The Charlotte News

Tuesday, March 17, 1959

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Congressmen of both parties this date had supported the President's renewed vow that "We will not retreat one inch from our duty" in Berlin, stated during his radio and television address the previous night. Some Democrats, however, questioned his assertion that the U.S. now had an adequate and effective military establishment able to deter aggression. During the address, the President had cautiously opened the door to a summertime summit meeting with Russian Premier Nikita Khrushchev, provided foreign ministers would lay advance groundwork for it. Immediate Congressional reaction, however, centered on the President's pledge that the U.S. would fight rather than yield to Russia's demand that allied troops depart West Berlin to enable it to become a "free city", as demanded by the Russians prior to May 27, though there was some indication of that deadline being subject to change with ongoing negotiation. House Speaker Sam Rayburn said that he had listened intently to the President's speech and trusted that his judgment of the situation was correct. House Republican Leader Charles Halleck of Indiana said that the President's speech had demonstrated his full realization of the situation and the kind of leadership they needed, typical of the Republican response. Representative A. S. J. Carnahan of Missouri, a Democratic critic of the President's statements on defense, said, "To hear the President say we are in pretty good shape militarily is, of course, reassuring, but I have some doubt as to whether we are in as strong a position as we should be." The President told the nation, "We cannot try to purchase peace by forsaking two million free people of Berlin." He charged Russia with having deliberately created a war threat to enforce its Berlin demands, and indicated that appeasement would be worse than useless, saying: "War would become more likely if we gave way and encouraged a rule of terrorism rather than a rule of law and order. Indeed, this is the peace policy which we are striving to carry out throughout the world." He also said that the risk of war was minimized if the nation stood firm. He said that whatever would occur, the American people now had and would continue to have "a modern, effective and adequate military establishment." He confidently cited the nation's long-range nuclear bomber force, plus 41 types of missiles either in production or under development, as being powerful enough to resist Communism's challenge, despite domestic critics urging him to spend more for defense.

In Henderson, N.C., it was reported that additional State Highway Patrolmen had maintained observation this date as workers filed into the strike-bound Harriet-Henderson Cotton Mills amid an air of relative calm. Only catcalls and jeers from strikers had disturbed the peace, in contrast to an outbreak of rock and bottle-throwing on Monday afternoon at the South Henderson plant, resulting in the arrest of 26 strikers. Fifty additional Highway Patrolmen had been dispatched to the strike scene because of the latest outbreak, with a lieutenant for the Patrol indicating that it looked like the more patrolmen they had at the plants, the quieter it got. The reinforcements brought to 150 the number of patrolmen on the scene. The lieutenant said that the fierce outburst of rock and bottle-throwing near the South Henderson plant had looked for awhile like it might turn into "a wholesale riot instead of a sortie." About six cars belonging to mill workers had been damaged as they left the plant during mid-afternoon the prior day and the lieutenant said that 35 patrolmen had rushed in and restored order after 40 or 50 men had gathered about two blocks from the mill and began throwing rocks and bottles. There had been a brief melee between the strikers and patrolmen, but no blows had been exchanged. After the initial outbreak, several hundred strikers near the mill began running to the arrest scene. The 26 men arrested had been charged with damaging the automobiles of workers and engaging in a riot with two or more persons present and committing unlawful acts. They were scheduled for Friday hearings in Vance County Recorder's Court and all 26 had been released on bonds of $150 each. The lieutenant described the uprising as one of the worst since the mills had reopened on February 16. Union and management representatives planned to get together with government mediators on Thursday in an effort to reach a settlement in the strike which had begun on November 17, called after the Textile Workers Union of America and the company had been unable to agree on an arbitration clause in a new contract, which the company wanted to omit from the new agreement.

