The Charlotte News

Saturday, July 20, 1957

TWO EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that 40 of 64 Senators willing to state their position had indicated this date that they favored reducing the scope of the Administration's civil rights bill to enforcement only of voting rights and not having it extend, in its current status, to other civil rights. A canvass had been taken of 92 of the 95 present members of the Senate and 24 said they wanted to retain the measure in its present state, with provision for enforcing a variety of civil rights. A simple majority of 48 would be required for adoption of any amendment. As the bill had passed the House in June, it had authorized the Attorney General to act on his own initiative in seeking injunctions to enforce school integration, desegregation of transportation, public places and other rights, as contained in section III of the bill. Senators Clinton Anderson of New Mexico and George Aiken of Vermont, had proposed striking that section from the bill, confining it largely to voting rights. The Attorney General could then seek an injunction for anyone interfering with those rights, and the person could be punished for contempt by a Federal judge without a jury trial. Efforts of Republicans and Northern Democrats, supporting the current version of the bill, had produced no agreement on a substitute provision for section III, which would retain even a portion of the enforcement powers currently in that part of the bill. Thus, the amendment offered by Senators Anderson and Aiken might reach a vote early the following week without any leadership effort to change its overall terms. In advance of that major test, nearly a third of the Senate said that they were as yet undecided on the issue of reducing the protections in the House version of the bill. Southern Democratic opponents of the measure had made it clear that they would vote for all amendments which would soften its terms, and then would vote against the overall bill. Privately, some of those members, however, had been saying that they could live with a voting rights bill and that they had made strenuous efforts to pare the measure down in that direction. For varying reasons, ten Republicans and 30 Democrats, including nine Democrats from states outside the South, had indicated that they were willing to reduce the scope of the House measure. Senators favoring limitation of the bill to enforcement of voting rights included Senators Sam Ervin and Kerr Scott of North Carolina and Strom Thurmond and Olin Johnston of South Carolina.

In Washington, it was reported that Jimmy Hoffa had emerged this date from his bribery charge acquittal in a strong position to take over from Dave Beck as president of the 1.5 million member Teamsters Union. After his acquittal the previous day by a Federal jury, for allegedly having conspired to bribe an attorney for the Senate Select Committee investigating misconduct of the unions and management, the 44-year old Mr. Hoffa, currently vice-president of the Teamsters and head of the Midwest Teamsters Conference, immediately announced that he would get together with friends in Chicago within the ensuing few days to decide on "my future activities in the union." (He would also, perhaps unwittingly, be deciding his future fate in life generally during the ensuing 18 years.) Mr. Hoffa had flown to Detroit the previous night and in response to a press question, had said that he had financed his defense in his trial entirely from his personal funds and declined offers for several locals to raise a defense fund for him, indicating that he had mortgaged his home, a cottage and his automobile. The Washington jury had apparently accepted Mr. Hoffa's defense that he had paid money to the attorney, John Cye Cheasty, as a retainer fee to be co-counsel for the union and not to spy for him on the Committee, with whom Mr. Cheasty had cooperated in collecting evidence for the prosecution of Mr. Hoffa and his original co-defendant, Hyman Fischbach, a lawyer from Miami who knew Mr. Cheasty and had arranged the meeting to have him work as a spy. Mr. Fischbach was dismissed from the case temporarily after his lawyer became ill during the trial. Mr. Hoffa, meanwhile, had bought on the cheap his own bridge, the one to nowhere.

In Knoxville, Tenn., opposing lawyers in the trial of the remaining 11 defendants, accused of violating a Federal Court order the prior fall not to interfere with desegregation efforts at the Clinton High School, charged therefore with contempt, would be providing their closing statements to the all-white jury on Monday morning. Five defendants had previously been dismissed from the case, four for insufficient evidence following the conclusion of the Government's case, and one because she was pregnant. Defense attorneys stated that they would stress in their arguments that the Government's testimony was "irrelevant and immaterial … not worth answering," thus explaining why they had only presented six witnesses for the defense.

In Philadelphia, Autherine Lucy Foster, the black student who had been expelled from the University of Alabama the previous year after she had attempted, pursuant to Federal court order, to be the first black student to enter the University, had been named sales manager and second vice-president of a garment factory.

