The Charlotte News

Monday, March 16, 1959

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the President would report to the nation this night on the Berlin situation, with his half-hour address from the White House to be carried by all major radio and television networks. Advance indications were that he would detail his charges that the Soviets, in seeking to force allied military forces from Berlin, were trying to break solemn agreements entered during and after World War II concerning the four-power status of Berlin. He might emphasize that point by showing his television audience some of the documents setting forth the occupation agreements. He was also expected to reiterate the nation's intention to stand firm in Berlin and to emphasize the senselessness of nuclear war. Informed sources described the speech as a restatement of the American position and an effort to put into perspective the cold war battle regarding Berlin which had been raging since the prior November. They said that the speech would contain no surprises and would set forth no new policies. Senator Mike Mansfield of Montana, member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, suggested this date that the President ought lay down the general terms which the West would be prepared to consider in any Berlin negotiations with the Soviets, that in that way, the President's words would not only reach the people in the democratic and uncommitted countries but would also be carried into the Soviet Union and the satellite countries by the Voice of America, and that in view of the extreme gravity of the situation, might even be carried in part on stations in Russia. The President would begin talks on Thursday with British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan in a further effort to agree on a common stand among the allies. Mr. Macmillan was reported likely to urge agreement on a summit conference with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev to follow up a meeting of the Big Four foreign ministers which had been suggested for May. Senator J. William Fulbright, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said during a weekend television and radio program that the U.S. ought be willing to take Berlin and other problems to a summit conference.

A savage winter curtain call, fierce winds, snow and rainstorms had spread across the Midwest during the weekend and swept eastward with undiminished fury. At least eight deaths had been attributed to the storm. Thousands of persons had been stranded for hours, including nearly 350 passengers on Chicago and Northwestern Railroad trains which had gotten stuck in 12-foot snowdrifts in Wisconsin. All of the trains had sufficient fuel to heat the cars and all of their passengers had been supplied food during their enforced layovers, ranging up to 12 hours. The last of the stalled trains, with 150 passengers aboard, had been pulled free late on Sunday night, eight hours after it had been halted by huge drifts about 12 miles north of Green Bay. The storms had brewed tornadoes which had killed three people in Arkansas. Elsewhere, snow shoveling had claimed two lives in Iowa and one person had been killed on a highway on Sunday in Michigan when a heavy snowfall reduced visibility. A pulp cutter had died of exposure in his cabin in northeast Michigan. In Cleveland Heights, O., a man had been killed when blown off a second-story porch on Sunday during a windstorm which included gusts up to 82 mph. More than a score of persons had suffered injury in the storms and property damage had been heavy.

In Henderson, N.C., it was reported that about 500 workers had entered the two struck plants of the Harriet-Henderson Cotton Mills during the morning under the watch of 100 Highway Patrolmen. Scores of strikers had been on hand, but only jeered. The peaceful plant opening had been in contrast to a violent weekend in which one man had been wounded by shotgun fire and two workers' homes had been damaged by explosives. Boyd Payton, Carolinas director of the Textiles Workers Union of America, said that only about 50 of the workers who entered the plant this date had been members of the two striking locals, which had a membership of 1,038. Police and newsmen estimated the number of workers who had reported this date to be about half the strength for a full three-shift operation, with the mills still operating on only one shift. The man wounded the previous day had been the first to be injured in the strike violence which had ebbed and flowed since the plants had reopened on February 16. A mill employee had told sheriff's officers that he had fired a shotgun blast at the man early on Sunday when he saw him "trying to light something" outside his home. Officers found a stick of dynamite and a fuse nearby. The wounded man, 23, was an unemployed former serviceman whose father was on strike, and he remained in the hospital after undergoing surgery to remove shotgun pellets from his hip and arm. The mill employee who fired the shot was charged with assault and he and his family had left town shortly after the incident but remained in contact with the sheriff after posting a $1,000 bond. Non-striking workers protected their houses during the night for hours during the weekend.