In Raleigh, it was reported that a bill to abolish the civilian absentee ballots in general elections had been killed this date by the State House Committee on Elections and Election Law. The same Committee had earlier reluctantly given its blessings to a measure to abolish absentee voting by civilians in Graham County local elections. The vote for an unfavorable report on the statewide bill was divided, but those who favored the measure did not ask for a head count and the chairman had ruled that the affirmative votes had won. Both Governor Luther Hodges and the State Board of Elections had urged the General Assembly, as previous boards had done, to abolish absentee voting by civilians in general elections, having been eliminated in primaries several years earlier. The Elections Committee had provided to a five-member subcommittee for further study several other measures to amend the election laws. One would change the time for holding primaries from the last Saturday in May to the last Tuesday in June and several members of the Committee had objected to either the date or day change. The Committee had voted a favorable report on a bill to abolish civilian absentee voting in Graham local elections after a Graham Representative had made a strong plea for its passage, telling the Committee that absentee ballots were being sold for as high as $40 each in his county in the last election, estimating that both parties had spent as much as $50,000 in the county during the election. He said that out of 732 absentee ballots cast in the election, at least 500 had been purchased votes, that the practice was out of control and was corrupting the country and would lead to some terrible trouble if something were not done about it.

In Birmingham, Ala., it was reported that two children had written notes to their mother, as their father had kept a log of events of the few minutes preceding the time when he and the children had lost consciousness and died of carbon monoxide fumes in the family automobile. The log of the father said: "It is now 7:55. The engine is idling and the motor has been on 10 minutes. I am beginning to get sleepy. My heart is speeding up and pumping fast. My eyes are droopy but otherwise normal. We're talking about God and heaven…" Sheriff's deputies did not reveal the contents of the children's notes but said that the sense of each had been that the children agreed with their father's plans for their deaths. The deputy coroner had ruled that the father had killed his only children, a ten-year old boy and an eight-year old girl, and had taken his own life on Sunday night. The coroner said that notes found in the car indicated that the 34-year old aircraft company electrician was despondent, but he declined to elaborate. Neither friends nor relatives gave any motive for the deaths. The mother said that there had been no trouble between her and her husband, to whom she had been married for 12 years. She stated her disbelief in what had occurred and believed that it had to be a mistake. The family had only recently moved into a new medium-priced home and had not yet had a telephone installed. Neighbors said on Monday night that the woman had been given sedation and put to bed. When the bodies had been discovered in a lonely spot near suburban Homewood on Monday, the father was still clutching the tape which the coroner said that he had used to bind a garden hose to the car's exhaust and lead it into the car. Carbon monoxide fumes had caused their deaths. The daughter was found in the front seat beside her father, with her dolls on her lap and other toys beside her. In the backseat lay the body of the boy, with his schoolbooks at his side. The car apparently was parked soon after the father had left home Sunday night, reportedly to take the children skating. The mother had spent a worried, sleepless night before reporting her family missing on Monday morning. The police chief of Homewood found the scene when he noticed the car parked in a lonely spot for several hours. The ignition key was turned on and the gas tank was empty.

In Indianapolis, it was reported that a defendant facing the death penalty had said this date that she would rather go to the electric chair than receive a life prison sentence for the slaying of her married lover outside his younger girlfriend's apartment. The middle-aged career woman told newsmen during a recess on the second day of her first-degree murder trial of her preference, and indicated that even the possibility of time off for good behavior or commutation of a life sentence would not make any difference to her. Jury selection was still ongoing in the case, the process having begun the previous day.