In Gloucester, N.J., four police officers, using nightsticks, had fired their service pistols in the air and, after threatening to employ teargas, had broken up a brawl involving 80 to 100 persons inside and outside a taproom early this date.

In London, it was reported that the Soviet Union this date closed Vladivostok Bay to navigation by foreign ships and airplanes.

The President told House Republican leader Joseph Martin this date that he "strongly" opposed legislation which could bar any foreign court trials for American soldiers.

In Tokyo, an Army major and an Army civilian employee had been appointed observers for the U.S. Government at the manslaughter trial of William Girard, which was to begin on August 26.

In Washington, an Air Force spokesman said this date that officials at Briggs Air Force Base in El Paso would have to decide what to do about a young airman who had surrendered to South Carolina police the previous day saying that he did not know whether he was in or out of the service but had heard that the Air Force MP's were looking for him. The Air Force spokesman said that the 20-year old airman was listed as being AWOL from Briggs on February 1, but was dropped from the AWOL list on March 2, customary after a man was AWOL for 30 days. The man had surrendered to Spartanburg police, who had turned him over to authorities at Donaldson Air Force Base in South Carolina, where he was being held in the brig. The man said that he had left his 17-year old pregnant wife to clear up his status with the Air Force, indicating that he had been discharged on January 27 for the purpose of immediately re-enlisting for four years, was sworn in again the next day, but was told at the Briggs finance office that his physical condition barred him from re-enlistment, indicating that the officer who had sworn him in had told him to forget about the re-enlistment, that his squadron commander had promised to see about a medical discharge but that the flight surgeon had told him that he had no chance of a medical discharge. He had said that he needed money and that, with his situation confused, he left Briggs and got a construction job in Georgia at an Air Force Base.

In Milan, Italy, a U.S. Navy transport plane had vanished on a flight with 12 men aboard from Casablanca, Morocco, to Treviso Airport near Venice, the Navy expressing fear that the plane had crashed in the mountains of northern Italy.

In London, some 100,000 busmen went on strike throughout Britain this date in a demand for equal pay with London bus crews. Industrial plants improvised convoys to take employees to work, as the strike began at midnight.

In Avignon, France, the death toll from the previous day's derailment of the Nice-to-Paris express train had reached 18 this date, with officials indicating that 15 survivors remained in serious condition, as more than 60 others had been injured in the wreck.

An Air France Superconstellation, with seven Charlotte passengers aboard, had been forced to return to Sydney Airport in Nova Scotia after a report was received that there was a bomb aboard. A two-hour search by firemen and airline officials, however, failed to turn up any sign of a bomb and the New York-to-Paris airliner had taken off the previous day 2 1/2 hours after touching down. Mrs. Elizabeth Prince, a reporter for The News, had been aboard the plane and said that the air was "tense" when word had gotten around that there might be a bomb aboard. She said that they had done a lot of thinking. Roff Chapell, general manager of Ivey's Department Store in Charlotte, had told the newspaper that his store had three passengers aboard, on a fashion tour of Europe. He said that he had received a telegram the previous night from one of the three telling of the bomb hoax. The story also provides the names of the other Charlotte passengers. Another plane of the same airline had been called back on Thursday night for a precautionary check after a woman had telephoned the company's New York reservation desk and said that there was a bomb aboard one of its planes. Two other planes, one in Boston and the other in Montgomery, Ala., had also been checked and cleared on Thursday. Airport officials in Sydney said that they had believed that the previous night's bomb tip had come from a similar call to the New York office. Air France spokesmen in New York declined to comment on the previous night's scare.

In Salisbury, N.C., it was reported that a student pilot, who had wandered away from Smith Reynolds Airport in Winston-Salem when a haze covered the runways, had made an emergency landing on an unfinished highway near Salisbury the previous night. The student pilot had taken off in a four-place Piper Tri-Pacer the previous evening and planned to log some low-flying time within radio contact distance of the field. After practicing turns, he radioed to the tower that his view of the runway was obscured by haze, saying that he dropped to an altitude of 3,000 feet for better visibility when he lost radio contact with the tower. Two instructors boarded two separate light planes and took off in an unsuccessful attempt to locate him. The pilot said he contacted a passing Piedmont Airlines plane and that its captain had directed him by radio to the Salisbury area and an unfinished Highway 29 bypass. A captain of the North Kannapolis Police Department said that he had guarded the aircraft the previous night and that the pilot had circled over a wide area of Rowan County before finally setting the plane down on the 27-foot wide concrete strip. He quoted the pilot as saying that a light curing agent being used on the pavement had marked the landing path and that the concrete had been firm enough to accommodate the landing. One of the two instructors seeking to find the plane had also landed on the highway and both planes had used it to take off for the flight home.