In Melbourne, Australia, evangelist Billy Graham had wound up his month-long crusade in Australia's second-largest city the previous day with the largest crowd of his career, more than 140,000. His previous record audience had been in New York's Yankee Stadium in 1957, attended by 100,000. Australian clergymen said that the evangelist's final local meeting had been the greatest religious gathering in the country's history. Leaders of virtually every church, including Roman Catholics and Jews, praised the crusade. During the month, Reverend Graham had drawn audiences totaling nearly 700,000, with millions having heard him on radio and television. He had spoken from a platform in the center of the five-acre Melbourne cricket ground, site of the 1956 Olympic Games. Victoria State Governor Sir Dallas Brooks, Lady Brooks and church leaders sat on the platform. The evangelist had opened his sermon by reading greetings from the President, and his religious message had indicated that man could serve either self or God, but only by serving God could man attain heaven. The President had said in his message that he was delighted to learn of the warm reception which the evangelist had received in Australia, indicating that America had a deep friendship with Australians and that he was not surprised at the traditional hospitality which the people of that country were showing. The Catholic Advocate paid tribute to the "great missionary effort which Dr. Graham and his collaborators have undertaken with a view to awakening the world to the vital truth and the all-importance of spiritual reality." A Jewish journal had lauded his innate goodness and fine character, adding, "No matter what faith one may be, none of us can help but be amazed and pleased with the influence of this American Evangelist." Almost every important Protestant church leader in Melbourne had praised the evangelist, with criticism limited mainly to a few letters sent to newspapers and a couple of articles and unimportant periodicals. The evangelist had flown to Tasmania this date for two meetings, and after a two-week holiday at the shore in Queensland, would start a crusade in New Zealand in April. As he left for the airport, a crowd had sung "God Be with You Till We Meet Again". The evangelist's finance committee had announced that the expenses for the Melbourne crusade were about $170,000 and had been more than covered by donations, with any extra money collected to go toward the evangelist's "Hour of Decision" broadcasts. An editorial this date in the Melbourne Herald, Australia's largest evening newspaper, with a circulation of 436,000, said that the evangelist's "crusading visit … has been a remarkable success. There is obviously a warm place in the hearts of our people for the pure evangelists."

In Indianapolis, it was reported that a woman had gone on trial before an overflow crowd of spectators this date for the slaying of a wealthy drug executive who had jilted her for a younger woman. The graying divorcee had arrived with the jail matron 15 minutes before the trial started, dabbing her eyes of tears. She said that she had slept for only three hours since Friday and reported that she was feeling nervous but remained optimistic. All 60 public seats in the courtroom had been filled and curious spectators milled outside in the basement corridor of the old courthouse. Questioning of prospective jurors was expected to take several days. The 54-year old victim had been shot to death the prior July in his parked Cadillac. The state contended that the defendant, 42, had followed him and shot him three times with a small revolver after he had returned to his car from a late-night visit with a younger woman. The defense claimed that the shooting had been accidental and occurred during a violent struggle after the man had begun to beat the defendant. The defendant told police that the man, who was executive vice-president of Eli Lilly & Co., had promised to divorce his wife and marry the defendant when his 14-year old adopted son finished school. The defendant said she had carried on an illicit affair with him for 15 years. The younger woman, 30, was a secretary at the Lilly firm. She had moved to California shortly after the slaying and was not expected to testify at the trial. The defendant also met the victim while working at Eli Lilly. The prosecutor's staff refused to say whether it would demand the death penalty for the defendant, who was charged with first-degree murder. Indiana had never electrocuted a woman. The victim had still been alive and conscious when police arrived on the scene, but had refused to identify his killer. The defendant was found about 20 hours later unconscious in her car after taking 75 sleeping pills mixed with pineapple juice, and remained in a coma for 2.5 days.