Leonard Engel, in his second installment on heart surgery being performed on a fictional composite patient, a 13-year old girl with an innate heart defect, an opening in the muscular wall between the chambers of the heart, the right and left ventricles, tells of it being, in time, if left uncorrected, a terminal condition, for causing irreversible changes to the blood vessels of her lungs. The girl, fictionally named Joyce Wilder, was in the University of Minnesota hospitals during the morning instead of at home in Phoenix, because the advance of medicine had brought heart surgery into being. A way had been found to operate inside the heart and repair her type of heart defect. The two nurses had finished covering the operating table and nearby equipment with sterile drapes and were busy taking instruments from sterile packs and lining them on the big Phelan instrument table. The circulating nurse had opened the packs, careful not to touch the instruments or the inside of the packs, as she was not scrubbed and would contaminate them. An intern studied the anesthesiology, while in the corner near the sponge scale, Dr. Herbert Warden, a senior resident nearly finished with a grueling five-year program of training in surgery offered by Minnesota to young surgeons who proposed to stay in medical school teaching, pulled on a rubber glove. He had played a key part in the development of heart surgery in Minnesota and would assist in the operation. Joyce was wheeled into the operating room on a stretcher to a point alongside the operating table. She remained awake, and the nurse asked her to hang on to her sheet and edge over to the operating table, which she did. Dr. Warden then approached her and wished her a good morning, introduced himself, then told her to put a blood-pressure cuff on her arms so that they could keep track of her blood pressure, and to strap a plate to her leg to enable placing of a tube into a vein in her ankle to provide blood and medicine, assuring her that she would not feel anything as they would give her a shot of novocain. He then motioned to the intern, who came over and began scrubbing the patient's left ankle with a germicidal soap. When the intern had finished, one of the nurses handed Dr. Warden a sterile swab which he dipped into a bottle containing an orange-colored antiseptic and he quickly applied it to the area which the intern had cleaned, then injected the novocain. The patient had inquired of the type of scar she would have, whether it would be straight, and the physician replied that it would instead be slightly curving, like an oxbow. The remainder of the piece is on an inside page.

In New York, it was reported that Irishmen had gathered this date for the St. Patrick's Day parade, with an estimated 120,000 sons and daughters of Erin, or reasonable facsimiles thereof, having assembled in 62 battalions for the Fifth Avenue march in honor of Ireland's patron saint. The old avenue, more accustomed to high fashion than Irish jigs, had taken it in stride, even sporting a green traffic stripe. Police had worked all night erecting barriers to restrain an estimated million spectators. The parade was expected to last about five hours. Harry Hynes, a portly, ruddy-faced Irishman attired in high silk hat and tail coat, was making his debut as producer of one of the oldest, biggest and most splendid annual parades in the country. It was the first time in 24 years that the event was not under the guidance of John Sheahan, sidelined by illness. The music of the day from hundreds of bands provided places in the parade had included such Irish favorites as "Garryowen", "The Wearing of the Green", and "O'Donnell Abu". Among the musicians had been the St. Laurence O'Toole Pipe Band of Dublin, wearing green kilts with navy blue jackets trimmed in green and white. Patrick Brady, secretary of the band, considered the chance to play in the parade "a great honor and a great achievement." The "Fighting 69th", officially the 165th Infantry Regiment of the New York National Guard, with its 38-piece band, had been given the honor of showing the way along Fifth Avenue for the 108th consecutive year. Grand Marshal William J. O'Brien, resplendent in a cutaway and topper, wrapped in a bright green, white and orange sash, was given the top spot in the parade. But Mark White, who had first marched in the parade in 1878 when he had been 12 and was a drummer boy in the 165th, planned to ride in a weapons carrier this date. The official reviewing stand at 64th Street and Fifth Avenue had been occupied by Governor Nelson Rockefeller, Lt. Governor Malcolm Wilson, Mayor Robert Wagner, Mrs. Catherine Byrne, lord mayor of the city of Dublin, Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts, and former New York Mayor William O' Dwyer, who had been born in Ireland. (Whether, incidentally, by dint of coincidence, Irish fate, or something else, the last parade of President Kennedy was set to travel Harry Hines Boulevard in Dallas, after the luncheon at the Trade Mart, to return for departure from Love Field, instead becoming the route to Parkland Hospital, five months after his departure from Shannon and his promise to return one day to see its face again.) New York's first parade in honor of Saint Patrick, who had introduced Christianity to Ireland in the Fifth Century, had been held in 1762. Since that time, the city, which counted twice as many Irish among its population as did Dublin, had traditionally greeted the feast day with an eye-filling spectacle replete with shamrocks, blackthorn sticks, kilts and colleens.