In Raleigh, mounting protest to action which would remove foreign-born doctors from staffs of State hospitals had raised the possibility of a special legislative session to resolve the issue. Fresh criticism of the State Board of Medical Examiners had occurred the previous night, coming from Dr. Stuart Willis of Chapel Hill, medical director of the State sanatorium system, indicating that the decision of the Board to stop the licensing of foreign doctors "could conceivably lead to disastrous results" in treatment of tuberculosis patients. John W. Umstead of Chapel Hill, a member of the Legislature and chairman of the State Hospitals Board of Control, had attacked the Board and contended that the action could set back the work of mental hospitals, and so was calling for a special session of the Legislature to deal with it. He said that the Board had deliberately waited to announce their decision until after the 1957 session had adjourned on June 12, that they had acted on June 1 but did not provide notice to mental hospital officials until June 25.

In Atlanta, a Georgia Tech professor in the physics department had died early this date from wounds received in a mystery attack on him by two youths. Witnesses said that he had been assaulted on the street at about 1:30 a.m. the previous day and was found beaten and dazed on the sidewalk a few blocks from his apartment. Patrolmen said that two witnesses had informed them that they sought two youths who had chased the professor down the street, overtaken and beaten him. When observed, they had fled. A homicide sergeant said that after the man's death about 90 minutes later, a half dozen or more investigators were placed on the case to track down the attackers, and that if caught, they would be facing murder charges. He said that they knew virtually nothing about the attack, that as far as they could determine, it was not a robbery attempt and did not know what the motive was. They said that when the professor had been reached initially after the attack, he was semiconscious, and they had called a hospital ambulance but when it arrived, the professor had refused treatment and refused to go to the hospital for an examination. The officers had driven him to his apartment and later, after his condition had become critical, he had gone to a hospital. An associate at Georgia Tech said that his skull had been fractured and he had serious bruises on his body. He had taught at Tech for about three years. His murder was the fourth in Atlanta in 12 days. The professor, 32, was a native of Clover, S.C., where he had been valedictorian of his 1942 graduating class, subsequently earning his bachelor's degree at Duke University in 1948, where he was a member of Phi Beta Kappa, receiving his masters degree from Columbia University and his Ph.D. in physics at the University of Michigan. During World War II, he had been a combat veteran with the Army Air Force and received the Air Medal with an oak leaf cluster for meritorious action in combat as a B-17 waist gunner.

In Cincinnati, the blind father of seven had shot and killed an intruder in his West End apartment early this date, the man killed having been 23 years old. The man who shot him said that he was awakened in the wee hours of the morning when he heard a man move a fan while entering his room through a window, and that he had just fired five times at the sound. He said he had the gun under his pillow. He said that the same man had tried to break into his apartment several times previously.

In Long Beach, Calif., the former Miss United States, who had lost her crown because she had been untruthful with pageant officials about her marital status, having claimed that she was unmarried and 21, when in fact she was married and 18, had flown back to Maryland this date with the prospect of cashing in on the sensation she had caused in the contest. She had received a contract offer for $200 per week for an engagement at the Tropicana Hotel in Las Vegas, and she said that she planned to accept it. A spokesman for American International Pictures said that they were offering her a feature role in a film called "Motorcycle Gang", to start shooting in Hollywood on August 12. Entertainer Spike Jones had sent an offer for her to appear on his television show, and she had been deluged in her hotel room the previous day by offers from television shows and nightclubs. (Eventually, though it would take her five years of trying, she would hit the big time.) She had won the contest over 43 other contestants, but had been disqualified, as only unmarried females were permitted in the contest, and was not present the previous night at the close of the ten-day pageant. The judges had selected Miss Peru, Gladys Zender, an 18-year old of Lima, as Miss Universe, the first Latin American to win the title, occurring just as the toppled Miss United States was boarding a plane at Los Angeles International Airport for home. Miss Brazil had come in second in the contest and Miss England had come in third.

