The Charlotte News

Friday, February 27, 1959

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Senator Everett Dirksen of Illinois had underlined the potential gravity of the Berlin crisis this date by pleading for less talk in Congress while the President weighed "the hour-to-hour developments." The Minority Leader and chief Administration spokesman in the Senate cautioned in an interview against headline-making speeches or any hasty action which might affect the critical negotiations. Renewed tension over the Berlin situation had exploded in the Senate the previous day with Democratic demands for a stepped-up defense program and for alerting the people to any eventuality, including the possibility of a hot war. Adding to the apprehension had been the uncompromising tone of recent speeches by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev and the apparent lack of any favorable results of the Moscow talks between Mr. Khrushchev and British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan. Those talks had ended the previous day with British reports that neither side had budged at all in their positions. A further possible strain on U.S.-Soviet relations had developed the previous day when a U.S. Navy boarding party had made a personal check of a Soviet trawler about 120 miles northeast of St. Johns, Newfoundland, trying to learn what had caused breaks in five trans-Atlantic cables in that area.

In Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia, it was reported that a steady stream of native politicians had been rushed into confinement behind barbed wire this date as the British rulers of the country pushed a round-up of African nationalist leaders. Despite the proclamation of the state of emergency in the area and the banning of the African National party, both that territory and neighboring Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia were reported quiet. The detention camp hurriedly had been set up 230 miles southwest of Salisbury, in Bulawayo, and was rapidly filling. The Government pressed a hunt for other leaders of Rhodesia's leading African nationalist organization, blamed for riots the previous week in Nyasaland. Pamphlets in local dialects had been distributed, telling Africans the meaning of the state of emergency. At the big Kariba hydroelectric project, where 6,000 African workers had gone on strike for higher wages on Wednesday, 4,500 had reported back to work after the company had raised their pay. Reports that African nationalists had continued to control some outlying airstrips in Nyasaland had precipitated a request for a group of paratroop veterans to recapture those strips. The Africans had blocked the strips. The previous disturbances and the threat of more trouble had brought a 12-fold increase in riot insurance on homes in Nyasaland. In Salisbury, life had gone on much as usual and no troops had been seen in the streets, not even many policemen. (A map of the region appears on the editorial page this date, in conjunction with the piece by Robert C. Ruark.)

In Raleigh, a bill introduced in the State House this date would eliminate what its sponsor, Representative Bedford Black of Cabarrus County, described as "raise your hands day" in the state's courts. The bill would allow Superior Court judges to hear uncontested divorce cases without a jury, though not applicable to inferior courts where divorce actions were brought. Mr. Black said that the measure would save money for the counties and would spare hundreds of jurors from having to perform duty which was purely automatic. He said that on "divorce day" in Superior Courts, jurors sat in the boxes and approved uncontested divorces one after another by raising their hands at the judge's direction, just sitting there "all day like little dummies." He said that in his county they would have saved $2,500 the previous year if the Superior Court judges could have granted the uncontested divorces without a jury, pointing out that 36 jurors had been summoned in Cabarrus on "divorce day" and were paid eight dollars per day plus travel expenses.

Also in Raleigh, a report recommended to Governor Luther Hodges and the General Assembly by the Municipal Government Study Commission that governing boards of municipalities ought be given the power to extend a town's boundaries without elections, provided that two major conditions were met, that the land annexed was already developed or undergoing development for urban purposes and that the governing board studied extension of services in the annexed area and issued a statement setting forth the plans of the city for extending each major municipal service to the area to be annexed, showing that the services to be provided in the area would be made available substantially in the same manner and on the same basis as such services were provided within the rest of the municipality on the date of annexation, setting forth a plan for financing the necessary service extensions, and fixing a time schedule for construction of the necessary capital facilities.

