The Charlotte News
Thursday, June 18, 1959
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Geneva that the Big Four foreign ministers this date had postponed their talks for 24 hours at the request of Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, that postponement having been announced shortly before the foreign ministers had been scheduled to meet at Mr. Gromyko's villa. Mr. Gromyko had requested the delay during a private luncheon with British Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd, who had quickly obtained an agreement from Secretary of State Christian Herter and French Foreign Minister Maurice Couve de Murville. Postponement would allow Mr. Gromyko another day to consult with Moscow and study the new Western compromise formula for a stopgap settlement of the Berlin crisis. It was assumed that the Soviet Government still had not reached a definite decision on the "last chance" Western proposal. Moscow Radio had reported that Soviet and East German leaders had met at the Kremlin this date to discuss the Big Four problem in an atmosphere of "complete mutual understanding and friendship." Western diplomats had expected to hear during the current afternoon whether the Russians were willing at least to negotiate on the basis of the new plan. Mr. Gromyko had been critical of the plan the previous day, but had sought 24 hours to study it before providing a definite reply. Western spokesmen had made it clear that a rejection of the new formula by Mr. Gromyko would mean the end of the six-week foreign ministers conference. Some high Western officials had considered the delay only a tactical maneuver to provide the Kremlin the appearance of seriously considering the Western offer before declining it.
Navy jet fighters equipped with deadly accurate Sidewinder missiles would accompany future reconnaissance flights in Far Eastern international waters, according to Congressional sources this date. Members of the House Appropriations Defense subcommittee had disclosed the plans after a secret meeting with Naval officials. The meeting had been called as a result of an attack by Communist planes on a Naval patrol plane over the Sea of Japan on Monday. A subcommittee member said: "You can bet that the jets with their Sidewinders are in the air now in that area and will continue to be assigned to all reconnaissance flights. They had been available for some time but presumably were not being used because there had been no incidents in those waters for two years. Somebody apparently was lulled into carelessness." The informant said that the patrol plane was unable to fight back because most of its armament had been replaced by reconnaissance equipment, that even had it had its normal armament, it would have been of no use because the World War II-era equipment was not any good against modern jets and their firepower. Senators Styles Bridges of New Hampshire and Lyndon Johnson, the Majority Leader, had demanded that steps be taken to see to it that no American plane again would be defenseless. Senator Bridges, chairman of the Senate Republican policy committee, had said: "Our planes should be fully armed and have their guns ready to fire if they are attacked. We are going to investigate this situation and see what can be done about making certain that our men can fight back immediately if they are fired on." Both Senators were top members of the Senate Preparedness subcommittee. Senator Johnson said that the group which he headed would decide on the basis of a Navy Department report what course it would take in the inquiry. Navy airmen had said on Wednesday that a communications mishap and two useless gun mounts in their patrol plane had left them at the mercy of the Communist MIG jet fighters when their one operative gun in the tail assembly had been knocked out and the tailgunner had been wounded before he could fire a shot.
In Miami, Fla., it was reported that pouring rain had added to the misery of tornadoes which had struck the city this date as weary householders tried to patch up damage caused by the storm which had swept the city the previous night, injuring at least 100 persons. The Highway Patrol, which had provided the injury estimate, also calculated damage at over a million dollars. There had been no reported deaths. Meanwhile, the Weather Bureau said that the threat of a central Florida tornado had ended. A warning had been issued for a broad band starting just east of Tampa and running east to Cape Canaveral, the missile test center. Further up the East Coast tornado-like winds had swept across Jupiter Island, just north of Palm Beach, the island being a millionaires' resort which had been visited by the late Secretary of State Dulles shortly before his death. Property damage there had been minor as most of the homes had been boarded up for the summer. The Miami storm had been the first of its kind since the late 1940's when a hurricane-spawned tornado had destroyed property. The Red Cross reported that more than 1,000 families had been impacted by the storm and 100 homes had suffered major damage, with 500 others suffering less serious damage, at least three homes having completely been destroyed and nearly 100 business establishments severely damaged. Scores of bay front homes had been left in wreckage amid tangles of tree trunks, signs and overturned automobiles, as the storm had leap-frogged over a 12-mile path, with hundreds of persons driven from their homes. An 11-year old boy had been reported in critical condition with head injuries. Almost 60 persons, some seriously injured, had been treated by hospitals, police and Civil Defense units mustered on a disaster footing. The hardest hit was a four-block residential and business area around the 79th Street Causeway, where a police sergeant estimated that the loss would run at least a million dollars. But the storm had also hit a Biscayne Boulevard area 24 blocks south of 79th Street, toppling trees and power lines in Coconut Grove, 100 blocks south of the Causeway, missing downtown Miami in the process.