In Oslo, Norway, a heat wave had hit the northern part of the country, with temperatures reaching 100 in the Lapland city of Karasjok, above the Arctic Circle.

On the editorial page, "The Incongruous Role of Foster Dulles" finds that when Secretary of State Dulles had offered to let a few American journalists into Communist China for a "trial" period, he had become a national censor, and that the role seemed to fit him, as it made him no more of a censor than he had been since he first threatened legal action against any reporter who defied his ban against going to Communist China.

It finds that his offer of a "trial" period depicted his role more clearly, as he would likely be the judge of that trial, a role which also fitted him. If he did not like that of which reporters informed the American people regarding China, he would order them home. It was tantamount to proposing a city council which would permit reporters to attend its sessions provided the reporters would submit their stories to the members of the council for approval or disapproval. It finds that it made a mockery of freedom of the press, intended to make the press an arm of the Dulles foreign policy, his aim all along.

It suggests that the public should expect to obtain less of the truth about China from reporters who served at the pleasure of Secretary Dulles than from reporters without limitations on what they would write.

Among the Secretary's excuses for limiting visits to China was that the Chinese might imprison reporters, which it finds that they would do if they thought it would serve their purpose. But reporters would be willing to take their own chances of being jailed and the evidence suggested that they would be allowed a surprising amount of freedom. A Canadian reporter for the Toronto Globe & Mail, William Kinmond, had said that the Chinese had treated him with "astonishing solicitude … like an infant in transit." None of his writing had been censored and he had brought home to Canadians the kind of insights which Secretary Dulles would never be able to provide Americans with his own "verbose pronouncements". Mr. Kinmond had asked one Chinese official if the Government's campaign to change the political attitudes of Chinese citizens boiled down to brainwashing, and the official had replied that it did, that they needed to wash their faces every day and so wondered why they should not wash their brains also, "to adjust to changes in the world." Another official had told him, when he was asked to identify a group of Chinese working under an armed guard, that they were slave laborers.

"It is one of the greater incongruities of these addled times that a U.S. Secretary of State in the home of the free is in the position of seeming to care less about freedom of information than the Communist overlords of China."

"The Military Coin Also Has Two Sides" indicates that one bit of outrage criticizing Governor Luther Hodges for his appointment of Capus Waynick as Adjutant General of the National Guard, had come from Col. David Hardee of Raleigh, who said that "the public safety and the liberty of our people should not be made a cat's paw to serve political ends." The piece indicates that it should not be and that it was up to the Governor and Mr. Waynick to prove in practice that the fear was unfounded.

It finds that the precedent set by the Governor was not very radical. There had been a fear after World War II that military men would arrogate to themselves too many civil functions. There had been an uproar, for instance, when General George Marshall had been appointed by President Truman to be Secretary of State in 1947. General Eisenhower had become president of Columbia University in 1948, and later, of course, President. Admiral Lewis Strauss was head of the Atomic Energy Commission. There were indications that General Alfred Gruenther might replace civilian Charles E. Wilson as Secretary of Defense. But despite those military men entering civilian service, they generally had performed ably in their positions.

It thus concludes that liberty and public safety in the state would likely survive appointment of a civilian to a military post.

A piece from the New York Times, titled "Progress of a Mecklenburger", indicates that when Charles Rhyne was chosen as the next president of the 80,000-member ABA, he had received a note from Vice-President Nixon which said: "If they don't stop electing these 44-year-olds to positions of responsibility, I don't know what will happen to the country."

Mr. Nixon had been writing to congratulate a former Duke University classmate on the honor accorded him, as Mr. Nixon had also just passed his 44th birthday in January.

There had been 80 presidents of the ABA since its founding in 1878, and Mr. Rhyne was the youngest to hold the office, one of the most prestigious jobs in the legal profession. Mr. Rhyne had built up a solid practice in Washington since being admitted to the bar in 1937 and had been active in ABA affairs for 20 years. One of the reasons for his success in law and in the ABA was that he always knew what he wanted to do and how to get it done. He had come from a farm near Charlotte and had worked his way through college. His wife said that they had never had an argument in 25 years of marriage.