In Greensboro, it was reported that North Carolina Attorney General Malcolm Seawell had struck this date at North Carolina laws which permitted what he called fund-raising courts and incompetent justices of the peace. He sought adoption of court reform laws before the Greensboro Civitan Club, saying that no court in the state or in any other state ought be maintained for the purpose of providing revenue for any municipality or county. He said that, particularly at the lower court level, there were courts presided over by persons who had no business trying to mete out justice in the state, particularly true with justices of the peace. He advocated for legislative enactment of the court reform recommendations proposed by a special committee of the State Bar Association, reiterating remarks made on Saturday in a civic club speech in Raleigh. He said that based on his legal experience in the state, he was unable to appreciate how any person at all familiar with the courts and the administration of justice in the state could say that there was no room for improvement in the courts and in the administration of justice. The report of the committee, headed by State Senator J. Spencer Bell of Charlotte, had prompted statewide discussion among lawyers and judges. Mr. Seawell said that many North Carolina courts had been created to provide money for municipalities, indicating that they sought to establish recreation centers, ballparks and the like, within those towns. Regarding the justice of the peace courts, he said that he was opposed to laws which permitted the seating of judges who had not received legal training.

In Melbourne, Australia, evangelist Billy Graham's doctor had ordered him off coffee and had rationed his tea, the evangelist indicating that the coffee cut had been easy to take because he did not like it, but was very fond of tea. He had suffered a recurrence of the eye infection which had delayed his arrival in Australia. He said that he would like to have preached five times per day in squares and streets while in Australia but instead was preaching only once per night for 35 minutes, per doctor's orders.

In Goldsboro, N.C., it was reported that Henry Skinner might be North Carolina's most famous maintenance man, but was still a maintenance man, having returned to his job at the Wayne County Memorial Hospital this date. At his newly painted frame home in a handsome leather case was a medallion which proclaimed: "Greater love has no man than this, that he lay down his life for his friends—Henry L. Skinner who saved untold number of persons from burning, Goldsboro, N.C., February 6, 1958." The 55-year old man had received the Carnegie Medal for Heroism the previous day, accepting it with scarred hands which still hurt him a little and were stiff, he said. His hands and much of his face and body had been badly burned when an oxygen tank in a hospital utility room had suddenly burst into flames a year earlier while he was working in the room, a spark from his wrench having apparently ignited the tank's leaky valve. Next to the utility room had been a ward filled with small children. Mr. Skinner had run from the room with his clothes on fire, a nurse helping him to get his burning shirt off, and then had run back into the flame-filled room, withstanding the heat long enough to grab the tank and shut off the valve. He had not left the hospital that day and had not resumed working his double shift, spending weeks recuperating from the burns. The award carried with it $500, which he had received sometime earlier. Mr. Skinner said he had used it to turn his porch into a kitchen and was building a new addition to his house. He still owed $900 on the house at the time of the fire and had been working a double shift to pay it off. He and his wife and several of their ten children still lived at the home, the youngest of the children being 14. His wife worked in a laundry. The Goldsboro News-Argus, after the fire, had quoted him as having indicated that about the only thing he owed was $100 per month for his house payments. Two area residents, both of average means, had sent him five dollar checks and a restaurant had a "coffee day" in his honor. The idea had caught on and soon his $900 obligation on his house had been paid off. Thus, Mr. Skinner could stop working double shifts so that he could do the improvement work on the house himself. Since the fire, he said he had wanted for nothing. Explaining his action at the time of the fire, he said, "All of the little children was right next door and there was all that fire and nobody but me…" Hospital officials said that it was a miracle that he escaped with his life. He talked about the children's reaction to the medal, saying, "They was some proud, they was more proud of the medal than they was of the check." He said, however, that he thought that the nurse should have gotten the medal for helping him out of his shirt, that if it had not been for her, he did not know where they all would have been.