Unfortunately, Lt. Muldoon would get it in the line of duty this date in The Naked City, passing on to the great other series in the sky, first, however, dealing with Norman and that business out at the motel. Maybe, had they been driving the new Pontiac rather than the old jalopy..., even if during the confrontation, it somehow changed from a 1950 Oldsmobile, perhaps the one owned by the current Vice-President in 1952, into a 1957 or 1958 Dodge, similar to the two-door version without a hubcap which sat below the balcony at the Lorraine that evening. Anyway, Popeye Doyle would have been proud of the way he went out.

Bob Slough of The News reports that in Charlotte, the celebration of St. Patrick's Day was quiet, with even the Irish green conspicuously absent from the attire of downtown shoppers. Nobody danced the Irish jig on Independence Square. A spur of the moment parade, set for late morning by radio announcer Grady Cole, had failed to materialize, with Mr. Cole indicating that there would be no parade as he could not obtain a band, but later having vowed that he would have the parade even if he would be the only person in it. One man had been waiting on Independence Square for something to happen regarding some celebration, sporting a bright green shirt and a broad grin, but was dismayed at what he witnessed. He said he had not seen anybody with green on during the day and his spirit had been dampened a bit by the fact that there would be no parade. He said that he had always taken part in the parade and was 82 years old. He reminded that Saint Patrick had driven all of the snakes from Ireland. He hoped that Mr. Cole would arrive at around noon. Another man was sporting a black tie with a touch of green in it, saying that he had a little Irish blood in him and that one had to have a little green on during the day, but confessed that it had not dawned on him that it was St. Patrick's Day. A woman said that she had known it was St. Patrick's Day, but had not worn any green and had not seen anyone else wearing green. A man from Huntersville also had known that it was Saint Patrick's Day and had also failed to wear green.

In London, it was reported that 18 London University students had claimed the world record this date for squeezing into a telephone booth at the same time, beating the previous record of 17 set by students of North Staffordshire University at Keele two weeks earlier. The British phone booth was 3 feet square and stood 8'4" tall, and the students had crushed together in three layers of six each.

On the editorial page, "It's Time Rip Van Raleigh Awakened" indicates that some legislators had called it "greed" when Charlotte's threadbare community college system had gone to Raleigh seeking funding the previous week in search of another pittance for capital improvements. It finds that the requests, if anything, were too modest. Charlotte had asked for a $925,000 share of the 1.5 million dollars in matching funds earmarked for North Carolina community colleges during the 1959-61 biennium by the Advisory Budget Commission. The State Board of Higher Education had recommended that Charlotte receive 1.325 million.

In addition, Charlotte had joined Wilmington and Asheville in requesting that $575,000 already raised in the three cities for the purchases of sites to be matched by the State from current funds, in accordance with the provision of the original Community College Act.

The Raleigh press had reacted with a burst of admonishment, with the Raleigh News & Observer using the word "antics" in reference to the testimony of college representatives before the Joint Appropriations Committee, suggesting that the "enthusiasts … may have dealt their lusty infant a blow." It added that to some legislators, it looked like they were being "held up" for dollars which they had not authorized and by refusing to listen to friendly advice about where to obtain the extra money, the community college backers had added to the legislative discontent over their requests.

It indicates that, as anyone acquainted with the growing crisis in higher education knew, there was no need for all of the huffing, that it was not "greed" and that if anything, community college "enthusiasts" had gone to Raleigh to save the State some money. The state was not going to be able to continue to meet the soaring demand for higher education with its present dormitory-type colleges alone, for it was too costly. A strategically located community college was an economy measure and nothing would need be sacrificed in the quality of education being offered. The small amount of money which Charlotte was seeking for the ensuing biennium, together with local matching funds, would build enough facilities for another 1,400 students. It would cost 3.5 million dollars just to build dormitories for that many students. Furthermore, according to the State budget, the State would pay an average of $563 per pupil per year for operating expenses at State-supported senior colleges but only $106 per pupil per year at community colleges. For the 1,400 students, that alone would represent a direct saving to the State of $640,000 per year.

