The Charlotte News
Tuesday, June 9, 1959
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Geneva that the Western foreign ministers were deeply concerned this date over the possibility that their conference with the Russians might collapse in failure soon without agreement either on Berlin problems or a summit conference for later in the summer. Secretary of State Christian Herter and French Foreign Minister Maurice Couve de Murville rated the danger of a breakdown greater than did Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd of Britain, according to highly placed authorities. All three still hoped that Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko would obtain instructions from Moscow within a few days to enable him to make last-minute concessions. But Mr. Herter particularly was now much less hopeful in that regard following statements made by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev in an interview published in Hungary during the previous weekend. The President said the previous week that he would not go to a summit meeting under threat of a Soviet squeeze on West Berlin. The conflicting positions taken by the President and the Soviet Premier had left the range of maneuver for the foreign ministers very narrow. In the previous few days, Mr. Gromyko was reported to have talked at length about the number of Western troops in Berlin and about alleged Western subversive activities there. But the Western ministers were reported to be confused about what Mr. Gromyko would consider an acceptable number of troops in West Berlin. Britain, France and the U.S. now had about 10,000 men there. Western governments felt that they could be cut because their chief value was to symbolize Western military protection for the city. Top American officials were convinced that there would be serious trouble if the Russians turned over control of the West Berlin access routes to the East Germans and the latter then sought to stop Western traffic.
In Budapest, it was reported that Premier Khrushchev had made an excursion up the Danube this date aboard a side-wheeler riverboat bearing as its name the Hungarian word for "freedom".
The Supreme Court's newest decisions on state sedition laws and Congressional investigations had drawn praise this date from some past critics in Congress. Senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina said that he was pleased by what he called "the apparent change in the attitude of the Court. I hope this trend continues and they return to respecting again the rights of the Constitution, states and society." Representative Francis Walter of Pennsylvania, chairman of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, complimented it and said that he had believed all along that previous decisions of the Court had been misconstrued. In two 5 to 4 decisions the previous day, the Court had said that state sedition laws might be invoked to protect the state and that Congressional committees had a right to question educators as well as others about alleged Communist activity. Whether those decisions actually represented any change in the Court's attitude was a question for lawyers to debate. Justice Tom Clark, who had delivered the majority opinion in the case regarding state sedition laws, had gone to some pains to say that the Court had not stripped the states of the right to protect themselves when it reversed in 1956 the conviction of Steve Nelson, a Communist leader, under Pennsylvania sedition laws. There had been a widespread view after that decision that the Court had pulled the teeth from state sedition laws. Justice Clark was saying, in effect, that it had been a misunderstanding.
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit this date upheld the right of the State Department to deny passports to Americans to travel to Communist China and other areas which it regarded as potential trouble spots. The ruling had been handed down in the case of a reporter, William Worthy, Jr., who had visited Communist China in 1956 and Hungary in 1957, and had been denied renewal of his passport when he refused to agree to abide by restrictions against traveling to those countries again. He had brought suit to regain his passport. The Court's unanimous decision, written by Chief Judge E. Barrett Prettyman, said that the Secretary of State had the authority to set aside Communist-controlled areas to which Americans were forbidden to travel. The decision said that Mr. Worthy's case did not resemble the cases in which the Supreme Court had said the State Department could not deny passport applications. The ruling said that in those latter cases, the Supreme Court had ruled that the State Department could not refuse passports because of the beliefs and associations of the applicants, whereas in the case of Mr. Worthy, no beliefs, associations or personal characteristics were involved. Retired Supreme Court Justice Harold Burton, sitting on the appellate bench as an extra judge, and Judge William K. Miller of the regular appellate bench, concurred in the findings of Judge Prettyman. The opinion said that the designation of certain areas of the world as forbidden to American travelers fell within the power of the President to conduct foreign affairs. It said that if the Executive foresaw that the presence of American citizens in a designated foreign area might, by reason of military or political conditions, evolve into or be the occasion of a clash, diplomatic or military, with a foreign government, the Executive's power in respect of foreign affairs included power to refuse to sanction the travel of American citizens in that area.