Frank Gifford, of the New York Giants football team, in this date's edition of the "Lenten Guideposts", indicates that to handle the tension which came before every football game, he had worked out a formula, finding himself a quiet corner in either the locker room or the training quarters and taking a few minutes to engage in silent prayer. The prayer was one of thankfulness that he had been given the physical ability to take part in something he sincerely loved. When he had been in high school and later in college, he was somewhat embarrassed and would always look for a place in which to offer his prayer, as far away from his teammates as possible. Then he discovered that other players were also wandering off to quiet places for the same purpose. One of the highlights of his football career had been when he was invited to play in the 1954 All-Pro Game in the Los Angeles Coliseum. Before the game, players and coaches had finished their pre-game discussions, when Abe Gibron and Lou Groza, two stars of the Cleveland Browns, had stood up and asked the entire team if they would mind waiting a moment. Mr. Groza had said that it was a custom with them to have a moment of prayer together before each game. At that point, they had all dropped to one knee and bowed their heads. When one of the referees had entered the locker room to tell them that they were holding up the game, the whole club was kneeling for two minutes of prayer. Mr. Gifford had often wondered what he thought then, and later, as they meshed together perfectly to beat the Western All-Stars by a wide margin that day. He indicates that if spectators who had binoculars watched the pregame huddles of professional, college or high school games, they would notice many players whose eyes were closed and lips moving. He had noticed it before every game which the Giants played. Increasingly, athletes realized that not only was body conditioning necessary, but also spiritual conditioning of their minds. In football, as in life, one got knocked down and suffered losses from which one had to recover, taking good physical equipment and the proper mental outlook to do so. When he had first joined the Giants in 1952, he felt that he could never be anything other than a defensive back, that he could not run, pass or kick well enough to make the team. He had said so to the Giants' coach, who had taken him at his word, figuring that if he had no confidence in his own offensive skill, he certainly would not place confidence in him, and so for several years, he had played as a defensive halfback only. Then, during one of his pregame prayers, it occurred to him that it was primarily a lack of faith which had limited him to one role in football and so he had asked God, not to make him a good runner or passer, but simply to help him use all of his abilities which God had given him in a maximum way. That prayer had changed his attitude and the new attitude had been followed by action. He began using workouts to practice running, kicking, and passing. Soon, the chance had come for him to play offensive halfback in a game. The remainder is on an inside page.

The following week's "Spotlight Series" in the newspaper would be titled "Riches of Old Age", beginning Monday, establishing first the fact that society at present cared a great deal about what happened to its senior citizens, and in subsequent articles, that it was important to maintain health in the latter years of life and how to do so, the sources of income which were open to the aged to keep them financially independent, the pros and cons of an elderly couple's keeping their family home rather than seeking more comfortable and economical housing elsewhere, and the insurance provided by hobbies and other recreation against loneliness and boredom. The series was authored by Evelyn Hart, who had served as woman's editor of the Dayton Daily News in Ohio and as editor of the White Plains Reporter Dispatch in New York, presently national radio-television director for the Salvation Army. Perhaps, a sixth article ought be included to explain how to prevent the appearance in the prints of a premature obituary, lest it become a prophecy of imminent doom. Ye dig? Kooky, man, kooky...

In Oklahoma City, it was reported that an elementary school drama had presented retired professional actor John Parsons as Rip van Winkle, a ready man with a jug. He had staggered about the stage and concluded his performance with a question: "Do you know what caused old Rip's troubles?" with the young audience having responded in unison, "Whiskey." But some mothers were not too sure and termed it "propaganda" when commenting on the performance. Another portion of the audience thought it a fine moral lesson, with which Mr. Parsons agreed. He had written the script for the performance and said he "meant for it to be, but we don't propound on it." The PTA president said that she thought it a shame to have to bring "poor old Rip into this thing." Further performances had been canceled. On April 7, Oklahoma was set to go to the polls to vote for or against liquor prohibition.

On the editorial page, "Charlotte's Mayor Comes out Swinging" indicates that Mayor James Smith had come out swinging on two vital issues during the week, with unusual firmness and candor, having attacked the Chamber of Commerce aviation committee's suggestion that an operating authority be established for Douglas Municipal Airport, and taking sharp issue with two public officials on the purpose of the community's new juvenile diagnostic center.

It finds that it was the "new" Jim Smith in action, no longer subdued and cautious, no longer above the fray, proving that when he wanted to do so, he could breathe fire and life into a somewhat lackluster city administration.

