newport, Ky., it was reported that a man had put a new roof on his house on Tuesday, then fired up his stove and relaxed. Soon, the roof was ablaze and his home full of smoke. Firefighters had saved part of the roof and said that the trouble was that the man had built the roof right over the chimney.

On the editorial page, "Horsecar Government Isn't Good Enough" indicates that one trial balloon launched by Mecklenburg's legislative delegation to the Legislature during the week had gone straight into the hearts of many taxpayers, it being the suggestion that a county manager plan of administration would improve governmental efficiency.

It finds the idea worthy of earnest consideration, reflecting a slow growth of conviction for many. Sooner or later, the county would have a trained chief executive and it finds that the conversion ought be made as part of the transition to City-County consolidation. But even if the county remained an entirely separate governmental division, a professional manager with broad administrative powers would be needed to direct the county's complex chores.

The metropolitan community's growth had been enormous since World War II. County government was suddenly big business and it should have a nonpartisan executive officer who supervised its operations according to policies set by the County Commission, similar to a corporation president operating under a powerful board of directors and a highly articulate group of stockholders.

The county manager plan took its inspiration from the success of the city manager system in Charlotte. It finds that Charlotte would be lost without the services of City Manager Henry Yancey, or a reasonable facsimile thereof. And there was nothing new or revolutionary about hiring trained executives to handle similar duties in counties. The plan was already in use in a dozen or more states. Furthermore, the movement was gaining momentum in widely distributed parts of the country and offered fascinating possibilities. Some of the nation's larger counties, such as Los Angeles, Cook and Westchester, had what amounted to quasi-managers, executives with rather full powers.

Forsyth and Guilford Counties were notable examples of the plan's success within the state, and Wake County was presently considering the same change.

Mecklenburg's legislators, it finds, ought study the local need carefully and it should not be pigeonholed for a future generation to undertake, as the county needed to plan for its future presently.

"Hold It—Let's Not Get Carried Away" indicates that the best intentions could get completely out of hand, for instance with the proposed legislation to "persuade" motorists suspected of driving under the influence of intoxicants to take a drunkometer test, with refusal meaning loss of the driver's license for a year. In effect, it finds, it amounted to compulsion and would possibly amount to an unconstitutional means of securing evidence.

It is in favor of scientific tests for intoxication and legislation to make the results of the tests admissible in evidence without expert testimony necessary to evaluate them. It would necessitate the adoption of a scale of evidentiary values, such as the one recommended by the A.M.A. and the National Safety Council.

But physical compulsion directed toward an accused to provide a blood sample, blow up a balloon, provide a urine specimen, submit to a spinal tap or some other means of testing blood alcohol level, it finds inappropriate. As the Greensboro Daily News had observed the previous day, "it sounds mighty like making an individual testify against himself or assuming guilt until the defendant proves his innocence."

To provide further assurance of fair play, any new law on the subject ought not allow the prosecution to comment on the defendant's refusal to submit to a test. Nor should the measure be construed as limiting the introduction of any other competent evidence bearing on the question of whether or not the defendant was actually under the influence of intoxicants. It finds the need for a law on scientific tests for intoxication to be great, but was not so great that fundamental safeguards needed to be abandoned.

Those points are quite well taken, but the states would get around those problems by having an implied consent law as a condition of obtaining the privilege to operate a motor vehicle under a driver's license. Under the implied consent law, one automatically consents in advance to taking any form of sobriety test requested by a peace officer, from field sobriety tests to scientific tests to measure blood-alcohol level. While the subject can still refuse in most jurisdictions, the refusal usually results in extended loss of the driving privilege. Generally speaking, the Fourth Amendment, when applied to motor vehicles, is less stringent than regarding a person's fixed place of residence, one's business, or one's personal effects, simply because of the inherent mobility of a motor vehicle and the potential danger caused by it being operated unsafely, the reduced expectation of privacy in a motor vehicle, as well as the notion of destruction of evidence and the impracticality of obtaining a search warrant when a peace officer makes a traffic stop and has a reasonable suspicion, amounting to more than just a hunch, or sees in plain view evidence that a crime has been or is being committed.