Most of the money he had earned while at Duke had come from working for contractors, repairing tobacco barns. On one job, his right hand was pierced by a large splinter and physicians considered amputation, but after months of treatment, his arm was saved.

Between his freshman and sophomore years, he had been working for a contractor in Denver, where he met his future wife, and they married at the beginning of his sophomore year in 1932.

By the time he had finished his first year of law school at Duke, times had gotten bad in the Depression and he took a job in Washington with the Agricultural Adjustment Administration, then enrolling in George Washington University School of Law, from which he had obtained his bachelor of laws degree in 1937. The Government job had paid the bills through his second year in law school, at which point he had gone to work for a Washington law firm at $50 per month. As soon as he finished law school, he began his own practice and had headed his own firm since. He specialized in municipal and aeronautical law and was the author of seven books in those fields. He was general counsel for the National Institute of Municipal Law Officers and a member of the editorial advisory board of the Journal of Air Law and Commerce.

He had never smoked despite a principal crop of the farm where he grew up having been tobacco, and likewise he had never tasted strong drink. His mother had wanted him to become a Presbyterian minister.

Because he resided in Washington, without the vote, he had never voted in an election. In a recent election, however, he had registered as a Republican so that he could work for a friend who wanted to be a delegate to the Republican national convention. The friend had lost, but Mr. Rhyne was a member of the inaugural committee for the President's second inauguration in 1957.

The couple had a country house and 40 acres situated on a mountaintop in the Blue Ridge near Bluemont, Va., and had two children.

Drew Pearson tells of diplomatic circles buzzing about a move contemplated by Ambassador de Moya and dictator Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic, negotiating with two top lawyers, Morris Ernst of the ACLU and retired N. Y. Supreme Court Justice William Munson, and a public relations expert, Sydney Baron, to have them make a tough, thorough investigation of the alleged murder of Professor Jesus Galindez, who had disappeared while teaching at Columbia University in New York and was reported to have been kidnaped and murdered. The proposal was that the two lawyers would report whether or not the disappearance was the result of actions by Sr. Trujillo, having a free hand to hire detectives, investigators and anyone else necessary to perform a thorough probe of the matter. Because of the inscrutable reputations of the three men selected, diplomats were astounded that the Dominican Government would risk the reputation of the most publicized dictator in the Western Hemisphere with such men of integrity.

Senator John McClellan of Arkansas, chairman of the Senate Select Committee investigating misconduct in unions and management, had been subpoenaing prostitutes from all over the country to testify against labor leaders. He might delve into the Teamsters to show how difficult it was for the union members to have any power.

Recently, a member of Teamsters Local 81 in Portland, Ore., had telegraphed the secretary-treasurer of the Teamsters, John English, a leader against president Dave Beck, seeking a hearing before the executive board of the Teamsters to show why the officers of Local 81 should not be removed and a new election held. Mr. Pearson indicates that the fact was that Portland Local 81 had never been allowed to elect its own officers since it had been formed two years earlier, but rather was headed by a "trusteeship" appointed by Mr. Beck. The trustee was Clyde Crosby, who appointed all of the local's officers. The local paid each officer $8,800 and under the present rules, the Beck-sponsored officers would represent the local at the Teamsters international convention later in the current summer. He indicates that it was why the member of the local had wired Mr. English. But under union rules, the petition had to be referred to Mr. Beck, and in consequence, Mr. English had written on June 28 that the letter had been so referred. Two days later, the member of the local had wired Mr. Beck but had received no response, and on July 5, he sent Mr. Beck a second wire, also without reply. The election of Teamster convention delegates was set for July 21, and it appeared, as of the date of the column, that Local 81 would fail to get the right to elect its own delegates, and instead would be represented by Mr. Beck's stooges.

Both the President and the Vice-President had urged Senator William Knowland to reconsider his decision to quit the Senate, indicating that he was needed in Washington and should not run for governor of California, thereby precipitating a bitter fight with popular Governor Goodwin Knight. Senator Knowland had politely told them that he had made up his mind.