It finds that he had made an excellent case for City Council control of airport operations and had outlined with clarity the proper function of the diagnostic center. He had said regarding the airport that if the community continued to farm out governmental authority and functions to various agencies, the Council would soon be required to meet only once per year, draw up a budget to raise the money for those authorities and then turn it over to them. Regarding the diagnostic center, he had said that the building which had been dedicated the prior Sunday was originally designed and intended for one purpose only, housing of delinquent juveniles under sentence by the court until such time as they could be properly placed in State institutions.

It indicates that not since January, 1958, when Mr. Smith had unveiled his 15-point program for a better Charlotte, had such fresh, forthright talk come from City Hall, and it was welcome. Unkind critics might argue that the Mayor was haunted by steamy visions of strong opposition in the coming election and needed headlines. But it suggests that if they had reached the point where any display of active leadership was politically suspect, they were in bad shape. Actually he was a man of considerable conviction and complete honesty, but had kept his ideas somewhat too much to himself in the past, too hesitant to speak out, when that was definitely needed to turn the tide toward progress.

It finds that partisanship was not an evil but a necessity. Charlotte's system of municipal government demanded a strong, forceful mayor who was willing to roll up his sleeves and scrap for his program. The mayor had no vote on the City Council except in case of a tie, but his influence as presiding officer was great. Most progressive administrations of the past had the Mayor as determiner of major policies on which the Council had acted, and when the Mayor had abdicated leadership, there had never been any completely satisfactory place for the authority to fall. It finds that Mayor Smith had done things the right way.

"There's Pride in the Queen City, Too" indicates that Charlotte residents shared South Carolina's pride during the week when the promising new Business Development Corporation of Governor Ernest Hollings of the latter state had originated in Columbia. The corporation was a quasi-governmental agency to provide venture capital for small businesses which were unable to obtain funding from other sources, similar to the development corporation which Governor Luther Hodges of North Carolina had launched in 1955.

The North Carolina agency had been specifically designed to promote homegrown industry, embodying an idea which economists had advanced after studying the state's specific needs and opportunities, that a strong state economy could not be built with transplants of Northern money alone. It had been found that a variety of small industries feeding on native raw materials was needed to fill the big gaps in employment and payroll between the big plants which were scattered across the state. The theory had been that the local industry would generate profits which would remain within the state.

It finds the idea sound and well-tested. New England had such an organization for several years and the seeds for a similar agency had been planted in New York by Governor Averell Harriman.

If the South Carolina development corporation patterned its operations on the same general lines and held out a helping hand to home-grown small industry, unlimited good could be accomplished. Charlotte, as the center of economic activity for the two Carolinas, would be sure to share in many of the rewards of real growth in South Carolina.

While there would be natural economic rivalry between two neighboring states, it would be healthy as it would strengthen the economy of the entire region and the economic benefits would be mutually shared.

It quotes from transplanted North Carolinian, editor of the Wall Street Journal, Vermont Royster, who several years earlier had said: "The South cannot really escape its colonial status until it by and large controls its industrial growth and receives full profits from it so that those profits can be plowed back into Southern development of Southern capital markets—a system through which Southern capital can be put together and made available to Southern industry."

It concludes that the business development corporation was one sure way to accomplish that difficult feat.

"U.S. Life Includes a Car and a Half" finds that the Raleigh City Council had a clear-cut policy in foreign affairs, at least regarding the purchase of automobiles. A weighty discussion had brought a five to one edge for domestic brands over imported cars when the Council had chosen an economy car for its City government. The low bid offered on a Volkswagen had been snubbed in favor of a Studebaker for $15 more.

It finds that at least it was an attempt at economy in government and a note for the "Big Three" auto manufacturers.

It was felt in many quarters that the booming U.S. market in small cars had offered competition to Detroit. One reason appeared to be a rejection by many of the increasing size, power and expense of American cars, while another was that the country was willing to get along on a car and a half, rather than two full-sized models.

"Perhaps somebody can come along with a practical idea to reduce size even further until we can buy one of those beetle bugs for each foot."

A piece from the Manchester Guardian, titled "Do Clothes Make the Marxist?" indicates that Nikita Khrushchev's versatile mind ranged adroitly over many topics, from ballistic missiles to padded jackets, having a detached look at the latter garments, finding them lacking in refinement, to be consigned to the museums.