California had been the first state to appreciate fully the type of economics which were possible with a system of community colleges. California had 66 tuition-free State-supported and six privately-operated community colleges, with combined student bodies of 300,079. Texas had 46 community colleges serving some 67,000 students. Both states also maintained superb universities for advanced study.

Yet, in North Carolina, urgent requests for modest funding were described as "antics" and legislators spoke of being "held up". It finds that the low-cost, live-at-home features of community colleges were too important to receive that kind of treatment, and it was time that Rip Van Raleigh awakened.

"Foreign Aid: One for the Seesaw" indicates that foreign aid had become the favored target of those who favored economy on both sides of the aisle in Congress. The chances were that it would be hacked to pieces unless a cadre of responsible leadership could be organized forthwith.

One of the least objectionable of all phases of the aid program was the Development Loan Fund, and yet it had received special House Appropriations subcommittee treatment. It offered productive loans to underdeveloped areas from a fully capitalized central fund capable of serving the needs of individual nations or groups of nations. The businesslike use of those loans encouraged the development of self-managing, self-sustaining economies. But on March 10, the special subcommittee had reversed an earlier cut of 175 million dollars from the 225 million authorized in fiscal 1959 supplemental funds requested, and approved 100 million dollars. It was then disclosed by Representative Albert Thomas of Texas that the subcommittee had first voted 150 million for the fund but had then taken another vote and approved only 50 million.

It finds that sort of see-sawing on issues affecting the economic growth and stability of the free world to be symptomatic of Congressional uncertainty and confusion on the whole question of foreign economic aid. Only the firmest leadership could repair the confidence of doubters. The fact was that America's national interest would be served by the growing stability and independence of underdeveloped nations and refusal to help them help themselves would be folly of the worst sort.

"Battlefields 'Lost' in 100 Years" tells of Virginians having gone to the air recently in Army helicopters to map aerial plans for the state's Civil War centennial. But as soon as they were aloft, they had gotten lost. They were planning to scan the 1862 Seven Days battlefields east of Richmond. The group included authorities on the Civil War, National Park Service representatives and news reporters. One primary trouble had been that in almost 100 years, the trees had grown up and battle lines on the map did not show up from the air. Several of the experts admitted that they did not recognize anything. One of them, who had recently covered some of the ground on foot, had known generally where he was, but even he had admitted that he could not spot the Chickahominy River from the air, the most prominent landmark available.

The quote of the day had come from one passenger who shouted over the din of the engine that the pilot said he was lost but that they were making good time.

It indicates that the flight had not been a waste of time as the plan was to use the helicopters for the centennial and the adventure had led them to decide that they needed broad ground markings, some tree-trimming, and sound-proofing of the helicopter.

While the airborne Richmond News-Leader reporter had written of the trip in light vein, the centennial itself would be a serious major event and it remained confident that Virginia would have things straight and students of the war would await the curtain in keen anticipation.

"The Times Knew" indicates that Venus had towered over the moon's shoulder on a recent night with Mercury playing chaperone and U.S. citizens had flooded the news media and police switchboards with phone calls about it. Some of them thought that it was a Russian rocket aiming at the moon, but astronomers had probed the whole matter and found it to be a natural phenomenon.

New York Times readers had known about it in advance. It suggests that if it could just get the Times the same day it was printed, it, also, would not have been in the backyard staring at the rocket.

A piece from the Richmond Times-Dispatch, titled "'Beginning with the Pilgrims…'", indicates that the fact that Pocahontas had been depicted on a recent nationwide television program as a pal of the Pilgrims had been noted in Richmond, but unfortunately, the daughter of the mighty Powhatan had died three years before the Pilgrims had landed at Plymouth.