Leonard Engel, in the first of a series of reports, examines a surgery taking place at the University of Minnesota hospital, with a fictional composite young female, Joyce Wilder, 13, undergoing an open-heart operation at the locus where open-heart surgery had been first established. Everything which happened to her had happened to numerous patients. In the new main building of the University Medical Center, four operating rooms had glass domes and observation rooms above. It was still early in the morning as a technician who operated the heart-lung machine pushed the apparatus on a stand into the room. For between 15 and 30 minutes, or even longer if there were unexpected complications, the machine would breathe, pump blood for and sustain the life of the patient. During those minutes, the climax of an operation which would take some three hours in all, Drs. C. Walton Lillehei and Richard L. Varco would open her heart, mend a defect inside and close it again. Then the heart-lung machine would be disconnected and taken down the hall to be dismantled and cleaned, to be made ready for another operation on another day. The operating room was the largest of those available and was used for most heart operations. A varied array of equipment, all which modern surgery found necessary for the proper care and protection of the patient, was ranged along the operating-room walls and about the floor. The operating table stood in the center and near the head of the table stood an anesthesia machine, intravenous standards for holding blood bottles during transfusions, an EEG machine for recording brain waves and a cardiac pacemaker and defibrillator for meeting emergencies involving stoppage of the heart. The heart-lung machine stood on the side of the operating table and next to it stood a gleaming new machine for cauterizing blood vessels. On the other side of the operating table were an instrument table which could be wheeled over the end of the operating table, a back instrument table, Mayo stands, another type of instrument tray, "splash stands" for water basins and "kick buckets" for waste. The technician had been working for about ten minutes when two nurses entered, greeted him briefly and went to work. The operating room had been washed down the previous day after completion of that day's surgery. The remainder of the piece is on an inside page.

In Kingsport, Tenn., it was reported that the roll of Civil War veterans had been cut in half this date with the death of 112-year old John Salling, a Confederate soldier from nearby Slant, Va. He had been stricken by pneumonia the previous week and had been brought to a Kingsport clinic on Thursday, but doctors had said that he was too old to withstand his last illness. His death left only one other known survivor of the war, Walter Williams of Houston, Tex., also a Confederate veteran, now past 116 years of age. He had been bedridden for several months. Mr. Salling had retained his mental faculties until his last illness and had enjoyed talking about his boyhood experiences. He had been only 16 when he enlisted in the Virginia forces opposing the Yankees. Scores of descendants had survived him, his wife having died nearly 20 years earlier. His condition had weakened steadily since he had been admitted to the hospital and he had been receiving a constant supply of oxygen. He would have been 113 on May 15. About a year earlier, a group of WAC's at Fort Myer, Va., had presented him with a summer-weight Confederate uniform, which he had worn on special occasions. He had once said, "I never saw a girl I didn't like."

In Manila, it was reported that two Japanese diplomats had trekked through the jungle the previous day in an effort to get two World War II holdouts to surrender, but their answer had been a volley of shots. The holdouts were a lieutenant and sergeant who had taken refuge in the jungle of Lugano Island after the end of the war. Posters, newspapers and letters from relatives in Japan deposited in mailboxes posted in the jungle had failed to get them to emerge. The previous day, a consul and attaché with two Japanese civilians, Philippine police and guides had sought to reach the two men, but they had opened fire on them and then escaped into the thick vegetation. The only casualty had been the party's Filipino motorboat driver who had received minor cuts as he ran into the bush to escape the fire.