Regarding involuntary, warrantless extraction of blood for testing for alcohol content, the Supreme Court in 1966, in Schmerber v. California, held that, while the Fourth Amendment applied, such testing did not violate the Fourth Amendment under the facts of the case, where there was probable cause for the arrest and the testing procedure was not unreasonably invasive or painful, and likewise did not violate the Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination, as the blood test is not testimonial or communicative in nature, or the Sixth Amendment right to counsel, as in that case the defendant had merely objected to the test on advice of counsel when he had not the right to counsel in the first instance—as the defendant was not making an incriminating "statement", requiring, pursuant to the Fifth and Sixth Amendments, under Miranda v. Arizona, that when the defendant asserts the right of counsel, interrogation must cease and any subsequent incriminating statements or other incriminating evidence the discovery of which is the result of the statements would be subject to exclusion from evidence via a motion to suppress. The Supreme Court, in 2013, in Missouri v. McNeely, would revisit Schmerber to determine whether there was a per se exigency to avoid destruction of evidence based on dissipation of alcohol in the system to allow in every case such an extraction of blood without a warrant, the Court holding that the outcome of the inquiry turns in each case on its facts and the totality of the circumstances surrounding the arrest and taking of blood, and that there is therefore no per se rule of exigency, which would place the extraction of blood outside the Fourth Amendment warrant requirement in every circumstance. Time between the original arrest and the taking of blood plus the availability of a warrant during the time of transport of the suspect to a testing facility, in each case, would be among the critical factors to be weighed in determining that outcome.

"Carpetbaggers' Lures Take a Toll" finds that the state was still suffering pangs of Reconstruction in the field of higher education, despite having risen in many other fields. It suggests that the carpetbagger rule of thumb still pressed heavily on the Consolidated University as many of the state's best educators were being stolen away.

The General Assembly Joint Appropriations Committee had heard about it from W. D. Carmichael, Jr., the UNC vice-president, who had said, "Scarcely a week goes by that we aren't visited by a safari of carpetbaggers on a manhunt…" As a result, the cream was skimmed off, such that in the previous two years, Mr. Carmichael reported, 127 University teachers had been lured away, and he indicated that there were 43 more who had in their pockets attractive offers from other institutions.

The reason for the raids and transfers was that faculty pay was not up to that of other institutions, with another problem being that competition was becoming fiercer all the time, such that the better minds were being lost in a steady flow.

Mr. Carmichael, the financial officer, was part of an administration team which had asked for an additional ten million dollars for its biennial budget from the Legislature. Nearly four million of that would be for faculty salary increases. The group told the Committee that it needed an additional 7.3 million dollars for its capital improvements, with the two sums together approximating the 17 million dollars slashed from the Consolidated University's requests by the Budget Advisory Commission.

It indicates that a college education was basic to the future of the state and a mediocre university system would surely produce an inferior product. Without sufficient funding, the state would continue in its role as a training ground for other universities. Educational progress faced a continuing stumble through its own ineptness. The carpetbagger raids were evidence that there was an appreciation of the better teacher.

It finds it time that the Legislature realized, in cash, the value of the human mind.

"Ducking the Issue" indicates that a California skindiver had claimed a world record with a pool plunge lasting 13 minutes, 42.5 seconds, able to remain submerged that long by breathing pure oxygen for 30 minutes prior to the dive.

It suggests that if one had a home pool, it could be a useful trick. "Especially when your wife has the floor and you can't slip in a word edgewise."

One could also conjure other, similar reasons for such an avenue of escape.

Frank G. Jennings, writing in the Saturday Review, in a piece titled "The Most Dangerous Profession", finds teaching to be the most dangerous profession, dealing with children, the most precious of the natural resources. It refined them into brave and wonderful adults or it grossly degraded them into dull, over-aged adolescents. Its results colored, molded and determined the shape of the nation and the character of its people.

"If our teachers are lackluster, fewer of their charges will be as bright as they might have been. If our teachers are cowards, they will teach their cowardice." Likewise, if teachers were not responsible citizens, they would produce "political idiots". If teachers became the tools of any pressure group, rather than the prime artisans of a creative society, then the nation would shrink to that of domesticated two-legged cattle. If teachers did not earn and keep the status and the respect which their profession required, their role would be captured by the practical, committed, dedicated members of the industrial and commercial communities, who could train people very well, but who could not afford the expense of the humane adventure.

"Thus, teaching must forever live in creative danger, but teachers must hold on to the protective warnings of these terrifying ifs, lest these warnings become irremovable realities."

It finds it fortunate that most schools in the country had teachers for whom the magic of real respect and true love quickly developed, whether the teacher faced a kindergarten of five-year olds or a seminar of graduate students. The child learned many things quickly and permanently. Throughout childhood, the child was learning to be at home in the world, learning to read its signs and portents, learning its firm, unshifting names and the volatile, shifting symbols, learning to listen and to know and understand, learning to act less on impulse and more with purpose. The child began to learn all of that at home. "The true teacher joyfully accepts the call of strange tomorrows, finds the security and immortality in the healthy, happy, and intelligent citizens he has helped to shape."

Drew Pearson indicates that while the U.S. had been worrying, justifiably, about a showdown in Berlin, it had not been worrying about a movement which could eventually take over the vital approaches to the Panama Canal. Those were just as important to the U.S. as the Mediterranean approaches to the Suez were to the British, and as far as the British were concerned, the latter were gone.