A news film reporter for television station WCKT had arrived only moments after the tornado had struck the northeast section of the city the previous night, with his station located a quarter-mile from the storm's main target, indicating, "It was pretty terrible to be the first one around there." He said they had been working on a late news show when they heard a police radio report of an overturned car on the 79th Street Causeway and when he got there, all the lights were out and that when he had flashed on the bright lights of his car, he saw people staggering in the streets, yelling for help. He started taking pictures, as one or two police cars were already on the scene and heard them calling for help over their radios. He had gone into an apartment building where there were moans and people entering in their nightgowns, not knowing what had happened about 2 to 2 1/2 minutes after the storm had hit. An eyewitness within the tornado had described it by saying that he heard "the tremendous roar… Sounded like an airplane falling. I looked out my window and saw a funnel-shaped cloud coming toward my house and realized it was a tornado. It was a terrifying experience." His house had escaped any real damage. Another man reported that he had heard the wind, recognized it for what it was and had rushed his family down to the first floor of their two-story home and made them lie on the floor. He said that he had heard a tornado before once in Georgia and knew what it was, that it sounded like "the roar of ten airplanes right over the house", lasting four or five minutes. At first he had thought the house would leave the ground, but realized that they had probably caught just the edge of the storm.
In Buenos Aires, Argentina, support had grown this date for dissident Army groups who already had forced the replacement of the country's Undersecretary of Defense by a fervid anti-Peronist. As President Arturo Frondizi's Government entered its third day of crisis, heavily armed units had manned all military establishments and fortified the war ministry in Buenos Aires with machine-gun posts.
In Wareham, Mass., the 24-year old desperado whose younger brother, 22, had been killed by police in a gun battle in Middleboro the previous day, had been turned over this date to police of Philadelphia, where his home was. He there would face a charge of murdering a Philadelphia police officer. He waived his rights before a judge in Massachusetts and pleaded guilty in a barely audible voice as the court read a series of complaints charging him with assault with intent to murder two Massachusetts police officers, armed robbery and assault with a dangerous weapon, kidnaping, larceny of an automobile and with being a fugitive from Pennsylvania. The two brothers had been sought since the June 5 slaying of a Philadelphia police officer, 27, and previously for a Massachusetts hold-up, having been captured after a 48-hour manhunt, the biggest in Massachusetts history. Their presence in southeastern Massachusetts had become known when a 49-year old man of Philadelphia whom they had held hostage for ten days, had escaped. After making his pleas, the defendant agreed to return to Philadelphia voluntarily and signed waivers of extradition. Before coming into court from a Middleboro State police barracks where he had been kept overnight, he was taken to a Middleboro funeral parlor where he identified the body of his brother, who had been mortally wounded by police in an exchange of gunfire at the edge of a Middleboro cranberry bog on Wednesday. The older brother had dropped his two guns and surrendered when 12 State troopers, all with guns blazing, had fired four bullets into his younger brother. Each of the brothers had fired on the police with guns in both hands, but none of the troopers had been wounded in the final standoff.
Bob Slough of The News reports that some Charlotte area men might draw duty with the special force assigned to police the strike at Henderson, but it could not be determined this date how many would go. The National Guard's Adjutant General Capus Waynick had told the newspaper by telephone during the morning that the men in the special task force to take over at Henderson on Sunday would come from many units of the Guard. Thus, no great number of men from a single unit would be assigned the duty at the struck Harriet-Henderson Cotton Mills. Presently the Guardsmen were at their summer training camp at Fort Bragg, and would report to Henderson directly from there on Sunday, relieving the Air National Guardsmen from the Charlotte area who had been on duty for the previous two weeks. Instead of a two-week tour of duty, the special force would remain at Henderson as long as needed. General Waynick had pointed out that the men in the task force had been selected because they could serve with less hardship, and that it was not regarded as voluntary service, but service by selected men least likely to suffer economic dislocation because of the delay. The number of men involved in the special force would be less than the number of National Guardsmen previously assigned to Henderson, expected to mean a reduction in the cost of keeping the Guardsmen on the scene of the strike.