The New York Times had informed that the Puerto Ricans had been like many other immigrants who had come to the country, beginning with the Pilgrim Fathers in 1620.

It finds that everything had begun with the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, despite others having landed at Jamestown in 1607, 13 years earlier. It suggests that perhaps the Times had never heard of Jamestown and that Capt. John Smith was known by that newspaper as one of the cough drop brothers. "Modern tobacco culture, founded by John Rolfe, husband of Pocahontas, presumably originated in the Connecticut Valley."

It had long since abandoned hope of getting the historical facts of life across to the average American, but it had found it disillusioning to find the Times dropping the ball with the rest of them.

But, Virginia, Jamestown was only an afterthought to those of Roanoke Island in North Carolina, where the first English settlement in North America was established in 1587, and the first English child, Virginia Dare, was born in August of that year. Just because they subsequently vanished without a trace, save for a carved "Croatoan" on a tree, is no reason to wipe them from the history books.

Drew Pearson remained out of Washington on special assignment and his column was written by his assistant, Jack Anderson, who indicates that Acting Secretary of Commerce Lewis Strauss was suppressing an emotional disturbance, as his friends reported that he sometimes erupted in their presence into alternate laughter and storming—as in a tempest, no doubt. What was troubling him was his expectation of a grueling confirmation process before the Senate Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee, his first hurdle in obtaining confirmation of his recess appointment. The Senators had been quietly investigating how much his former Wall Street investment firm had benefited during his chairmanship of the Atomic Energy Commission.

He indicates that the full story was in a file in the Justice Department, but it was unlikely that Attorney General William Rogers would embarrass his fellow Cabinet officer by turning that file over to the Committee. But he supplies the significant facts which the column had learned were contained within the file.

As chairman of the AEC, Admiral Strauss had vigorously opposed granting subsidies to build nuclear reactors, granting only one exception, a 95 million dollar grant to Westinghouse to build a 100 million dollar reactor. A senior partner of his Wall Street firm, Kuhn, Loeb, happened to be a director of Westinghouse.

Second, another partner in the firm was also a director of Uranium Reduction Co., which had received a major AEC contract for uranium.

Third, after the firm had helped finance a North American Aviation subsidiary, the company also obtained a large AEC contract.

It was also no secret in the business world that the firm had a close working relationship with the First Boston Corp., the banking house which had been brought in to finance the abortive Dixon-Yates deal. Edgar Dixon and Eugene Gates had headed an electrical combine which was supposed to build a power plant at Memphis and sell the power to the AEC, which in turn planned to distribute the power to the Tennessee Valley Authority, to make up for the power being consumed by nuclear production. It was a plot to hobble the TVA, which preferred to produce its own power. In Tennessee and Alabama, TVA was as sacred as baptism and, in the opinion of many, was more essential to salvation, and so the scheme of Admiral Strauss had caused an uproar which had not yet died down.

The Senators might demand that Admiral Strauss answer questions about the Dixon-Yates deal which he had formerly claimed was not the business of the Senate and had refused to tell the Judiciary Committee about his backstage role in the negotiations, claiming executive privilege. Mr. Anderson finds it a safe bet, however, that Admiral Strauss would be thoroughly cross-examined on it anyway.

Joseph Alsop indicates that Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, an active candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1960, had decided to stake his chances on running in the key primaries. Like Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts, he could not join the more comfortable class of inactive candidates, headed by Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri. The difference, he suggests, between the active and inactive candidates was that the activists, Senators Kennedy and Humphrey, were ready to run hard for the nomination because they knew they had to do so, while the inactivists hoped to be nominated by default because the two activists had committed mutual mayhem, had produced a deadlock or had failed in some other way to make the grade.