He finds certain similarities between the basic problems faced by United Arab Republic Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser, who had taken over Egypt and then had grabbed the Suez, and Fidel Castro, who had taken Cuba and was already reaching out toward areas around the Panama Canal. As in Egypt and the Arab states, there was extreme poverty among the Caribbean masses. Middle classes, the chief bulwark against Communism, were lacking. The big American-British sugar planters, presently replaced in part by the big Cuban and Dominican planters, had provided seasonal employment but had built no middle classes.

Haiti, located only 50 miles from Cuba, was in the path of Sr. Castro's ambition and had suffered more from poverty, dictatorship and revolution than any other country in the Western Hemisphere. Beginning around 1800, when Haitian blacks under Toussaint L'Ouverture had risen up to murder French sugar planters and kicked out the forces of Napoleon, Haiti had vacillated between charm and beauty, bloodshed and revolution. Under its religion, a mixture of voodooism and the Catholic Church, babies had been blessings, making it the most densely populated area in the new world, also producing along with it poverty. Along the waterfront in Port-au-Prince, Mr. Pearson had passed through one of the most squalid slums he had ever seen anywhere in the world, with masses of blacks squatting under mats propped on poles, packed together in frustrating idleness, ready to rise up and be led by any dynamic rabble-rouser who came along.

He finds it no wonder that five white former policemen from Miami, together with three Haitian former Army officers, had been able single-handed to take over the Army barracks the prior July 29 and had almost taken the presidential palace. The man who repulsed the invasion had been President Françoise Duvalier, a country doctor who had spent 14 years with the U.S. Public Health Service and the Point 4 program. As with many doctors, he knew people but did not know politics. For that reason, he had clung, almost pathetically, to any American who could provide him help and had spent around a million of Haiti's precious dollars in retainers for the biggest band of American lobbyists and public relations men ever to invade foreign soil. Despite his political naïveté, President Duvalier appeared to be doing a fairly good job. Having graduated from the University of Michigan, he had a reputation for honesty, and also for going in for voodooism. He was jet black and belonged to the Haitian cult which had sworn war on mulattoes.

The State Department had gambled a much-needed 6 million dollars on him to relieve economic distress, plus 60 Marines to retrain and get politics out of the Haitian Army. It was a long shot, but probably worth the risk, he suggests, for at the moment, President Duvalier was the most stable force in the turbulent, picturesque, beautiful island of Haiti.

Doris Fleeson indicates that a new Dixiecrat move in Alabama was the first open sign of the frustration felt by the South as maneuvering for the 1960 campaign picked up steam. Southern politicians saw few escape hatches from the planned Democratic national convention, set to be held in Los Angeles, and DNC chairman, Paul Butler, an aggressive liberal who had resisted every challenge from the party's old pros and Southern conservatives, was in full command of the organization of the convention. No presidential candidate mentioned in speculation for either party could afford to be tied to the South, as geography and the Southerners' professed ideologies forbade it.

That extended to Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson, whose flight to the West for national identification and new friends was open and unabashed. His Southern colleagues confessed to more or less chagrin about it, but they were without the ability to fight back and could not help themselves in their preferred positions within Congress on committees. The admission of Alaska and Hawaii to the Union, for which Senator Johnson had claimed much credit, was salt in the wound, and yet when he pleaded that it was inevitable, he was correct.

In 1956, the South had made political history of a type when it suddenly erupted into support of Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts for the vice-presidential nomination and had almost put him over the top. That more traditional patterns of Southern behavior were asserting themselves at present did not mean that the attractive young Catholic candidate had offended Southerners, indicating only that he was not now opposed by Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee, the moderate whom Southerners regarded as a traitor to the region.

Senator Kefauver would be running hard for re-election the following year and might find himself with a bloc of delegates at the convention, perhaps one with some substance who would look to him for guidance. But he would not enter primaries and was not now regarded as even a dark horse candidate.

Supporters of Senators Kennedy, Hubert Humphrey and Stuart Symington had now two convictions in common, one being that Senator Johnson would help them all, in the fond hope that they would inflict genuinely disabling mayhem on each other. The other was that the South might easily end up in the camp of the unavowed candidate, Adlai Stevenson. That would represent confidence in what Mr. Stevenson was at present, rather than anything he might become, for he was conservative as a person and deeply committed to the rule of reason. He had also achieved an age and experience which ruled out rashness of thought or conduct.