In New York, it was reported that the pilot of the jet airplane which had taken a near-fatal 30,000-foot dive toward the Atlantic the previous February had been fined $1,000 by the Federal Aviation Agency for being out of the cockpit at the time. Pan American Airways, the owner of the plane, was also fined $1,000 for failing to keep a flight-recording device in operation on the new 707 Boeing jet. The copilot, who was at the controls when the plane suddenly dived from 35,000 feet, was notified of the Government plans to suspend his captain's rating for six months, apparently for his failure to stop the dive immediately. The jet, carrying 114 passengers, had been flying from London to Gander, Newfoundland, on February 3, when it suddenly nosed down. The pilot was in the passenger compartment. Because of the tremendous speed and angle of dive, he had to fight his way back to the cockpit. He and the copilot had managed to level the plane, albeit with difficulty, over the course of about a mile in distance but only a few seconds before almost certain death would have occurred from a crash in the ocean.
In Raleigh, State Senators had drawn a tight defensive ring around the State's recent minimum wage law this date and killed an attempt to amend it. With only one dissenting vote, members of the Senate Manufacturing, Labor and Commerce Committee had defeated a bill which would have exempted laundry workers until 1963. The minimum wage law, enacted several weeks earlier, would go into effect the following January 1. It would require the workers covered by the Act to receive at least 75 cents per hour. The bill had been introduced on Monday night and explained this date by State Senator Frank Cooke of Gaston County. He said that under his amendment, laundries would have 3 1/2 years to see if they could stay in business as they were a distressed industry. He had voted for the bill setting the minimum wage, effective for about 55,000 workers. Senator Claude Currie of Durham said that if that exception were adopted, hotels and others would want the same treatment and they would wind up with no bill at all.
In Henderson, N.C., it was reported that Air National Guardsmen from Charlotte had served their first full day of strike duty on Monday and had encountered no violence. The shift change at the Harriet-Henderson Cotton Mills had occurred without incident during the morning. The Guardsmen stood watch at the gates during three shift changes and returned to the gates for the morning shift this date. Eight pickets, the maximum number allowed under a court order, patrolled the mills the previous day, but the strike scene had been orderly. Guardsmen confined to the National Guard Armory in Henderson the previous day, watched a caravan of about 20 automobiles circle the Armory. The occupants of the cars waved American flags and blew car horns to celebrate the release of Luther Jackson from jail after serving five days on charges stemming from strike violence in Henderson. Meanwhile, the Vance County Commission had agreed to reconsider their refusal to provide money for extra officers to relieve the Guardsmen on strike duty. Governor Luther Hodges had asked both the City and County two weeks earlier to appropriate funds to hire additional officers to relieve at least part of the Guard. The City said that it felt the matter ought be left to the County Commission, as the mills were located outside the city limits. But the County refused to consider the Governor's request. The previous day, however, the chairman of the County Commission notified the Governor that the Commission would meet in special session on Wednesday to consider his request. The Air Guardsmen had arrived in Henderson on Sunday to set up temporary headquarters at the Armory, having no duty on Sunday as the mills were closed for the weekend.
Jerry Reece of The News reports that the County could not be sure that County-owned cars were not being driven on casual personal errands, but no one could get by with taking a long trip in one. That summed up the system which the County Government had for controlling personal use of County cars by County employees. The superintendent of the County garage said this date that he did not think County employees were using County cars for personal use, that otherwise, he would have known about it. A private citizen had told the County Commission the previous day that he had seen several County cars on the roads at night and on weekends when County employees normally were off duty. The Commission expressed interest in the matter but explained that many County employees were on duty at odd hours. The superintendent of the garage confirmed that for the newspaper this date. He said that Mecklenburg owned and operated 114 vehicles, not counting County police cars. Of that number, 30 cars were authorized for 24-hour duty and were taken home by County employees at night instead of being left at the garage. Those 30 cars were used by employees who had to do part or all of their work before or after County hours. But the superintendent of the garage did not think that any of those cars were being used for anything except County business. He said that when the cars came in for maintenance, they checked the mileage on them and if they saw that the mileage was out of line, they would find out why. The garage did not own the cars but merely serviced them. Maintenance costs were charged to the various departments. The garage was operating on a current budget of $24,104 and the County would spend an additional $50,000 on vehicles and vehicle maintenance during the ensuing fiscal year. The garage superintendent said that County vehicles traveled about 110,000 miles per month and averaged about 16 miles per gallon of gas. He had headed the garage since it had come into existence 22 years earlier and said that during that time, the garage had issued over 110,000 monthly maintenance tickets. Most of the 30 cars which were authorized for 24-hour duty were charged to certain individuals but some of them had two or more drivers. The departments and persons which had the cars are listed.
