The Charlotte News
Wednesday, May 27, 1959
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the President and Secretary of State Christian Herter would discuss the Geneva conference negotiations with the foreign ministers of Russia, Britain and France in Washington, as they visited to attend the funeral of John Foster Dulles. The conference would take place the following morning at the White House. Mr. Herter and the other three foreign ministers, Andrei Gromyko of the Soviet Union, Selwyn Lloyd of Britain, and Maurice Couve de Murville of France, had flown to Washington for the funeral from Geneva. The negotiations had pretty much reached a stalemate in the efforts to resolve East-West differences. Announcement of plans for the White House conference had come shortly after disclosure that the President would host a luncheon the following day for the foreign ministers and high officials and dignitaries of other countries attending the funeral. The President had met for 45 minutes during the morning with West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, also present for the funeral. White House press secretary James Hagerty, in announcing the plans for the luncheon, was asked whether it would be social or would include discussions of the Geneva negotiations, and he had responded that as fast as he knew the answer, he would tell them.
In Washington, a seven-year old boy had stood on tiptoe to sign the condolence book in the chapel where the body of Mr. Dulles lay in state this date in a closed, flag-draped casket. The boy's grandmother said that they were great admirers of Mr. Dulles, whom they had seen and heard only through television and radio. They were just a sample of hundreds of persons who had carefully written their names in the condolence book as a steady file of men, women and children came through to pay their tributes. A small black woman almost seemed disappointed as she asked: "Are they going to open the casket?" A stern military guard had nodded his head in the negative. Most of those who had come to the Bethlehem Chapel, the oldest wing of the Washington National Cathedral, had known Mr. Dulles as a personality in the news and not as a man. His lying in state was an added stop on a Washington tour for several busloads of high school students. The outpouring was the largest which the Cathedral had seen since President Woodrow Wilson's funeral in 1924, according to verger Edward Marr. The count late on Tuesday night had passed 10,000. The Episcopal Cathedral had been first envisioned by George Washington and had been dedicated to promote religion, education and charity, usable by various denominations. Mr. Dulles, himself, was a lay Presbyterian leader and his funeral was to be performed according to Presbyterian rites. His casket was set in the middle aisle of the arched and vaulted chapel, in the center of rows of columns and atop a slab of marble marking the entrance to a burial crypt below which Navy hero Admiral George Dewey was entombed.
In Havana, it was reported that Raul Castro, brother of Prime Minister Fidel Castro, had been found safe this date after walking away from a plane crash in the swamps of south central Cuba. The younger brother of the Prime Minister and his crew of three airmen were reported in good spirits after crashing the previous day during an aerial search mission. Raul was commander-in-chief of Cuba's armed forces and heir-designate to succeed his brother. The four had abandoned the plane and headed for the coast along the riverbank following the crash. Peasants helped guide them out of the swamps. A helicopter had spotted them during the morning and it radioed for help, and the men were picked up by four Navy launches at the mouth of the river. They had gone on a rescue mission which proved unnecessary. Later the Prime Minister had personally taken over the search for his brother, whose plane had only enough gas for an hour of flying.
In Raleigh, it was reported that an effort to place more laymen on the State Textbook Commission had been killed this date in the House Education Committee of the Legislature. The hatchet had been applied unceremoniously by voice vote to the measure sponsored by Lenoir County Representative Rachel Davis, the bill having been designed, according to her, to put more books in schoolrooms with "less social overtones in subjects dealing with social studies." During the same 90-minute session, the Committee had also killed the bill to make the appointed State Board of Education superior to the elected superintendent of public instruction. The Textbook Commission bill had caused more debate than most other statewide issues. It had gotten into the headlines several weeks earlier when the North Carolina Medical Society had condemned some of the textbooks in a resolution, and received more attention from the state's editors, the Daughters of the American Revolution and other groups. The issue had come into the open the previous day when a hearing was called on the bill, which provided that at least four members of the 12-member Textbook Commission would be laymen, appointed by the governor or the recommendation of the State Board of Education. At present, all 12 members were professional educators named by the governor on recommendation of the state superintendent of public instruction. The Commission advised the Board of Education on which textbooks were to be adopted for use in the state's public schools. The superintendent of Greenville schools said that educators were becoming increasingly concerned regarding criticism of public schools, indicating, "God knows it's hard enough now to get young people interested in school business." An attorney from Kinston and a former member of the State House, a spokesman for parents and other laymen, said: "I reject categorically the assertion that the schools belong to the professional educators. The school belongs to the people." The sponsor of the bill, also from Kinston, said that her bill was the result of "much public concern" regarding textbooks used in the public schools.