John Kilgo of The News
reports that the death of a Charlotte woman who had died mysteriously
on June 9 may have been caused by starvation, according to the
coroner this date. The latter said that tests showed that the 32-year
old woman had not eaten for several days. He said that he was not
done running the tests, but starvation definitely had been a
contributing factor and that he had found nothing indicating foul
play. He said that the woman had some alcohol in her blood and may
have consumed about four ounces of whiskey, four bottles of beer or a
bottle of cheap wine
On the editorial page, "An Aroused and Disappointed Public Will Keep Court Reform Issue Alive" finds that judicial reform was anything but a dead issue in the state, that an aroused and profoundly chagrined public would keep it alive, that in time, common sense would prevail over ignorance, sloth, pride and prejudice, as it usually would, democracy's saving grace.
The defenders of the status quo had won in the 1959 General Assembly only a holding action and nothing more. Motivated by an almost ludicrous fear of change, they had whittled away at the proposals of State Senator J. Spencer Bell's study group until they had become nearly unrecognizable. Their parliamentary mischief had been complete when the package of court reform was placed on the same ballot with the plan to rob the state's populous counties of fair representation. The court reform package had offered a pattern for prompt and inexpensive justice for all citizens for the first time in nearly a century and there was convincing evidence that the Bell proposals were quite popular across the state.
It cautions that fundamental changes in basic institutions did not come easy, citing New Jersey, where judicial reform had been preceded by 11 years of public education, and in New York, even after 26 separate commissions had recommended court reform, the public remained asleep and the state's judiciary had slid from bad to worse. In no instance had there been a complete reorganization accomplished in one legislative session, with reformers having usually been stymied by reactionary brother barristers.
It finds that Senator Bell and his colleagues had already made miraculous progress, that despite the grumblings of Judge Frank Armstrong of Troy, one of the state's oldest Superior Court judges, there was much enthusiasm among the state's lawyers for reform. Furthermore, the ugly picture of chaos, injustice and inefficiency in the courts of the state had been exposed to the public's gaze for the first time since 1868. A deep and lasting impression had been made on North Carolinians who, by the time of the 1959 session, were seeking effective leaders to correct that shocking image. The completely justified public demand for reform eventually would have to be answered.
Senator Bell had described the unavoidable consequences in an address the previous June at the Bar Association's 60th annual meeting in Myrtle Beach, having stated that at worst, the courts of the state would continue "to rock along in the same way", neither the worst nor the best of an essentially inadequate lot. The same types of cases would continue to be manipulated by the same lawyers in the same courts, to delay the inevitable or wear out the litigant who had limited resources, or simply serve the convenience of the lazy or overworked lawyer. The same type of ignorant, poor, and helpless persons would continue to be victimized by the same type of ignorant, venal and powerful persons at the lowest levels of the system, while other judges and magistrates would continue to serve honestly, faithfully and efficiently. The same judges would adjourn the same courts at midweek and go fishing, while other judges would continue to hold sessions into the night to try to take care of their heavy caseload. Some judges would continue to be re-elected without opposition while others would be forced to conduct exhausting campaigns which took them away from their duties on the bench. The same qualified persons with influence in the community would continue to avoid jury duty and juries would continue to be sometimes just, sometimes unjust, and always uncertain.
It indicates that the state could not afford to rock along in that manner forever and that it would not. Senator Bell had given hope to all in the state who believed in prompt, equal and exact justice, and that hope could not be extinguished by politicians of little faith and less vision, as the people would see to it.
"Rep. Whitener Joins the Wrong School" indicates that Representative Basil Whitener of Gastonia during the week had taken up a bastion which Senator B. Everett Jordan had recently abandoned, the latter having scarcely arrived in Washington the previous year when he was heard to lambaste foreign aid in sweeping rhetoric, but as the year had worn on, his observations had led him to do an about-face.
Representative Whitener, who had succeeded him on Tuesday as the state's gift to the anti-foreign aid lobby, might believe as he had told the House that aid was "ill-advised" and "a give-away", but as any worthwhile institution, foreign aid merited the dignity of fairer debate, particularly during a time when it was being assailed heavily in the House during the week. The school of critics who wept over "give-aways" and who mourned loudly over "taxes" poured down "foreign rat holes" added little dignity to the matter. Flaws had marred foreign aid, but the principle that it ought exist within reason was now beyond question.