Julian Scheer of The News reports on the new City Manager, William Veeder, having been described by a Florida friend as "a real professional, strictly a pro." A man in Fort Lauderdale, where Mr. Veeder had been the City Manager, said that they had disagreed but that he was a pro and could get the job done. He would meet with the City Council the following day and tell them that he was ready to accept the position. He had promised to remain in Fort Lauderdale until mid-July to help in preparation of the upcoming budget. He would most likely be offered a salary increase there to stay, but it was apparently definite that he would be coming to Charlotte.
In Charlotte, it was reported that a woman had died mysteriously early this date and her husband was in critical condition at Memorial Hospital early during the afternoon. Police said that the cause of the woman's death was not immediately known, but that they believed that she had died from some type of poisoning. A physician had told two detectives that the woman's husband was in critical condition at the hospital, indicating that it looked like he was suffering from some type of poisoning. The coroner was to perform an autopsy on the woman's body sometime during the afternoon. The couple had lived in an old two-story rooming house operated by 73-year old man. Health officers had gone to the rooming house during the morning and taken samples of the food in the kitchen to run tests on it. One of the health officers said that a roach poison tablet had been found on the kitchen table. One of the detectives said that the man's body was covered with blue marks that appeared to be bruises. Doctors told police that such bruising sometimes occurred with poisoning. A man who roomed in the house said that he had heard the woman scream out during the early morning hours and he had gone to see what was wrong, and she had told him that she was sick and could not catch her breath. She and her husband, he said, "got it bad". He said they were both his good friends. The ambulance driver who transported the woman to the hospital told police that he had smelled a strong odor of alcohol in the bedroom of the home when he answered the call. The man had become ill about four hours after his wife, according to police. About six people lived in the house and none of them was employed. All of the residents had access to the kitchen. Police found a glass of wine in the kitchen and there were very few groceries in the house. A jar of honey was found in the kitchen cabinet and one of the residents said that he made cough syrup from it by mixing it with paregoric. He said that the man who was ill had drunk nearly a quart of milk and had eaten a pack of peanut butter crackers during the morning, the only things that he knew he had consumed. The couple had been living at the house for about three weeks.
In Warwick, R.I., it was reported that fortune teller Madam Tina had told police that one thing she did not foresee was someone stealing her crystal ball from Rocky Point Amusement Park on Wednesday night.
Speaking of fortune tellers
On the editorial page, "Charlotte Gets a New Storm-Maker" indicates that the new Charlotte City Manager, William Veeder, rode in from Fort Lauderdale on a storm cloud. The City Council's unanimous decision the previous day to hire him made it clear that it approved of his storms.
As City Manager of Fort Lauderdale, Mr. Veeder appeared to have suffered the strains of a trained professional whose progress-mindedness had been thwarted by local politics. For advocating a 5 percent pay raise for city employees painfully close to election time for city commissioners, he had been placed on a 90-day probation. In the fracas, the City Attorney had resigned and Mr. Veeder had told the commissioners that they could have his resignation "any time". They now had it.
Mr. Veeder appeared to be no timid man. He was a professional administrator, trained in politics, educated in the art and craft of government. His energy for good municipal government was apt to be lightning-like. It was of a kind which flourished only where elected public officials responded to professionalism and gave it leeway to do its work. In Charlotte's City Hall, it suggests, he would find the atmosphere he needed for progressive storm-making of all kinds.
"Jesse (R.) James Comes Galloping In" finds that the vigorous advocacy for both the outgoing Chief of Police, Ernest Selvey, and Jesse R. James, selected as the new Chief, had been good to hear. In his years of service, and as acting chief, Mr. Selvey had made a creditable record as an officer and had many friends and partisans, as had been evident at the City Council meeting the previous day. It was understandable that his supporters wished to be heard.
Yet, after due weighing of the case for each side, the majority decision of the Council had given Charlotte Mr. James from Burlington, a trained chief who would serve law and order well.
It indicates that Charlotte could use as much disagreement as the City Council could muster in good spirit, and factionalism could be discarded with no loss to good government.
"An Earthquake Challenges in Raleigh" indicates that on Friday in the State House, school forces and legislators, piqued for various reasons against the gubernatorial administration of Luther Hodges, had narrowly amended the 1959-61 budget bill on second reading to include ten million dollars for teacher salary increases. But now, the budgeteers of the Governor would be lying in wait for the rude threat to what State Senator Joe Eagles, liaison man from the executive mansion, called "a good sound budget".