It finds that conversions to his line ought be hastened by his comment that padded jackets were characteristic of the tsarist reign in Russia. It finds that it was not surprising that the new leap forward came so soon after the recent party congress. The outstanding feature of the photographs published was not that all of the delegates had voted unanimously for Mr. Khrushchev's plan, but that they looked completely bourgeois.

It indicates that there had been unofficial movements of dress reform in recent years among young Russians, such as the bright shirts and drainpipe trousers worn by the stilyagi, but those had been condemned by the party because they demonstrated an alien ideology. It questions whether Mr. Khrushchev's new reform would leave the ideology intact.

It finds that clothes had a subtle influence on conduct, that before the last war, there had been people in the country who argued that if fascism ever came to Britain, it would wear dark jackets and striped trousers. "But can you behave like a Fascist if you're not dressed like one? The practitioners of that creed knew better. Can the Russians continue to feel revolutionary ardor once they start being careful about leaving that last waistcoat button undone?"

Ralph Waldo Emerson had known a lady who declared that the sense of being perfectly dressed "gives a feeling of inward tranquility which religion is powerless to bestow." It regards the suggestion as ideological compensation.

Drew Pearson indicates that the previous year, when Mrs. Eisenhower had gone to Elizabeth Arden's Arizona slimming ranch, the President had made headlines by taking a 2,945-mile detour in the Columbine airplane to drop his wife, her sister, Mrs. Gordon Moore, and Mrs. Ellis Slater, wife of the Seagrams distillery executive, in Phoenix. While in the current year, with talk of budget balancing, the President had been careful to send his wife by train, the taxpayers would find that the reducing trip of the popular First Lady would nevertheless cost them several thousand dollars. "Operation Mamie" had been commanded by Col. Robert Schulz, the President's military aide, who had deployed squads of White House functionaries, Secret Service agents and local police to protect Mrs. Eisenhower from her admiring public. Over two dozen men had been mobilized for her personal protection. During her two-day stopover in San Antonio, a private telephone line to the White House had been installed in her $60 per day hotel suite, and an Army sergeant had been dispatched from Washington to man the switchboard. The same convenient telephone service had been provided for her in Phoenix.

The taxpayers had been spared the expense, however, of the private Pullman cars which had carried her across country. Instead of the 16 first-class fares which a private car cost, the First Lady had paid only for herself and her sister, Mrs. Moore. The taxpayers had paid for the transportation of her functionaries, who did not travel in private cars. The railroads had gotten around the law which required them to charge 16 fares by claiming that the private cars were headed in the direction of Phoenix anyway.

By accepting the railroads' hospitality, the First Lady could find herself in the middle of a future railroad strike. While she was crossing the country, the railroads had called for a Presidential commission to study railroad problems, a calculated maneuver to bring the President into the threatened labor dispute.

The President's economy edict had not applied to his good will trip to Mexico. The President had ordered the per diem expense allowance raised from nine dollars to $23 per day just for that time period. Almost every Government official who traveled had to spend more than the nine dollar allotment for travel. They had wished they had gotten the same special allowance the President had given his staff at Acapulco.

Walter Lippmann indicates that it was not known yet what had caused Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev to interrupt his confidential talks with British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan to make a public speech, but that if the report was correct, that what Mr. Khrushchev had said about Germany and European security had been written out in advance, then the speech had been calculated as a diplomatic move, presumably to let the world know that he was not discussing with the Prime Minister any serious change in Soviet policy.

The way Mr. Macmillan had been treated in Moscow was not a good sign, for it was extraordinary that Mr. Khrushchev had not waited until he had finished his talks with the Prime Minister before making the speech. Mr. Lippmann suggests that it might have been that, for one reason or another, he did not dare let the impression grow that he was on the way to a negotiated compromise, possibly because of the opposition within the Kremlin, the opposition within the Communist orbit, or Mr. Khrushchev's own calculated breach of the confidential talks with Mr. Macmillan based on an overweening confidence that he was dealing from a position of superior strength. It was likely that Mr. Macmillan would do his best to find out in the talks which were still to come just what had prompted the move.