Ann Sawyer of The News reports that the City School Board might have to put its $125,000, earmarked for an educational center, into the County school debt service fund. The Board had set aside the money from the sale of the D. H. Hill School property for an administrative unit, but the County Commission, during current budget sessions, had called on City School officials to deposit the money in the County treasury for the reduction of interest and principal on school construction bonds. The Commission request had occurred after City and County school officials had asked for $200,000 to renovate Central High School for a vocational education center. They said that they would appropriate $75,000 if the City School Board would turn in the $125,000. County commissioners had staunchly opposed the construction of an educational center and planned to house City and County school offices in the new County office building. It was now a question of whether the City School Board could set aside the sale money or whether it ought have been turned back to the treasurer at the end of the fiscal year in which the money was received. The County auditor had told the commissioners at their budget session this date that the sale money ought be turned in as revenue to either of two funds, the City School capital outlay or debt service. He quoted from the Public School Budget Law that "where a greater amount of money is collected and paid to an administrative unit than was authorized to be spent in the approved budget of that unit for the current expense fund or for the capital outlay fund, the excess is to remain in the particular fund until the following year, and may not be spent during the fiscal year of collection unless a supplemental budget is first approved by the board of education and the board of county commissioners."
Dick Young of The News reports that acting City Manager George Livingston this date had totaled departmental requests for the biggest tentative budget in the city's history, 14.8 million dollars, giving every indication of causing an increase to the city tax rate. The tentative total was expected to be materially reduced when the City Council was done with it, but substantially exceeded the current budget expenditures of 12.5 million dollars. Almost half of the increase was from the necessity for extending municipal services for half of the ensuing year to the perimeter area which would be annexed at the beginning of the following year. Mr. Livingston said that the cost for those services in the annexed area would total over $949,000. He said that he took the requests submitted by department heads and tabulated them to come up with the record total.
John Kilgo of The News reports that a sketch of a black youth, a prime suspect in the recent killing of a local grocer and the armed robbery of a dry cleaning operator, had been released to the newspaper this date by Police Chief E. C. Selvey, the drawing accompanying the piece. The suspect was thought to be between 16 and 19 and the drawing had been carried by every Charlotte policeman during the previous two weeks. A veteran detective said that they had spent more time on the case than any other in Charlotte police history. The chief said that anyone who recognized the picture of the youth ought get in touch with the police.
B. C., a caveman, was a new comic strip which would start on Saturday in The News, and it promises that readers would fall for him as the cave girls did when he swung his club. They could now call him D. T., a real barrel of laughs, but for all the wrong reasons.
On the editorial page, "An Opportunity Waiting To Be Seized" indicates that economy was a burnished principle of democratic government established by George Washington, enshrined by Benjamin Franklin and sanctified by Calvin Coolidge. But the Mecklenburg County Commission had followed it out the window when they had refused to provide sufficient funding for a much-needed Industrial Education Center at Charlotte's Central High School.
It would take only about $200,000 to begin renovation of the building for the proposed vocational training facility, and compared to the investment which the state and Federal governments were prepared to make in the project, it was a modest sum. But the members of the Commission had indicated that the community could not afford it.
It finds that on the contrary, the county could hardly afford not to seize the opportunity as an answer to a serious educational need. If metropolitan Mecklenburg was to progress, it had to have skilled workers to man the wheels of industry, and the opportunity was there for the community to provide that essential manpower pool with hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of outside assistance, an opportunity to improve the earning power of thousands of residents of the community with a relatively small local investment.
A demand for industrial education had already been established, even though there was no assurance now that a vocational center would be established, as more than 200 City and County high school students had signed up for the courses to be offered. The state was ready to allocate $330,000 to equip the center if the building were provided locally. The City School Board had offered the building and the Federal money was available. It finds that the County had the responsibility to furnish and maintain physical plants for public education, but because the proposed industrial center was a special school, the commissioners might argue that they had no legal obligation to fund the project. Nevertheless, a strong moral obligation existed for public officials to do what was necessary and proper to advance the community's best interests and it finds that the best interests of Mecklenburg County would be served by the establishment of the Center and that the commissioners ought reconsider their decision.
"Why Invite Hoodlums to Tarheelia?" agrees with State Attorney General Malcolm Seawell that legalized dog racing and parimutuel betting in the state would invite the nation's hoodlums to a state which had remained relatively free of organized crime.
Certain eager entrepreneurs in the eastern part of the state imagined that the promise of economic gain would make association with the hoodlum element bearable, but it would also tend to infect everyone else in the process. Society as a whole could not afford it.