The school system would not collapse under the status quo, but the state lost teachers every year as the brighter college graduates moved northward and westward. One disgusted native who had been teaching in Guilford County had given his story to the newspapers recently, indicating that he could teach in North Carolina for ten years without passing the $4,000 salary mark, but since he had a wife and child to support, planned to move in the current year or the next to a state where he could both teach and live, which he said he could not do in North Carolina. "They don't have enough respect for a man who teaches to give him enough to provide groceries for the family."
There had been many educational proposals in recent months, including "merit" pay, revision of teacher certification, vague talk of a budget surplus from which there would be handouts, and even a proposal to help the spendthrift pedagogues control their budgets by giving them an option of a 12-month check schedule. But under the circumstances, they could only be called red herrings.
The state now lagged about $1,000 behind the national average in teacher salaries, even $600 per year behind Virginia. Numbers of potential teachers, trained in North Carolina colleges, were joining the flight from the state with the disgusted young man at Guilford High School.
The division of lines on the budget bill at present was not all it should be for the vital showdown. Legislators, such as Representative Watts Hill, Jr., who had talked much of education in previous weeks, opposed the amendment. The debate was muddled by the ticklish question of whether Governor Hodges could scrape through for another two years without seeking new tax sources. Yet the drama in the dying days of the General Assembly session would surely show how much of the talk about more and better education was genuine and how much was merely "flapdoodle". "Don't be impatient" seemed to be the motto of the administration, but it might be that 1959 was a good time for impatience. The state could ill afford to utter a "mañana" and lie down for a two-year siesta until the 1961 session. There were increasing numbers of teachers, such as the man from Guilford, who would be waiting to see whether they could stay or whether it would be wise to pack their suitcases and get out.
"In a Deck Chair at June's Jungle Edge" tells of trying comfortably to read in the rich June sun outside. But it proved to be too perfect a day for reading.
"Then around the corner a tiny figure bolted in a cowboy suit. He screeched delightedly, he fired his pistol, and everywhere the rabbits and birds streaked into the thicket. There was a crashing, the horse laugh of the thrush once more, and suddenly the jungle had vanished. Suburbia was back."
A piece from the Manchester Guardian, titled "Brothermanship", indicates that when President Sukarno of Indonesia had visited Ankara recently, the joint communiqué referred to "Turkey's brother nation Indonesia". They were both Moslem countries, but otherwise their close kinship would not have occurred to most people. From the Communist world, people were constantly hearing about the warmth of feeling between such traditional friends as, for instance, North Korea and Hungary. But it was the visit to London of the Shah of Iran which had evoked the most perverse discoveries of unsuspected relationships. Thus the BBC had pointed out that the head of Mithras unearthed in the city, had demonstrated the influence of Persian culture among Britons 2,000 years earlier. It finds the prize for ingenuity had to go to the writer, however, of an article for top people: "Perhaps it is something to do with a shared subconscious group mind stemming back to the remote days of a common tribal life that makes us ask so easily, 'What is it like in Persia today?'"
It suggests that to confuse common linguistic origins with common racial origins was an enduring error which the undoing of its most notable exponents had not sufficed to kill. Even if Herr Doktor Goebbels had been right, it was at least 5,000 or 6,000 years earlier since the ancestral Aryan had been spoken. "Those who stuck to Fitzgerald were on safer ground. Persia, of course, is a rather severe test for speakers and journalists; other countries are easier to deal with without the aid of Jung."
It indicates that "Britain's oldest ally" was not an original phrase, but had always been serviceable and Sir David Eccles in Hanover could hardly fail to praise the Queen's German blood. It supposes that it became "politically expedient to cultivate, say, the Mongolian People's Republic. A common claim to love horses? A taste for mutton stew shared with the Welsh? Coleridge's interest in Kubla Khan? We writers would not be defeated. This suggests a new party game: in what way might Britain be the natural ally of Morocco, Guatemala, the United Arab Republic? Perhaps it would be topical to start with the German Democratic Republic."
Drew Pearson, in London, indicates that he had attended a great many international conferences as a newsman, but the Atlantic Congress had been the first he had attended as an official delegate and hoped it would not wreck it. If so, the only consolation would be that other international conferences had ended in pieces of paper called treaties which were then torn up shortly thereafter and that the current one would not end in a treaty because the 600 delegates from 14 NATO countries could not sign a treaty. But they could arrive at a better understanding which could not be torn up overnight.