In San Francisco, it was reported that a controversy had made the San Francisco Bay Area's Girl Scout cookies hot even before they were ready for the oven. Because some of the fund-raising cookies to be sold between April 3 and 20 were being bought in Tulsa, Okla., the Bakery Drivers Local 484 of the Teamsters Union in San Francisco had decided to withhold a previously voted $4,000 contribution to the United Crusade, an area-wide fund-raising organization which supported the Girl Scouts and other organizations. The Girl Scouts received part of their funding from the Crusade and part from the cookie sales. The local's secretary had said that they had no argument with the Girl Scouts but were simply saying that when their men assessed themselves for a charity, they had a right to say that the money ought be spent in a particular area. A Bay Area cookie committee member said that only one of 11 Girl Scout councils in the five-county area had been buying cookies from outside the Bay Area, that being the Mount Diablo Council in Contra Costa County, which had ordered its cookies from the National Sales and Service Co. in Tulsa, which had given assurances that it was completely unionized. In Tulsa, the National Sales and Service president said that he only distributed the cookies, indicating that they were union-made at a company in Lowell, Mass., and that most were shipped directly to the Girl Scouts. The union local's secretary said that there had been a lot of dissatisfaction in the labor movement about the United Crusade and that in the particular case, they did not feel like subsidizing Okies in Oklahoma. He said that when they contributed, they preferred that their money would go to support local shops, as they had to work there and earn their money there. The union local representative said that fighting the Girl Scouts would be like fighting home and mother and nobody could do that, but that Bay Area Crusade money ought be spent in the Bay Area. The girls of the Mount Diablo Council had better be careful as those Teamsters sometimes play rough and might come around and bust your cookies if you don't cooperate.

On the editorial page, "Cultural Enrichment Is Important, Too" suggests that Venus de Milo in an ashcan symbolized vividly the plight of the arts in Charlotte, as culture was being shamefully neglected while the spirit was willing, though the wherewithal was weak. (Venus de Milo was not of the Ashcan school of art.) Organizations which ought be spending hours creating sights and sounds had been spending too much of their time passing the hat for nickels and dimes, with the result having been anything but inspiring.

Patrons had also suffered, many having been hounded to distraction every month by separate leaders for separate causes, it being no wonder that many had been pestered so much and so often that their hearts had hardened to any appeal.

This date had marked the beginning of the Big Change, with a system of federated fundraising for all eight of the city's leading cultural organizations having been launched amid general merriment and mutual optimism. It was an attempt to attract mass support for the arts by inviting everyone in the metropolitan community to give once for all eight groups. Known as the Charlotte Arts Fund, it was an adaptation of the successful United Appeal to meet the needs of culture. The laudable objective was to broaden the base of support for the arts so that the arts in turn could enrich the community more than ever.

It finds it a break for all concerned as the individual campaigns would be abandoned and wasteful and costly competition eliminated. Volunteer leadership and manpower would be conserved for one major effort. Directors of organizations would be freed to concentrate on their major job, cultural enrichment. Planning and budgeting would be unified to prevent overlapping to provide maximum cultural benefits. Individual donors would not be badgered for contributions eight separate times by eight separate organizations. Order would replace competitive, wasteful disorder.

It indicates that if the Fund were a success, Charlotte would get more for its cultural dollar, that in broadening the base of support for the arts, the fund would also be broadening the base of appreciation. All great cities had learned that recreation and culture had their own special values in the form of human expression and relaxation which the Fund represented. It would have to have mass support if Charlotte was to attain its full stature and it endorses the Fund wholeheartedly, having been organized in accordance with the best practical ideals, urges giving to it generously to rescue poor old Venus—not of the Ashcan school.

"Let's Get the Facts First, Gentlemen" indicates that involuntary sterilization to curb illegitimacy was a form of radical puritanism which the state could do without. It suggests that no session of the General Assembly was complete, however, until at least one compulsory mutilation bill was introduced, as had been the case in the current session the previous week.

Legislators had demonstrated commendable wisdom in rejecting those extreme measures in the past and there was all the more reason at present to do the same. A comprehensive study of the whole problem of illegitimacy was now being undertaken. Authoritative data was being compiled by the North Carolina Conference for Social Service, a highly respected organization with a long record of public service. Its findings would be shared with the public in general and the Legislature.

No action of a radical nature ought be taken until the problem had been thoroughly explored and the facts evaluated calmly and carefully. It was no trifling matter to tamper with a human being's creative processes, dismissing all hope of redemption after two births out of wedlock. It was similarly harsh to deprive the needy child of public assistance because the mother had misbehaved. The financial drain on the state because of illegitimate births was not as sizable as was often supposed. Nor, according to a House welfare subcommittee, was there any demonstrated relationship between births out of wedlock and the "aid to dependent children" program. The state and county paid only about 20 percent of the ADC grant and only 7.5 percent of North Carolina's illegitimate children received public welfare funds.