Dog tracks had been trouble wherever they had been allowed. When dog racing had been allowed in Morehead City and Moyock, the State Bureau of Investigation had received complaints that the system of handling daily doubles and quinellas at one track had, according to Mr. Seawell, "allowed betting to be made by management after a race had been run." An SBI agent had also discovered that concession operators had been selling beer bought from Virginia on which no North Carolina tax had been paid.
It finds it a familiar pattern and that it need not be repeated, urges that the General Assembly make it clear in the current session.
"Reducing Fine Traditions to Fine Print" commends the charter of guaranties for faculty freedom and tenure approved by the Consolidated University trustees the prior Monday. Together with the removal some months earlier of the loyalty oath, it signaled the emergence of professors from the foul suspicions which had hounded them in recent decades.
It finds that to the University's credit, its record on academic freedom had been a good one, that over a century had passed since the slavery-extension question had caused a University chemistry professor to be fired and nearly ridden out of the state on a rail.
Not only did the new code assure "the right of a faculty member to be responsibly engaged in efforts to discover, speak and teach the truth," it had also recognized "that in his role as citizen, as to matters outside the area of his scholarly interest, the faculty member has the right to enjoy the same freedoms as other citizens…" Again, it approves.
Yet, it confesses sadness that writing down liberties so essential ought be thought necessary in 1959. In more technical parts, the code had set down strict rules regarding tenure, promotion and discharge, which might be necessary. But the greatest traditions of liberty, academic as well as civil, were often those which battle and hard-won precedent had wedded into the public spirit. It had imagined that professors' freedoms at Chapel Hill, Raleigh and Greensboro to seek and teach truth to be of that sort, similar to the freedoms of the "English Constitution", so deeply rooted that it would be the final insult if they were entered in fine print like the legalities of an insurance policy. Fine print often invited quarreling and quibbling, making it a world apart from tradition, whose mystery was too great to define and great enough to scare off compromisers and enemies.
The same might be said of the Fourteenth Amendment, ratified in 1868, as, 158 years later, the Trumpies just got through trying to convince the Supreme Court that the Amendment did not really mean what it says regarding birthright citizenship by virtue of birth in the United States, because of the phrase, "subject to the jurisdiction thereof"—which only means subject to the jurisdiction of the courts, under any honest, fair reading. How that, pray tell, should alter the meaning today, which has been recognized since its ratification, only a Trumpy could try to manufacture in accord with the screed of lies constantly flowing from the Fox Prop heads, some of whom now proliferate in the Trumpy Justice Department, lying every single day with every breath they breathe, trying their best to create a king and dump the Constitution as outmoded out on the side of the road as if the American Revolution never occurred, haters of this country and everything for which it traditionally stands.
While they lost, 5 to 4, such a narrow loss should never have occurred and would never have occurred or even been brought to a hearing had this corporate monster, this Fascist would-be dictator, never darkened the White House door. He came to the office spreading lies and doubt about President Obama's birth as a U.S. citizen and now is trying to take away citizenship of millions of citizens, still crying about his loss. No one will lament his passing. Calling the maniac a monster is perhaps to do a disservice to most monstrous creations of fiction, who usually betrayed at least some modicum of humanity. But then that moment of humanity, of self-doubt, usually proved their undoing in the stories, and so this Monster takes that lesson to heart and never for a moment shows any human vulnerability, always maintaining his advantage over the rest of us poor human specimens, bent hopelessly to his iron will, much as Hitler and Mussolini conquered the masses in their respective countries.
He has, however, forgotten one thing, that he plays well only to about 30 percent of the voters, his cultish followers, who form perhaps as little as 15-20 percent of the population as a whole, steadily dwindling in number and dedicated ardor, leaving the overwhelming majority of people of the country, those whom he labels, a la Hitler, as Communists, Socialists and radicals, Democrats, decidedly opposed to his one dedicated policy, the steady and unrelenting daily aggrandizement of himself. As President Biden said recently, "What a loser."
As Frankenstein at the end of his days, this Monster might be pitiable were he not so monstrous
"Here's a Machine To 'Curb the Court'" indicates that Chicago, beset by traffic violators, had resorted to an electronic "brain" to help the traffic court mete out penalties. When the judge convicted a traffic offender, he pushed a button and the mechanical instrument gave him a record of previous convictions, parking tickets, etc., and he set the punishment accordingly.
It finds it an invention to soothe the national problem of what to do with the Supreme Court. Members of Congress were trying to curb the Court, a yearly season when those who took exception to the Court's decisions wanted to make it so that the justices could act like slot machines, whereby one put in the facts and received the law in return.