It regrets to see Mr. Whitener in the school of critics who implied that the country could cast to the winds that principle without imperiling its own future, and recommends that he cross the Capitol and ask Senator Jordan why he had abandoned the same school months earlier.
"Operation Candor" indicates that the previous week's debate on wheat legislation in the House had produced an exchange between Representative Page Belcher of Oklahoma and Representative Ross Bass of Tennessee.
Mr. Belcher had said: "Does the gentleman from Tennessee not think that he is representing a citizenship that is honorable and honest and fair-minded enough to want to be treated just like all the other farmers are treated?" Mr. Bass had responded: "They are just as honorable and honest, but they are just as greedy as your constituents and they want all they can get."
The piece concludes that it was as Shakespeare had said, "To thine own self be true."
"Arthur Goodman: The Word Is Courage" finds that despite grievous handicaps, Mr. Goodman had persevered, serving his community well and contributing much to the welfare and happiness of others, and would be remembered for many things, his legislative career, his kindly interest in the plight of crippled children, his early efforts to establish a Spastic Hospital in Charlotte, his humane society work, his active law practice, his leadership in Temple Israel and Temple Beth-El, having participated in all of those activities vigorously but not without great effort and more than a little pain.
The community would not soon forget him and his contributions. "His civic spirit, keen social conscience and deep concern for the condition of less fortunate members of society have left their marks. They will survive the years."
A piece from the Richmond Times-Dispatch, titled "FFV's among the Fauna", indicates that "the Duchess", a perky white hen, had been given the red carpet treatment at Jamestown in honor of the first chickens who had come to the shores 350 years earlier and it supposes that in light of that, the descendants of the First Families of horses, cows and pigs, dogs and cats, would have a right to pass resolutions of protest if they were not accorded similar accolades.
It finds that one problem was finding any of the true descendants from the First Families, as all had been eaten along with the chickens in that earlier time of starvation. George Percy, in command of the colony during that time, had written: "Having fed upon horses and other beastes as long as they lasted we were gladd to make shift with vermine as doggs Catts Ratts and myce."
"Hence authentic FFV's among the early barnyard fouls and animals, to say nothing of domestic pets, would be as hard to find as authentic descendants of the original settlers."
Getting back to "the Duchess", which had been wined and dined during the current week at Jamestown and allowed to sit in a gilded cage and watch 400 humans consume barbecued chicken, there seemed to be a certain amount of silence as to precisely what breed of foul the hen belonged. John Kinnier's well-written account had described it only as "a fancy white silkie show bird." From that description and the photograph the newspaper had published, showing it striding along, it gathers that at least one thing was certain: "She is not a Plymouth Rock!"
Drew Pearson indicates that recollection of Washington headlines a year earlier made him a little ashamed, as those headlines had carried the news of the gifts from Bernard Goldfine to then-White House chief of staff Sherman Adams, including a vicuna coat, an oriental rug and payment of hotel bills. He indicates that his column had something to do with digging out the initial facts in that conflict-of-interest case, and the reason he was ashamed was the contrasting treatment given by Republicans to Mr. Adams and to Admiral Lewis Strauss in his current fight to be confirmed as Secretary of Commerce.
What was at stake in the current situation was not anti-Semitism, but money and power. In contrasting the two situations, it was necessary to realize that a Jew, Mr Goldfine, had also been involved in the Sherman Adams case, but a Russian Jew who had recently come to the U.S., and when he was severely criticized, no one had yelled "anti-Semitism". When the House had voted to cite him for contempt, only eight Republicans had voted for him. In contrast, Admiral Strauss came from an old German Jewish family, residing in the country for many years and part of one of the largest Wall Street firms. When his record had been scrutinized by the Senate, however, that scrutiny had been called anti-Semitic.
Mr. Adams was not a man of wealth and when his scalp was demanded by leading Republicans, he had no job on which to fall back and no income outside his Government salary. He still had no job and was living off income from his memoirs.
Admiral Strauss, a partner in Kuhn, Loeb, had filed a partial financial statement with the Senate showing that his stock in Polaroid Camera alone was worth a million dollars, and he had a palatial estate in Virginia and was able to pay $50,000 for only a part interest in a Black Angus bull.
When Mr. Adams was about to testify before Congress, no member of the Administration had helped him prepare his difficult statement. White House press secretary James Hagerty, an expert in public relations, had not done so. Tex McCrary had come from New York to help him, but on that Sunday evening before his testimony, no other Republican or Administration representative had been around to provide advice.