It suggests that there was a place for voluntary sterilization in a modern state, but the democratic tradition required the guarding of individual rights and the avoidance of compulsion wherever possible. An illegitimacy problem existed and it was serious, but it was also complex. "Let's have no harsh remedies until its nature is fully understood."

"A Saving Grace for the Minor League" finds that it took unusual hometown pride to back minor league baseball when the best of baseball was on the television screen for free, with one solution being to fight arson with another blaze.

It proposes games in the television studio for the minor leagues, with the teams playing a regular game in the afternoon to be filmed, with clever editing removing the dead spots and commercials substituted. A few of the players would be called to the studio for close-ups.

There would be nights when the program could not be squeezed in, but a roundup of the week's highlights would be the answer.

The actor-players would also command a better salary, as a routine outfield catch could be substituted with an amazing studio grab of a five-foot throw.

There would always be those who demanded live action and the only resort they would have would be to rally such numbers as to force the game back from whence it came. By that time, a whole new generation would have come about to discover anew the unbeatable savor of ballpark hot dogs. Then it would become fashionable to attend the real thing and the game, as it had been known, would be saved.

A piece from the Raleigh News & Observer, titled "Alphabetical Cussing Is Out", indicates that papa always had a "D" bad headache in the parlor and if the boy played leapfrog in his Sunday clothes, he could catch "H" when he got home. Sometimes, a recalcitrant was going straight to hell, but more often was booked for the bad place. "'The devil and Tom Walker' was socially acceptable to denote abject consternation. You were never sure, but somehow appending 'Tom Walker' seemed to make matters decorous."

The flashing of fingers aloft had been universally used to obtain permission for leaving the parlor for certain necessities. One never whispered in one's mother's ear unless the person first gained the company's consent to mumble. At school, the "tip-toe" recess had been employed to explain all rapid departures from the classroom. The "tip-toe" was blatantly abused but had accrued wonderfully to the benefit of the makers of Buster Brown Shoes. When the town "bad woman" walked down the street, mothers dragged the brats inside to peek through the curtains. The unnamed man of the year was "a clever feller" and the blunderer was "no count". "But what the 'H', everyone knows the sheltered life is past and hardly a 'double D'd scoundrel' loafs in front of the courthouse."

For the morons, "H" stands for "hell", and "D" stands for "damn". It has nothing to do with coach Hubert Davis, who, we reiterate, has been treated with greater unfairness than any coach in the history of college basketball by the administration and a large part of the fan base at UNC. Now that we know who the replacement will be, we reiterate that this entire farcical decision process will be regretted soon enough, without making any negative statements about the new coach, who appears to have great respect for coach Davis, based on an interview he gave with the Tar Heel Sports Network last October, which is available on YouTube, and to which every moron who undervalues coach Davis ought listen carefully. The new coach does appear to have great familiarity with the current team and its members, and so that is a plus. He cannot help obviously that the current administration at UNC are a bunch of morons. Sorry, but the truth hurts. They are money-bagged, money-logged, money-responsive morons. When you put business people in charge of the asylum, you might as well have the inmates running it.

We are not to the point where we are saying, "Go to hell, Carolina, go to hell," as that is too demonic, of the deaconate crowd, but we are not far from it, and that is saying a lot about our old alma mater twice over, to which we have always heretofore provided unwavering support. No more. You need to check yourselves in the mirror, as you will be doing, we predict, quite a lot over the next year or two, wondering where in hell you went wrong, damnit, and how in hell you could have become such morons.

Blame it on the pods, we suppose, who took over your bodies somewhere in the nighttime. In any event, something untoward came your way, gainsaid your souls and spirits, knocked you from your Buster Browns and blew you off of your pegs into some ungodly place.