One of the first conferences he had attended had resulted in the Kellogg Pact to outlaw war. On that August day in 1928, the sun had shone very brightly on the hall as the statesmen of the world gathered in Paris to put their signature on the solemn pact pledging their governments to outlaw war. It had been a day of hope, but only three years afterward, Japanese troops had gone into Manchuria in violation of the pact, and six years later, Mussolini's Black Shirts had marched across Ethiopia, and 11 years later, Hitler had invaded Poland.
At a later conference in London in 1930, he had watched Henry Stimson, then Secretary of State under President Hoover, struggle valiantly all winter to persuade the world's naval powers to limit cruisers to 10,000 tons, but had failed. His failure was the result of President Hoover having cut the ground under his proposal of a consultative pact, an agreement only to consult other nations in case war was threatened. There was no pledge to help, merely to consult. Yet leaders of the Republican Party and Mr. Hoover would not agree.
The previous day, he had walked by the St. James Palace where Secretary Stimson had negotiated so patiently for three months to bring about that naval agreement. Outwardly, nothing had changed. Her Majesty's guards, in scarlet jackets and bearskin headgear, still paced up and down, as in the chorus from "The Chocolate Soldier". But actually, everything had changed. The naval vessels which Mr. Stimson had sought to limit were now out of date, automatically limited by modern missiles. The consultative pact which President Hoover had blocked had been replaced by the hard and fast NATO alliance pledging not slow, deliberate consultation, but instantaneous mutual aid with U.S. armies stationed in Europe, on the alert to enforce that aid.
It had been only 29 years since President Hoover had refused to consult the nation's allies in case war was threatened, but in that short span of a little more than a single generation, American isolation had become out of date. It had only been a decade since President Truman had pledged instantaneous aid through NATO, but already it was partially out of date.
Marquis Childs indicates that the cynical answer to the question of what it took to be an ambassador was that it was a judicious compound of money and political influence. The U.S. presently had 51 career and 24 non-career or amateur ambassadors in 75 embassies around the world. The ratio of professionals to amateurs went up or down a little, depending on how many of the well-heeled and politically faithful were in line for ambassadorships.
When the present Administration had come to power with the prestige of President Eisenhower and his supposed respect for professionalism as a career man himself, there had been some hope that the old practice of passing out political ambassadorships would end. The President could have asked for enough money to run the big embassies and thereby removed the need to appoint a rich person to London, Paris and Rome. Congress might have gone along in the initial stages of the Administration. But the practice had continued, with such spectacular rows as that between former Ambassador to Italy and, briefly, Brazil, Clare Boothe Luce and Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon and his horse, getting into the news now and then. The real damage to the morale of the foreign service was from the fact that the professionals had to stand by and see most of the important and desirable posts going to the amateurs. There was damage also in the clinkers which the amateurs, and even the best of them, often managed to drop.
No one would make a hard and fast rule. The distinguished citizen who was not a professional diplomat frequently had a role to play as ambassador in a not highly important post such as London, Bonn or New Delhi. But it was when the plum went for no other reason than as a political reward that the damage went deep.
He finds mystifying in retrospect the Clare Boothe Luce nomination and that she would have wanted to be Ambassador to Brazil where inflation was raging like a forest fire and a political explosion could occur at any time. Even more mysterious was why the Administration should have offered it to her. Mrs. Luce was credited with having done a good job in Italy, but many Italians had resented her persistent advocacy of the right of American oil companies to develop oil fields in Italy. From a professional diplomat, acting under instructions from the Government, they might have accepted the same arguments without resentment.
The President had defended his appointment of Henry Taylor, businessman and news commentator, as Ambassador to Switzerland on the basis that Mr. Taylor was a good friend whom he admired. Despite his professional knowledge of foreign affairs, Ambassador Taylor had supplied a newspaper friend with sensational information on Switzerland as a center of international intrigue and had advertised the fact that he had been the source. Reacting violently, the Swiss came close to demanding his recall. He smoothed things over, according to leading Swiss, by succeeding in calling off an American investigation into certain Swiss banking practices.