He finds it interesting to watch President Truman and others quietly peddling Senator Symington as the ideal compromise choice of the Democrats, finding it comic to listen to more improbable but no less hopeful aspirants ruling out at length every other nominee other than themselves by the familiar reductio ad absurdum method.

But the real drama of the present phase of the campaign centered on the contest between Senators Kennedy and Humphrey. Neither had been anxious to give the customers their money's worth by commencing to slug without undue delay. Senator Kennedy had the proof of the opinion polls that he was currently the best potential vote-getter among Democrats, having all of New England, the hope of New York, of most of Illinois and of several other large groups of delegates. Normally, he might be tempted by the front runner's usual plan of avoiding needless bloodshed. But Senator Kennedy was Catholic and, more bothersome still, was thought of as a juvenile, though actually 41, it appearing dangerous in politics to enter middle age with more hair and less of a waistline than was customary after age 40. Thus, Senator Kennedy had to overcome those handicaps by the sort of commanding lead he could only obtain in the primaries. Without the most primary victories, he would not have a good chance of being nominated.

Senator Humphrey's reluctance to start slugging had been greater than that of Senator Kennedy. Only a little more than a fortnight earlier, Senator Humphrey's remarkably astute organizer, Governor Orville Freeman of Minnesota—to become Secretary of Agriculture in the Kennedy Administration—was trying to avert a Wisconsin primary. Governor Freeman wanted the Wisconsin Democrats to back a favorite-son slate of delegates to head off Senator Kennedy, whom they believed had the upper hand. There was little evidence yet of Senator Humphrey's mass appeal, without any major bloc of delegates outside his own bailiwick. His nomination would strongly tend to drive many Southerners to a third-party ticket—as he had been remembered as the then-Senatorial candidate in 1948 who had introduced the civil rights plank, prompting the Dixiecrats, led by Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, to walk out of that convention and form their third party. He finds that therefore Senator Humphrey could only wade to victory through a sea of gore.

Those facts had now been faced by Senator Humphrey, by Governor Freeman and by Senator Humphrey's able new campaign advisor, Washington lawyer James Rowe, Jr., who proclaimed, "We want to fight all the primaries we can get into." Mr. Alsop regards the word "want" as perhaps an exaggeration, but indicates that the Humphrey strategy was presently based on the acknowledgment that he had to fight at least in the two key primaries, Oregon and Wisconsin, and his decision to do so would virtually impose the same decision on Senator Kennedy.

Because Senator Humphrey was admittedly behind, he had laid out a grueling plan for his campaign. As soon as the present Congressional session would end, he would begin running in all of the states where he hoped to obtain delegates, and especially in Wisconsin and Oregon. As his record showed, he was a formidable politician and a particularly formidable campaigner. Since he had adopted the do-or-die strategy, he had to be regarded as transformed. Formerly, his candidacy was a local phenomenon with fringe support from former supporters of Adlai Stevenson in states outside the Minnesota area, but now his candidacy could easily determine the course of the Democratic convention, which could still be the case whether he won or Senator Kennedy would win in those primaries.

The Congressional Quarterly indicates that housing legislation was quickly becoming the focal point of the battle over the budget. The Senate had passed a Democratic housing bill on February 5 and the House version of the same bill was awaiting approval from the Rules Committee so that it could get to the floor for a vote. The House was expected to vote on the bill after it returned from the Easter recess on April 7.

In the meantime, the Administration and Democratic spokesmen were throwing housing statistics at each other. For example, the Administration, in giving totals for the Democratic housing bills, counted public housing costs over a 40-year period but did not mention the cost of its own 20-year program for giving grants for college housing. The Democrats, on the other hand, claimed that public housing costs ought not be charged to them at all since the program had been authorized ten years earlier and the old quota of housing units never had been filled. But in broadcasting totals, they charged the Administration for its proposed college housing grants.