A college or university is no place for professional or even semi-professional sports teams. Those belong in their place as professional teams associated with this or that city, for the people of that locale. Colleges and universities are first, foremost, and last places of contemplation and learning for their students and faculty, with the sports teams designed as respite from those studies and dedicated research, a matter of recreation, not an object of deification or to supplant lack of personal identity, more characteristic of childhood and early adolescence than ought be the case by the time of college age and beyond. Leave that group still searching for personal worth and identity for the pros, in and out of psychology, psychiatry and the clergy, to handle.

Drew Pearson remained out of Washington on special assignment and his column was being written by his assistant, Jack Anderson, who indicates that the Navy was showing its friends in Congress another explosive missile document like the one which had resulted in the Army's historic court-martial of Col. John Nickerson in 1957. As with the latter's memo, the Navy document sharply contradicted the President's repeated assurances that the U.S. was keeping up with Russia as a military power, estimating "conservatively" that Russia would have 5,000 ICBM's by 1963 and warning that a dangerous "missile gap" would separate the U.S. and Russia beginning in 1961. It stated: "The USSR has assured itself a commanding lead in the intercontinental ballistic missile race. This lead is producing a vital gap in our deterrent posture, and with current weapons programming, the gap will be the widest sometime between 1961 and 1963… Based on intelligence reports of USSR production of 15 ICBM's in 1958, extrapolated on the basis of U.S. wartime production, possible Soviet stockpiles of ICBM's in 1963 is conservatively estimated at 5,000." A footnote had added: "When all our programmed strategic weapons are considered together, the adequacy of deterrence dips well down below 100 percent after 1961, reaching a low in 1962."

The memo had undermined the President's claims that Russia had no operational ICBM's, pointing out that "at least a dozen launching sites capable of handling ICBM's are known to exist and the USSR is known to have been testing ICBM's for nearly 2 years." The document called for more atomic submarines, loaded with 1,200-mile range Polaris missiles, as the answer to the Russian missile threat. The Polaris missile system, the document claimed, was "the only completely mobile strategic ballistic missile system plan which can be operated completely hidden and essentially invulnerable beneath the ocean surface of 70 percent of the globe."

The State Department had hushed up the name of the U.S. official whose rueful wisecrack was quoted in Time Magazine, touching off three days of anti-American rioting in Bolivia. The column could reveal, however, that it had been H. Lee Landerman, former foreign aid official in La Paz, presently hiding out at the Bethesda Naval Hospital on sick leave. Mr. Landerman had remarked facetiously to a Time reporter that the only solution for Bolivia's problems was to divide the country among its neighbors. Hot-blooded Bolivians had reacted violently, storming through La Paz, smashing American trucks and burning the U.S. flag. American citizens had to be herded into a La Paz suburb and kept under police protection.

Acting Secretary of State Christian Herter had telephoned Time publisher Henry Luce the previous week and begged him not to reprint Mr. Landerman's quote, but Time editors could think of no way to report the Bolivian crisis without mentioning what had caused it. The quotation was repeated in the story telling about the riots. The day the new edition arrived in the mountain republic, another emergency had been declared.

Marquis Childs indicates that there were still some who believed that something ought be done to curb influence peddling in the Government while the memory of Sherman Adams and his telephone calls to regulatory agencies on behalf of his friend Bernard Goldfine remained somewhat fresh in memory. Two of those were Senators Clifford Case of New Jersey and Richard Neuberger of Oregon, having just put forth a bill which would serve to place the matter on the public record, requiring full disclosure of the financial interests of all top officials in Government, including members of Congress. It would also require that all communications, whether verbal or written, to a regulatory or semi-judicial agency be made part of the record in all cases. There would be stiff penalties for violation of the law. It also proposed that Congress would at least take a look at the notorious abuse of conflicts of interest among members of Congress, with a commission on legislative standards to study and make recommendations on such conflicts.