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee had a dispute over the confirmation of Ogden Reid, Jr., former publisher of the New York Herald Tribune, to become Ambassador to Israel. The vote for confirmation had been 10 to 4, with the chairman, J. William Fulbright, insisting that no proof had been advanced of Mr. Reid's qualifications. Congress had a lot to answer for in that practice. Representative John Rooney of New York, chairman of the State Department Appropriations Committee, had enforced a ceiling on the entertainment allowance of ambassadors, meaning that only rich persons could afford the big posts. But since they deducted the extra cost on their income taxes, the Government actually paid the bill and so the economy argument was hypocritical. If, for example, the ambassador to London spent $100,000 per year of his own money, he took it off his income tax and because he was in the 80 to 90 percent tax bracket, he actually entertained with between 10 and 20 cents on the dollar.
He concludes by observing that why the richest nation in the world would play that kind of game had been a mystery to Europeans, but for all its absurdities, the game appeared to continue.
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, indicates that he had observed the feature space which Sidney Bechet had reaped when he died in Paris of cancer sometime earlier and he was betting that it was more space than Representative John Rooney of New York would collect at some distant day at his death.
He indicates that one had to be a real Jelly Roll Morton to dig old Sidney's soprano sax because he had been an expatriate for about 30 years on and off.
Representative Rooney, obviously unhip, was now questioning a few thousand dollars allocated to sending Jack Teagarden, who played the trombone, around Asia as a good will gesture to some of the "bamboo-fluting brown brethren." It had been supposed to cost $66,350, but as the demand extended for Mr. Teagarden and his combo to remain at popular request, it had gone up to $102,000. The tour stretched out to three months and covered 17 countries.
He mentions that Mr. Rooney had $12,500 per year in administrative assistant pay and suggests that there were excessive expenses devoted to the new Senate Office Building, as well as sneaky franking privileges, or "any of that other legislative jazz." He guarantees that American jazz had made more friends and fewer enemies than anybody or anything ever appointed to go out and spend money. He had seen Nat King Cole fill a 15,000-seat-capacity arena at a top ticket price of $10 three times per day and turn them away in Australia. Frank Sinatra had done the same thing, "and we ain't even at war with Sinatra."
"Ambassador Satch" Armstrong had been dug "the most" by the Russians, and Mr. Ruark says he had a boxer dog who lived in Spain with the name "Satch", with no one needing to ask his last name. The dog's mother was named Ella and lived in Madrid and nobody asked whether the last name was Fitzgerald. His sister was named Lena and no one asked whether the last name was Horne. He indicates that if there had been another dog in the litter name Rooney, he would guarantee somebody would ask whether it was Mickey, instead of John.
He says that American jazz was played all over the world, that one could hide in an embassy in South America or get pelted in the streets, but still would be able to hear Mr. Teagarden's sliphorn or Satchmo's trumpet or Wild Bill's trumpet or the easy piano grace of Joe Bushkin.
He says that he had a personal letter during the week from Bernard Baruch and had dined with Winston Churchill, and knew the President. But his biggest claim to fame was that Artie Shaw lived down the road from him and often dropped in for tea. "Man, I'm the most in Spain. Even though Artie don't licorice-stick no more."
He says he thinks they had better scratch Mr. Rooney as "a bad platter on the jazz bit and turn on somebody else" who really dug how much solid good the solid American jive had done for the country abroad. "And you got to admit I do travel."
A letter from J. R. Cherry, Jr., congratulates the newspaper on its support of the "spanking bill" sponsored by Mecklenburg Representative Hicks. "Again, a News editorial sounds a note of hope that someday, perhaps, your 'right eye' might consistently be better than your 'left eye.'" He says that not only did he and his wife support the bill in a literal sense, they would also support it in spirit at home with respect to their own seven-year old daughter. If the child received a spanking at school, in all probability she would receive another at home. "No, you howling, confused eggheads out there—this is not tantamount to 'double jeopardy'! Getting a spanking at school for being unbearably unruly is one thing. Getting a spanking at home BECAUSE it became necessary for the teacher to administer a spanking at school, is quite another thing. Our child, of course, will be briefed on the definition and difference between the two offenses." He adds that their child would likely never do anything to merit a spanking at school and that they were proud of their daughter. From the cradle, she had been inculcated with discipline, oftentimes spanking discipline. "And discipline, Mabel, is the golden treasure which, if given to all normal children, will not only serve to civilize them, but bring them the security, spiritedness, and happiness which they require for normal and admirable moral and intellectual development."
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