In the meantime, it was prudent to assume that Mr. Khrushchev believed that he was in the superior position and then to ask whether in fact he was, and if so, what could be done about it. Mr. Lippmann posits that there was in the Soviet attitude a mixture of anxiety and confidence, that the ruling oligarchy appeared deeply anxious about the position in East Germany and in Eastern Europe once the West German Army was completed and armed with nuclear weapons. It was not because they believed that West Germany could or would attack the Soviet Union, but rather that an armed West Germany would have a magnetic attraction for underlying rebellion and resistance already present in Eastern Europe. The Kremlin was, therefore, under great pressure to arrive at some kind of modus vivendi in the two Germanys within the two years which remained before the West Germans would be fully armed.

He indicates that along with that anxiety there had been at the same time great confidence, perhaps over-confidence, that in dealing with the German issue, the Soviet Union presently held the better position. Their hand was strong because they had taken the diplomatic initiative and could create situations whereby the onus of firing the first shot would be on the West while the actual occasion for firing would not be good enough to rally the West to a world war. Because they had taken that initiative, they could place pressure on the West and, unless they overplayed their hand, could deliver an ultimatum and use military force to blockade Berlin, while it was believed that the West would feel impelled to look further for a more negotiable position on the two Germanys, on the two Berlins and on the security arrangements in Central Europe.

The weakness of the West, he posits, was that it had clung too long to its old formula for Germany and because of that, had lost the initiative. Every time the West reappraised and revised in some manner the old formula, it appeared to be retreating, as in fact it was, and making a concession to the Soviets. Thus, any new idea became appeasement and, if by chance the Soviets had first mentioned the idea, became surrender. Such would go on until the West itself seized the initiative.

To seize the initiative would be to test the Soviet proposals, not by rejecting them but by asking the Soviets searching questions as to how in practice they would carry out their proposals. Thus, for example, Mr. Khrushchev said that German reunification was a problem not for the four allies but for the two Germanys, giving rise to the question whether in fact he meant that and whether he was willing to let the two Germanys deal with each other and then abide by the results.

If West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer would become willing to make a move of that kind, it would, in some measure, reverse the field and restore the initiative to the West.

Robert C. Ruark, in Kaabong, Uganda, indicates that he believes that the upsurge of fervid nationalism in Africa could be attributed to the cities, the ports and the planned working colonies, such as the Belgian Congo, where the African had been subjected to contact with the white man, with his teachings and with the reckless political thinking which had grown out of that contact. The native labor leaders, he posits, were as enormously powerful and equally as unscrupulous as any in the world, whether it was Kenya's Tom Mboya or Guinea's Sekou Toure, with the added advantage of having a blind, faceless following which would bend to spell-binding words, beyond the most hysteric mark of the European.

Much of the African personality, he finds, was bound up in that hysteria, which sometimes became almost spastic. "The thump of a drum, the shrilling of a flute, a cattle feast or a simple Ngoma dance can rouse whole groups to a state of semi-tranced mass action."

He indicates that they would be seeing a large cattle auction in Kaabong within a day or so, which would end in a large dance and a lot of native beer, and might lead to a small series of local wars, if the dancing, the music and the beer was potent enough to cause the warrior "to clap on his ostrich feathers and catch up his spear and whip off into the bush."

He indicates that the buffalo-hide fighting shield, which bore the owners' heraldic paintings, was more or less outlawed among the Masai, the fierce fighting tribe of southern Kenya, because the mere sight of the shield could call to mind old blood lust to the warriors. "An excited African, even the semi-tamed city ones, is apt to sway his body sinuously from head to foot, the first step forward the stiff-kneed, flat-footed pounding dance which used to touch off bloody violence."

He wonders what the cynical spell-binders, the highly educated Africans such as Messrs. Mboya, Nkrumah and Azikiwe and their henchmen would be able to do with about 120 million simple savages and what possible exploitation might be made of the mass Africans by the few for Africa's vast mineral wealth, so greedily sought by the white nations. "Who will control the intertribal confusion when the white district commissioner, the Serkali, the law-and-order forces, leave or are kicked out?"