In contrast, Admiral Strauss had the regular press relations officer of the Department of Commerce issuing press statements throughout his hearings, and also had two Commerce Department assistants sitting at his side every day at the hearings, with a battery of researchers and others helping him at the Department.
When Mr. Adams had been in trouble, Vice-President Nixon had been one of the first to advise privately that he should resign. But for Admiral Strauss, Mr. Nixon had been using his persuasive influence for confirmation, even singling out Senator Margaret Chase Smith of Maine, who had been reported to be wavering on the confirmation, as being the sole Senator invited to West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's dinner while Admiral Strauss had been invited as the sole member of the Cabinet, in his acting role as Secretary.
In contrast to Republicans who had demanded that Mr. Adams resign, every Republican Senator, save William Langer of North Dakota, had appeared leaning toward the Admiral, even including such conscientious Republicans as Senators John Sherman Cooper of Kentucky, George Aiken of Vermont, and Margaret Chase Smith of Maine.
Mr. Goldfine had used the influence of Mr. Adams at the Federal Trade Commission to avoid trouble over the Wool Labeling Act at his mills, a conflict of interest.
Admiral Strauss, while chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, had conferred with Adolphe Wenzell of the First Boston Co., who had been planted inside the Budget Bureau to put across the Dixon-Yates utility contract. The First Boston Co. would do the financing for that deal. The Admiral had overridden his other AEC commissioners who had voted against the Dixon-Yates contract. As chairman, he had peremptorily approved the contract despite a three to two vote against it. Prior to that, the Admiral had withheld the contract from both his fellow commissioners and the Senate. He had been the mainspring and spark plug of the Dixon-Yates contract.
Marquis Childs indicates that when General Eisenhower had first been discussed as a presidential candidate, there had been people predicting gloom, saying that a military man in the White House would militarize the Government and regiment the nation. The General, himself, had been concerned about a military man having to bend over backward to prove that he was not unduly influenced by his past and old friendships, fearful that in doing so he would fail to perform the essentials necessary for the country's military security in a time of great peril.
There were now critics who, observing the trials and tribulations of the President in the White House, were prepared to say that both prophecies had come true, that despite his great effort to strike a difficult balance between civilian authority and military necessity, he had, as President, found himself in increasing difficulty.
More or less traceable to the White House was the line fed to sympathetic carriers that the Joint Chiefs was failing in its duty, that as the primary agent of the country's strategy, it was continually dividing along the lines of service rivalry and presenting split decisions to the Secretary of Defense and the President. That had accentuated the inter-service rivalry regarding missiles and missions. But the military also regarded a deficiency in civilian authority as having widened that rivalry. The fact that the Bureau of the Budget had been permitted to set spending ceilings and since five years earlier had begun to dictate the reduction of conventional forces, and the fact that the civilian authority in the Pentagon had too often been vacillating and feeble, had resulted in those deficiencies.
According to some of the associates of Secretary of Defense Neil McElroy, he was currently in the process of re-examining the civilian-military relationship with its overtones in the politics of the presidential election of 1960. The drama of Mr. McElroy's near withdrawal from his post and return to civilian life had encompassed much of the recent struggle. It had been at the worst possible moment that Mr. McElroy's indicated return to Proctor & Gamble in the fall had been leaked, followed by the death of Deputy Secretary Donald Quarles, who had been carrying most of the burden, including the fight to defend the costly experimental development of the Bomarc Air Force missile, perhaps costing as much as 3.5 billion dollars to date. The death of Mr. Quarles had left Mr. McElroy in a state of near shock, seeming to rule out his plan to return to the private sector in October.
That in-and-out pattern of business executives had, incidentally, been one of the major problems of the Administration, not only in the Defense Department but everywhere in government.
Taking a more intensive look at his domain, the Secretary of Defense had begun to assert new authority, calling the Joint Chiefs to his office recently and in blunt language, stating that he had no connection to any of the trade schools which they had and that while it was possible to understand their loyalty to those trade schools, it was time they found another and common loyalty.
Senators fought hard to maintain defense contracts for their constituents even though in military terms the product was demonstrably superfluous or even useless. When a Senate subcommittee reduced the Army's air defense missile program, a governor of a Southern state would call on the phone the Senator from that state who had voted for the reduction and excoriate him for knocking out 7,000 jobs and putting his own future in jeopardy.