General John Medaris, "stuffed-shirt" commander of the Army Ballistics Missile Base at Huntsville, Ala., had been receiving the silent treatment from many of his officers, fed up with him giving the cold shoulder to Col. John Nickerson on the witness stand during the latter's court-martial.

Frederick C. Othman tells of having been, as a cub reporter in Chicago, sent out to Zion City, Ill., to cover the Rev. Wilbur Glenn Voliva, whose chief claim was that the world was flat, with a subordinate claim being that eating oysters was sinful. To support his enterprise, he baked and sold fig bars. After his death, his church sold the fig bar bakery to the Phillipsborn family of Chicago, who renamed it Zion Industries, Inc., and began turning out a wide variety of baked goods, including the fig bars. The head of the company then turned it over to NYU and took, instead of cash, an annual salary of $70,000 per year and his son, $30,000 to manage the company.

Now, the Senate Rackets Committee, chaired by Senator McClellan, was investigating the Bakers Union and its president, James Cross. Testimony had shown that the Union had received a loan from the elder Phillipsborn for $97,600, after which Mr. Cross agreed to a Union contract which paid the Zion workers lower wages than the competition.

The testimony by the Committee investigators had made Mr. Cross bitter, causing him to get "so angry a couple of times before the Senators that he sounded as if his mouth was full of fig bar." He said that he had paid back all of the borrowed money and that the loan did not influence the labor contract. He said that the Senators did not know the difference between a cookie and a cake, that cookie bakers of Zion typically earned less than cake bakers, insisting that the 200 employees of Zion earned more than most cookie bakers.

Mr. Cross also denied having kicked a woman in a hotel room in San Francisco in 1956, as alleged by the woman, insisting that he was in the shower at the time. Senator McClellan asked the Justice Department to investigate the matter to see if there was perjury. The Senators denounced Mr. Cross for the way they said he had been running the Union.

He concludes that no one had mentioned the world being flat or the Rev. Voliva or passed around a plate of fig bars. "Struck me as kind of a shame."

A letter writer responds to a letter from Harry Golden, whom the writer regards as having attacked Muslims. "The peculiar journalistic vineyard which Mr. Golden has cultivated with an industry matched only by its futility would discover a profound sympathy between the tenets of fundamentalist Christianity and Jewish aspirations. So it is hardly surprising to find him buttressing his arguments with the Scripture. Mr. Golden has indeed waxed so eloquent on occasion on the marvelous qualities of Protestant fundamentalism that one might on first impulse credit him with being a veritable prodigy of catholicity. But surely one of the first tenants of Protestant fundamentalism, which need not be supported by scripture, is sticking to the facts—Mr. Golden's subscription to this preeminent virtue is, to say the least, debatable." He finds that his first contention, based on the restoration of the Jews to their homeland, had been "wild fancy", which had been demolished by the anonymous young Egyptian whom News editor Cecil Prince had interviewed for a piece the prior Monday. This writer says that the ethnic origins of the present world Jewish community were lost in the mists of history, but that there was abundant evidence to make it untenable to say that they were direct descendants of the unfortunate victims of Roman wrath, evidence adduced by Jews who did not subscribe to Zionist causes. He goes on seeking to dismantle the contentions made by Mr. Golden, concluding that Israel was "not born of pious hopes from the elements of human justices", that the symbol of its birth was the picture of three British boys, hanging in an orange grove ten years earlier, "in mute testimony to the quality of Zionist heroism", and that its inspiration had not come from the spirit of Protestant fundamentalist Christianity but rather from the advertisement of Ben Hecht ten years earlier in the New York Herald-Tribune "asking for murder".