The major single difference between the Administration and Democratic bills in terms of cost was public housing. Under that program, the Federal Government helped local public housing authorities pay off their mortgages on low-rent apartments. The Government paid that part of the indebtedness which rents did not cover. Begun in the time of the New Deal, the public housing program had failed to live up to its advanced billings despite repeated stimulants administered by Congress. In 1949, for example, Congress had said that the Government could subsidize 810,000 units. By the end of 1958, only 232,000 of that 810,000 quota had been built. During the current year, the Democrats proposed to extend the authority of the Government to subsidize those units. The Republicans claimed that the subsidization would come to almost 4 billion dollars over the ensuing 40 years and yet there was no way to determine how many units actually would be built.

A letter writer indicates that she was sick and tired about hearing of rockets to the moon, space travel and satellites, that she was sure that if the Lord had wanted man out in space, He would have placed him there and that if He had wanted men to travel to the moon, then He would have put a bridge to travel on. "On all sides we hear the prattle and we are spending billions of dollars for such, while thousands of children here in our midst are dying from the lack of proper food, clothing and other necessities." She finds that every time she turned on the radio, watched television or read a newspaper, she was reminded to give to one fund or another, whether heart, muscular dystrophy, cancer, cerebral palsy or crippled children. While she thought they were all wonderful causes, she wondered why the Government, instead of wasting money on space travel, rockets to the moon, etc., did not direct that money into those funds. "There, I said it and I'm glad!"

While she makes a good point for later years, at the time, during the Cold War, the effort was to beat the Soviet Union technologically in the eyes of the world to instill confidence in the free and neutral nations that the U.S. could ultimately win any hot war which might ensue so that they would not be inclined to join or at least appease the Soviet orbit and to deter the Russians from starting such a hot war in their most confidently Supreme Soviet moments.

The current effort in 2026, on the other hand, appears to fit more into the letter writer's argument, with little at stake in terms of the earlier reasons, other than perhaps to help quiet the persisting doubters, the dumb and dumbers, that the earlier flights ever went beyond a movie studio, with some still insisting, in a vague attempt to bolster their fanciful notions, that the Van Allen belts would inevitably incinerate any man-made spacecraft. Oh, but what if it were built from the special materials reverse-engineered from the Roswell crash in July, 1947? Such, we trow, are the things for which only the capacious mind of a Trump appointee to FEMA who has been teleported to a Waffle House would allow cognitive room for due contemplation and ultimate acceptance as an alternative fact, as long as the teleportee, akin to the deportee, does not bring his bitch, Mountain, along, that is.

Excuse us, as we must now adjourn to the upper room to discuss some things with Tony and the dolls who, while left alone to the devices of the devil, were asphyxiated.

A letter writer indicates that there was no crime justifying mutilation, in the case of the proposed bill before the State House and Senate for sterilization as a method of curbing illegitimate births after the second such child and failure of psychiatric counseling. She indicates surprise that a physician had proposed mutilation of the human body to save the State money. She suggests that the next bill might propose euthanasia for the indigent chronically ill after their second trip to the hospital.

A letter writer finds that the State Legislature was assuring that the withholding method of taxes in the state would enable collection from many persons presently not paying taxes, such as transient laborers. He wonders, however, whether such laborers' annual earnings were so small that they would be exempt from taxation in any event. Some were illiterate such that they would not know how to go about obtaining a refund of that which they had paid from withholding beyond their actual tax, and he finds that to be dirty pool. One State Senator had suggested that taxes would already have been withheld from the salary of a worker who died before filing, but he points out that the taxes could come from the worker's estate just as easily. He also suggests that the withholding method would place an extra burden of bookkeeping and additional expense on employers. He thinks it would also force citizens to pay two years of taxes in a single year. With the state ranked fourth from the bottom nationally in per capita income, it would place a punishing burden on the citizens for a year. Only three states, South Carolina, Arkansas and Mississippi, had a lower per capita income than the $1,317 in North Carolina. He instead favors encouragement of better wages so that the workers could be liable for more in taxes and spend more for merchandise to support business, which in turn would pay more taxes themselves.

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