The Republican political news of the week in Washington was that the prior Saturday, Vice-President Nixon and his wife had been strolling around the Georgetown antique shops, coinciding with the Camp David conversations between the President and British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, at which a blue-ribbon list of State and Defense Department officials had been present. It was unclear as to why the President had not included the Vice-President in those talks, but it had done some damage to the argument that no Vice-President had ever been so well-trained to take over the Government.

Robert C. Ruark, in Limaru, Kenya, indicates that after leaving the town of Nairobi and driving through fashionable suburbs, one came to a strip of fantastic agricultural land, shaded by giant fig trees, red earth oozing with "fertility, its green slopes grading gently down from banana-hidden homesteads to unbelievably rich bottomland." Terraces supported the crops, which included dark green coffee trees, maize, yams, mullet. Herds of sheep and goats grazed alongside the roads, occasionally running across the bow of a Land Rover, a Mercedes truck or a Jaguar. Occasionally one saw a bent old woman, carrying straps cutting into her forehead as she worked her way home with a load of firewood or papyrus strips for building a house.

In that locale, a half-dozen miles outside Nairobi, heading obliquely south to the Masai land, was a strip of the Kikuyu reserve in which no white man could live or farm. It was black man's country and the people who lived on it were, in effect, rich, as they knew riches. Emerging from that strip of agricultural homestead, one came onto the Limuru area, which was white man's country. The same road was fringed by fig and wattle, and sturdy homes supporting farmsteads of bananas, tea and coffee. With the new rains, lawns were emerald, "riotous with flowers, clamorous with children and dogs. Here, too, the white people are rich, as they know riches."

The black women wore coils of copper wire and blue beads to show their wealth, piercing their ears to support bangles. The white women wore clanking costume jewelry and occasionally pierced their ears to support earrings. Most of the men, black and white, now wore khaki shorts by day.

If one continued on, turning toward Kiambu and Fort Hall toward Nyeri, Naro, Meru and Nanyuki, one would see sisal plantations and pineapple plantations and then a great swath of land which also belonged to the Kikuyu.

All along the roads, one saw signs marking experimental stations for agriculture and always terraces, until one hit the flat grazing country past Nyeri, under the lip of the Aberdare Mountains, then confronting the majestic Mount Kenya. Heading farther north to the desert land, one then encountered rolling green country in the Meru district, also closed to the white man.

He indicates that it was the finest farming country he had ever seen. In the Southern Masai territory of Kenya, abutting the Masai lands of Tanganyika, there were vast grazing areas closed to white farming and most closed to shooting of any sort, the prime domain of the proud Masai nomads whose wealth was cattle.

All over East Africa, at present, one would find tsetse fly control stations and forced inoculation of cattle stations, clinics and schools, and, most important of all, roads and railway sidings which led to markets and always terraces to support the hilly land, the same terracing scheme against which Jomo Kenyatta had once fought.

Some of the way up from Nairobi to Nanyuki, one would see neat whitewashed villages which, in several ways, spelled prosperity. Those villages were once police cantonments where scattered villagers were collected and housed to protect them from their own people and to keep them from supplying the raiding gangsters with aid based on intimidation. From those cantonments had come a land reform which had consolidated scattered holdings and brought in a new prosperity to the natives.

A man who once might have owned eight or ten widely scattered bits of land and could only tend two now, might have as much as five or ten consolidated thriving areas. Something close to half a million Kikuyu had benefited from the neat consolidation of a quarter million acres.

He says that he had mentioned those things only for the reason that no one in the region was all bad, whether he lived in a beehive hut, a mud-and-dung manyatta or a stone colonial house. "In a way in these parts the whites and blacks are all settlers and all in a measure dependent on each other."

A letter from Representative Charles Jonas, indicates that he had long marveled at Charlotte's remarkable cultural growth led by its many active and varied organizations, from the symphony and opera associations to the choral societies and art and nature museums. He had also marveled at the ability of the organizations to continue their activities in the face of constant commercial competition as well as competition among themselves for support. He finds that the Charlotte Arts Fund drive, by grouping those organizations under one roof, appeared to be an excellent solution to a growing problem confronting cultural organizations throughout the country. Each of those groups was important and through a united fund drive, their growth and future contribution could be assured. He wishes them great success.

A letter writer indicates that when a politician was elected to office, the constituents seldom got what they expected. He indicates that there were two men currently in Raleigh who had disappointed many people in Mecklenburg County who had voted for them. The Legislature, as a rule, gave the little fellow just as little as it possibly could. The rule for City employees was to get even less. If a bill affecting their future passed, he finds, they would not count at all. But people had the right to vote at a future time, indicating that the people were now howling but would bark in 1960. He hopes that the bill would die a natural death.

A letter writer nominates the Charlotte Chamber of Commerce and the Charlotte City Council, collectively, as "the biggest bunch of screwballs south of the nation's capital."

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