Without firm civilian authority over the military establishment, the services and their spokesmen were bound to get out of hand. The late Secretary of State Dulles had spent a great amount of time and energy trying to persuade the military to agree on terms for ending nuclear tests with control and inspection. The President talked privately regarding the "munitions lobby" and he had been known to fulminate against the "military lobby" in the Pentagon. Mr. Childs concludes that only forceful and effective civilian direction could checkmate that type of lobbying.
Joseph Alsop indicates that he still clung to the hope that something modest would be done to clear the road to a summit meeting without sacrificing the essential Western position at Berlin. But that was the best result which could reasonably be expected, also being the best measure of the decline in the U.S. and Western position during the previous six years. To see the extent of the decline, he suggests that one only had to compare the previous Soviet attempt to secure a summit meeting with the present one.
On the last occasion, it had been clear that the Kremlin high command had taken the road to the summit after the fall of L. P. Beria, after the displacement of former Premier Georgi Malenkov, and the emergence of Nikita Khrushchev and Nikolai Bulganin as the Soviet ruling partnership.
Suddenly, after years of fruitless negotiation, Mr. Khrushchev had granted a state treaty to Austria and after the long-delayed liberation of that country had been promised by the Kremlin, Secretary of State Dulles could no longer resist the drive to a summit meeting. The arguments in which the masters of the Kremlin might be seeking some kind of general accommodation had then become too strong, converting even President Eisenhower.
As it had turned out, the fears of Mr. Dulles had been well justified, as the main consequence of that first phony summit during the summer of 1955 had been the sudden Soviet intrusion into the Middle East. Mr. Alsop suggests that the fact would be worth remembering should there be another summit, but that above all, it was worth remembering that Mr. Khrushchev felt that it was necessary and worthwhile to pay a solid price to obtain the summit in 1955, that having been Austria.
The contrast between 1955 and 1959 could not be more sharp, this time there having been no price paid to clear the way to a summit meeting. Instead, Mr. Khrushchev had brandished his hydrogen bombs and ballistic missiles, denouncing the status quo in Berlin which had been guaranteed by the Soviets after the blockade of 1948-49, now finding that status quo "intolerable" and a "danger to peace". Those tactics had produced the Geneva foreign ministers conference. The President might say that he was not going to a summit meeting "under threat of force", but he also meant that he was not going to negotiate under the shadow of a Soviet ultimatum with a time limit attached regarding the maintenance of Western troops in Berlin. If he were to go to the summit meeting in the end, he would do so because Mr. Khrushchev's threats of force had created a new climate in which such a meeting was unavoidable.
Mr. Alsop posits that as the plainest proof that the country and the Western alliance had been on a downward path for the previous six years, especially since the 1955 summit meeting. The main reason for the decline of the Western position was that the President had persistently refused to make the necessary efforts to maintain the world balance of military power and thus the balance had tilted sharply in favor of the Kremlin.
Mr. Alsop indicates that he had returned from Europe with a strong conviction that there was still another, even more basic reason for the decline of the Western position. At Geneva, particularly, it had been like listening to a much-worn gramophone record, with new themes, new departures, new ideas being conspicuous by their absence. Such new ideas were now desperately needed and had to come from the U.S. because no other Western ally had the power or resources to sustain a major new departure or carry out a major new idea.
He might have added, but for a sense of being impolitic without recourse at the present time, that the aging leadership, moderate to conservative, in each of the U.S., France and Britain was the primary source of that turgidity and lack of new ideas. The recognition of that by the American people in 1960 would, in part, lead to the election of President Kennedy, whose entire persona was one of vigor and easy articulation of fresh ideas to approach the old impasses which had plagued the world since the end of World War II, and not without the necessary sensitivity to tradition which he also evoked, compared to the lack thereof by Vice-President Nixon, to a great extent the prisoner of his past as both a member of the Administration and, before that, a primarily conservative Senator and Congressman, not so much engaged in foreign affairs as trying to hunt down Americans suspected of Communist ties.
A letter writer indicates that Father's Day summoned up sweet memories of her good and kind own father, for whom she thanked God every day because he had lived close to God and trained her to live the same way. "Today there are many good fathers who deserve to be honored, for they have worked hard, educated their children and lived a Christian life. May God bless them and may every boy and girl remember that Mother and Dad are the best friends they will ever have."
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