A letter writer from Myrtle Beach, S.C., comments on a recent column by Doris Fleeson in which she had reviewed the decision by the Supreme Court to allow the Government discretion under the treaty with Japan to turn over William Girard to Japanese civilian officials for trial for manslaughter in the killing of a Japanese woman who had been scavenging metal on a U.S. Army firing range, to which Mr. Girard had been assigned as a guard by his commanding officer. The court had denied the claim, under a habeas corpus petition, that Mr. Girard should be tried only in American courts under due process and the Sixth Amendment, the Court finding that there was no constitutional issue imported by the case because it was the exclusive province of the executive and legislative departments of the Government, not the courts, and that the treaty allowed for the trial by the Japanese courts. This writer finds that the treaty should not have been entered, but that it was nothing new for President Eisenhower, as there had been many occasions during World War II in which he had agreed to go along with things which he knew were absolutely wrong. He cites the 1942 Dieppe raid as a mistake, a raid preliminary to the Normandy invasion of 1944, and of which the Germans had been warned and were laying in wait for the British and Canadians. Yet, General Eisenhower and his men had not insisted on punishment of the British staff officers who had gotten drunk and let the story slip. He says that General Eisenhower had allowed the invasion of Normandy to be delayed for two days because of improper planning while they got more boats together. Yet, the delay, he finds, had cost the Allies the battle. (Actually, the delay was because of weather conditions.) He had appointed Governor Earl Warren to be Chief Justice of the Supreme Court "when he knew the man had neither judicial experience nor great legal training." (Actually, he had been the Alameda County District Attorney in Oakland for 14 years, and had been the Attorney General of California for four years, prior to becoming Governor in 1943.) Secretary of State Dulles had been allowed to carry out "weird ideas almost on the basis of pure opinion, not established information," the "Egyptian mess" being one result. He thinks it high time that the American people realized that the executive department and the Supreme Court were rapidly taking away the government by laws established by the Congress and the several states and substituting for them "what's good for the GOP to stay in power." He thinks that the foreign agreements were being carried forth illegally and that it was time to realize that the President had surrounded himself with a staff "like a general officer and they are insulating him from the facts of life, and the will to meet and know the people doesn't in fact exist at all." He finds that the Administration claimed that it had gotten the country out of the Korean War, and yet no peace had been signed, only an armistice, and Americans remained in Communist hands. "This Girard case will result, mark my words, in the leaving of the armed forces of many men who could otherwise stay there, for they are afraid of the lack of policy and attention to their rights."

A letter writer from Pittsboro predicts that there would be a tug-of-war between Governor Hodges and Senator Kerr Scott in 1960, assuming both survived until then—Senator Scott to die in 1958. He finds the technique used by the Governor to be the same as that used by the Republicans during the Presidency of John Adams or those used by the late President Roosevelt on the Republicans during his third campaign in 1940 for the Presidency, that of absorption. He had appointed Frank Knox, the Republican vice-presidential candidate of 1936, to be Secretary of the Navy, and Henry Stimson, Secretary of War under Presidents Coolidge and Hoover, to be Secretary of War again. He had sought to get Alf Landon, his opponent in 1936, on board, but Governor Landon had not been willing to be absorbed. (He does not mention that his 1944 opponent, Wendell Willkie, had been induced to take a round-the-world tour after the 1944 election as an emissary to the President to report back on matters.) The writer says that Governor Hodges had appointed Mr. Waynick, the campaign manager for Senator Scott when the latter had previously run for and been elected Governor, and had kicked out the predecessor as Adjutant General, John Manning. He says that he regrets having to repeat portions of Senator Scott's speech on the floor in his opposition to adoption of the 1957 civil rights bill, wherein he had pleaded for the protection of black voting in return for the fight he had made for blacks in both his gubernatorial and senatorial campaigns, when he had supported both the AFL and the CIO as well as the NAACP. The writer says he had done his best to get the late William B. Umstead to tell those facts to the people of the state who had been supporting J. Melville Broughton for the Senate, and Mr. Umstead had replied that it would ruin the Democratic Party to make such revelations, to which he had responded that if he thought more of the party than the interests of the state, he should be defeated. He says that Governor Broughton could not be made to do more than to tell "good old Baptist jokes…"

To straighten out the time lines to which he makes reference, Kerr Scott ran for governor and won in 1948, the same year that former Governor Broughton had won his Senate seat, defeating in the primary interim Senator Umstead. Governor Scott had been elected to the Senate in 1954. Senator Broughton died two months after taking office in 1949, and Frank Graham, president of UNC, was appointed as his successor. Governor Umstead, elected in 1952, would die in office in November, 1954, and then-Lt. Governor Hodges succeeded him.

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