The new African leaders who were proclaiming Africa for the Africans, were not without greed and lust for power, as Ghana had already turned into a dictatorship of Kawame Nkrumah. He supposes that the latter might decide that he wanted Nigeria and the Cameroons and the Republic of the Congo, with the Ivory Coast Republic, still French, being the only thing standing between him and Guinea. He supposes that the likes of Mr. Mboya, having settled Kenya's issues, might decide to take on surrounding Tanganyika and Uganda. Kenya remained a crown colony, but the white man would depart if Mr. Mboya got an undiluted democracy, with the black vote outweighing the white vote by 100 to 1. The white colonists had brought order to Africa, which had been in a shambles of blood and disorder, and had upgraded its civilized portions to a point where it was physically able to seek independence.

The question, he finds, which was most frequently asked was how much of a favor had been done to Africa when various isolated freedoms had been granted, as there seemed to be little other than mutiny and power grabs in many liberated areas all over the world, with little regard shown for the welfare of the majority of the residents.

A lot of people had thought that the white man was on his way out of Africa for a time, but the same people thought that the white man would be back again to settle the confusion. Thus had arisen the question of who would be the new settlers, the West or the East, with the Russians eyeing Africa with greed, waiting to bring their Communist version of what the West had called Pax Britannica to an unsettled world. "And the world has already seen some lovely examples of Russian housekeeping in places as small as Poland and as vast as China."

A letter writer indicates that there was too little knowledge among the statesmen, officials, diplomats or politicians, including the President, the Cabinet, members of Congress or any politician connected with an administration, pertaining to the philosophy, system or government of the Communists. He believes that most officials were laboring under the illusion that they were dealing with a responsible government when they conferred with representatives of the Soviet Union. He indicates that because the Communist system followed a designed plan initiated for them by Karl Marx and slightly revised by Vladimir Lenin, the system did not permit any concession to capitalism unless of a temporary nature which would be advantageous to the Communists. He finds that Nikita Khrushchev was actually the first leader who had tried to carry out the Marxist-Leninist plan to the letter, understanding its ways and capabilities, and if not replaced, would be more able to achieve success at it. He urges the Government to open its eyes to the fact that it was not dealing with just another government, but rather with a system which had no intention to cooperate with democratic governments. He believes it had been a waste of time to participate in the various conferences and summit meetings with the Communists.

A letter writer from Salisbury finds that the talk of nominating a Catholic for the presidency was "pure poppycock. Let the Catholics dictate in Cuba, Spain and South America, but the United States is a Protestant country where people came to be free of the chains of Catholicism…"

While sounding archaic to modern readers, such sentiment was heard quite a lot, especially in private quarters, before and during the Presidency of John F. Kennedy, the first Catholic President in the history of the country, President Biden having become the second.

A letter writer indicates that General John Medaris's Redstone Arsenal had said that there was a new fuel capable of sending a spaceship to the moon within 2.5 hours, and newspapers the prior day had described a neutron star discovered by astronomers, which weighed millions of tons per cubic inch. He supposes that the Medaris spaceship, traveling at 100,000 mph, might collide with the neutron star. "Wouldn't that make a real scatterment in the firmament?" He then visualizes an ambulance-rocket blazing into space with its sirens screaming and its red lights blinking to pick up the victims. He hopes that General Medaris would go ahead with development of the new fuel. "Sure would like to try a few drops of it in our old Ford."

It would blow it up and you with it, along with your house and half of your neighborhood. We suggest another, more sedate, type of fuel. Those who have tried with dragsters or in some cases, motorcycles, to attach rocket engines, have usually, eventually, died in the process. It does not turn out well trying to exceed Mach I in a land-surface vehicle. Friction is a real force with which to be reckoned, whether on land, water or in space, but much more so on land or water. Study some basic physics before trying it, unless you desire scatterment in the firmament.

Framed Edition
[Return to Links
Page by Subject] [Return to Links-Page by Date] [Return to News<i><i><i>—</i></i></i>Framed Edition]
Links-Date Links-Subj.