He indicates that when Congress spoke righteously about conflicts of interests, as in the case of Mr. Adams, officials of the Administration became quite upset, asking why they would not look also at Congress, itself. The case they most often cited was that of Senator Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, who, through his major interest in the Kerr-McGee Co., controlled large oil holdings and yet when the proposal to reduce or abolish the 27.5 percent income tax bonus for the oil depletion allowance came before the Senate, Senator Kerr would probably lead the fight against it, as he had done previously. Democrats replied by pointing out how the Administration had appointed lawyers and businessmen to the regulatory agencies who were then called on to regulate their former clients and associates. Moreover, those same persons, after serving a year or two, returned to practice law and appeared before their former commission associates.

That practice had come up recently when Senator Case had questioned Charles Webb, a legislative assistant to former Senator John W. Bricker of Ohio, who had been nominated as a member of the Interstate Commerce Commission. Mr. Bricker had been the ranking Republican member of the Senate Interstate Commerce Committee, with authority over several regulatory agencies, before his defeat in the midterm elections the prior November. It had developed during the questioning that two former Bricker associates had been named to the ICC, which regulated the railroads. Owen Clarke had stayed on the Commission for five years, had then resigned to become a vice-president of the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad at a salary much larger than Government pay. After 2 1/2 years on the Commission, Robert Miner had gone to the New York Central railroad to become vice-president at a reported salary of $60,000 per year.

What had not been noted, possibly because of Senatorial courtesy, was that Senator Bricker, during much of his service in the Senate, had continued to share in the proceeds of his Columbus, O., law firm, which had represented the Pennsylvania Railroad.

Recently, there had been much publicity about Congressmen who placed their relatives on the payroll. That was particularly true of newcomers who had come in during the Democratic landslide of the prior fall, hiring their cousins, uncles and aunts, wives and college-age sons to their staffs, something the people back home readily understood. But if publicity was required for that practice, he suggests, then it ought cover the relationships between business and Government and the mutual benefit which resulted. The one, readily understandable, was peanuts, while the other, more subtle and submerged, involved influence measured in millions of dollars.

Doris Fleeson indicates that Clare Boothe Luce, her health apparently restored, was returning to public life as the President's choice to become Ambassador to Brazil. That country did not presently pose a diplomatic problem for the U.S., but the whole area was troublesome. Conceivably, it could give Ms. Luce a chance to add another leaf to the diplomatic laurels she had won as Ambassador to Italy.

Washington had long suspected that she wanted to run on the Republican national ticket in 1960, and now admirers of her and Vice-President Nixon were filing a request in Rhode Island for legal incorporation of a Nixon-Luce 1960 Club. Ms. Fleeson finds the idea sound for several reasons, as Mr. Nixon would certainly look to the East for his vice-presidential running mate, and while Ms. Luce hailed from Connecticut, not, itself, a pivotal state, she had a base in New York in the Time-Life-Fortune publishing empire of her husband, Henry. There were no big-name rivals to her in that area which came readily to mind. Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York was a potential foe of Mr. Nixon for the presidential nomination but no one believed that he would ever settle for the second spot on the ticket while still sitting as Governor of New York.

Ms. Luce, a famous Catholic convert, also fit the idea of many Republicans that Senator John F. Kennedy's amazing popularity would force their party to consider the desirability of nominating a Catholic for the vice-presidency, regardless of who would head the ticket. Those strategists argued that if Senator Kennedy were nominated either for the presidency or the vice-presidency by the Democrats, his appeal had to be countered by a person who was also Catholic.

Robert C. Ruark, in Nairobi, Kenya, indicates that it had been raining heavily for days and the camp had blown down, soaking everything, that the leopards had changed their feeding habits, and everyone had a bad cold and a worse temper. But the radio blared the news of Nyasaland and military planes were flying overhead. He finds the comforting thing to be that if the whole world were at war, he could do nothing about it, as the bridges were down on the Narok road and the streams were roaring torrents.

He finds that everything was a mess in Africa at present and even the Masai warriors' red clay makeup was running. The mess was no greater in Nyasaland than it was in the Congo or perhaps it would be in Kenya soon, with the whole thing summed up by saying that there were more Masai wearing pants, fewer lions in the game preserve, more cattle and more babies. Even the Masai, who had once scorned anything other than a spear in an argument, were growing increasingly political.

The news at present from Nyasaland was that the emergency deaths had reached approximately 50, and that more roads were being blocked, more homes being burned, African as well as white homes, and missions as well as agricultural stations. It was also a rough comment on the fact of white man's religion and white man's efforts to upgrade the land.

In the Congo republic, the dead and wounded were in the hundreds, not from battles with whites but merely in battles between two rival tribes, and at last count, nearly 1,000 people had been arrested, including former Premier Jacques Opangault of the Boshi tribe, who were fighting Premier Fulbert Youlou's Balili for control of the republic.

He notes that in the carnage, in which 3 tons of spears and pangas had already been confiscated, the battles were not directed against the French Government and no French settlers had been molested. It had just been a political battle between two tribes who had always hated each other and now used independence as an excuse to commit violence.

The Mau Mau in Kenya, more or less what the shouting all over Africa at present was about, had come as a result of irresponsible rabble-rousing, and one could substitute the names in Nyasaland of Dr. Hastings Banda for Jomo Kenyatta of the Mau Mau "shame", or his apparent successor, Tom Mboya. Dr. Banda, a physician and surgeon, had left home at 13 and had been an expatriate with a thriving practice in England for 40 years, did not speak his own tribal dialect anymore and had to use an interpreter. He had bided his time and had come home to stir up "animals", so to speak. Mr. Kenyatta, with the Mau Mau, had been the same type of person, educated in England, indoctrinated in Russia and sent back to stir up the "wild beasts". Unfortunately, the latter had used thugs to do the dirty work and Mau Mau had become not a battle for freedom from white bondage but rather a criminal war of Kikuyu against fellow Kikuyu.

Mr. Mboya, young, foreign-educated, was presently inciting riots more violently than ever had Mr. Kenyatta. He was a young Huey Long, with the difference being that he was dealing in potential massive death and disorder among politically naïve and almost totally unsophisticated people. He even used the old-fashioned political clambake to drive his people to frenzy, and the name of Mr. Kenyatta was again being chanted at the so-called tribal dances, which were really political meetings.

He finds that the ironic thing about Mr. Mboya was that he was a Luo from the fish-eating lake people, but was rousing the Kikuyu and Wakamba, both of whom loathed the Luos and would be the first to clobber Mr. Mboya's own tribe and Mr. Mboya, himself, provided the latter's undiluted democracy was achieved. That conflict depended on the Masai not getting there first because the Masai hated everybody and everything except themselves and their cattle.

While everything was a mess in Africa, he finds it not a tenth of the mess it would be when the rabble-rousers achieved their selfish aims and all hell would break loose everywhere.

A letter from the Association of Former Grand Jury Members of Mecklenburg County, Inc., indicates that at common law, a grand jury had been comprised of not less than 12 and not more than 23 men, all of whom were "good and true" and were citizens of the county in which the court was in session. The grand jury system in the state was not directly a constitutional arm of the law, but indirectly was within the arm of the law which would safeguard the rights, liberties and welfare of the citizens. The writer indicates that in recent months, they had seen how efficiently and industrious a grand jury could function to bring to light conditions of lawlessness and crime, and how the grand jury, through independent investigation and courageous action, could help bring to justice powerful malefactors who had openly violated the law. The grand jury had withstood all assaults made on it for hundreds of years, with numerous attempts having been made to reduce its authority in the present time by those who feared its powers or did not understand its purposes. People could come before it and disclose what they knew about corrupt public officials who were violating the law, without any fear of reprisal, as the proceedings were held in confidence. If law and order were not enforced in any community, it was the duty of the grand jury to bring the officials of the law enforcement bodies before it to inquire why there had not been proper law enforcement. No inquiry could be made to learn what a grand juror had said or how the person had voted, and no act could be taken against a grand juror based on acting in that person's official capacity, as the grand juror had complete immunity for official acts. The representative concludes that it was therefore imperative that grand jurors be citizens of unquestioned integrity and high character.

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