"Why expect so much from human beings? Why not install in the Supreme Court building in Washington an electronic 'brain'? You would simply insert the case in question, punch a button or so, and this judicious piece of machinery, unqualified by human passions, would flash, sputter, and then deliver a piece of cardboard. It would need say only 'constitutional' or 'unconstitutional.'"
It finds that only one problem would remain, that being what to do with the nine justices who would be out of a job. It suggests that they would continue to wear their robes and be privileged to gather around the electronic "brain" as it provided its answers. Occasionally, when it would take too long, Justice Felix Frankfurter, who lectured the Court frequently on dealing with trivia, could deliver it a swift, hard kick.
A piece from the Manchester Guardian, titled "The Rugged Rock", indicates that wherever there were two or three teddy-boys gathered together in dusty milk bars kept by dusty Cypriots, in dance halls kept by shady Anglo-Saxons, there would be sympathy for the plea put forward the previous week in court when a 16-year old boy had been accused of throwing a stool in a theater after getting carried away while listening to rock 'n' roll. The defense had indicated: "The boy tells me he just picked up the stool during the music and threw it. In the rhapsody of the moment of this wretched music he just let this thing go."
It finds the weak line of defense had opened up considerable possibilities for the inventive delinquent, who might say, "My flick-knife just slipped out of my hand as I was jiving," or "I shouldn't have let my cosh go during the tango".
It suggests that perhaps a special fund might be set aside by the composers of rock 'n' roll for the relatives of those mortally wounded during its playing and that there was no doubt the prison regulations ought be brought up to date to cope with that new crime wave. "'Twenty days bread and water with deprivation of jazz'" would soon have the toughest criminal begging for mercy and swearing not to do it again.
Drew Pearson indicates that the liquor industry was planning another move to undercut the Supreme Court, on this occasion with regard to tax exemptions. Louis Nichols, executive vice-president of the Schenley whiskey empire which had masterminded the censure of the Court by the ABA, and the convention of Wine and Spirits Wholesalers of America meeting in New York the previous week had heard strategy for liberalizing tax deductions for the liquor industry's political campaigns which the Court recently had ruled against. Since Prohibition had ended, the liquor companies had been fighting various political campaigns, one of which was against local option, being against local communities deciding whether they should be wet or dry, with great amounts of money funneled to advertising campaigns to influence that vote. Political advertising under the rules of the IRS was not deductible and the Supreme Court the previous winter had ruled against the liquor industry on that point.
But at the previous week's convention, Bert Goss of the Hill and Knowlton advertising firm had mapped out plans for making political advertising tax-deductible. The firm was the same hired by the cigarette industry, retaining doctors to refute the now-official findings of the American Cancer Society and the Public Health Service that cigarettes caused lung cancer. Simultaneously with launching the tax-deductible advertising campaign, the liquor moguls had let it be known that the consumption of whiskey and gin in 1959 would be 223 million gallons, an increase of 4 percent over the prior year. It was also estimated that by 1975, the consumption of wine would be 315 million gallons per year, an increase of 46.5 percent over the 215 million gallons consumed the prior year. (Much of it today is consumed by Fox Prop pundits and former pundits, as is obvious by their consistently slurred tongues.)
Former New York Governor Averell Harriman was not the only major Democrat planning a trip to Communist China. Former Senator William Benton of Connecticut, the first Assistant Secretary of State for the Voice of America, also wanted to visit. He would cruise on the Mediterranean during the summer with Adlai Stevenson and then go to Moscow, and, if possible, to Communist China.
A handful of rabbis were trying to make the confirmation of Admiral Lewis Strauss as Secretary of Commerce a religious issue. A few in Miami and New York had been stirring up mail to Senators. Private surveys, however, indicated that two-thirds of the Jewish population were against the Admiral because of what he had done to Dr. Robert Oppenheimer. The Admiral, incidentally, was not recorded in the Washington Roll of Honor for 1958, which listed those who contributed to the United Jewish Appeal.
Senator Ernest Gruening of Alaska, one of three Jewish members of the Senate, had said: "It would be a tragic mistake to vote for or against anyone because of religion."
The White House presently had a "spy" inside the Oren Harris-chaired Legislative Oversight Committee, Jack Stark, who had once been the social assistant to the President and Mrs. Eisenhower. The Committee the previous year, following much prodding, had finally gotten around to probing Sherman Adams and his friend Bernard Goldfine.
Concern over the deteriorating position of the country in Latin America had become so great that the President was considering the appointment of the top political ambassador in Latin America, Robert Hill, as assistant secretary of state. Mr. Hill was presently Ambassador to Mexico, where he had done an excellent job and had won the cooperation of Mexican officials, the American business community and such Democratic leaders as Senator Lyndon Johnson.
Walter Lippmann indicates that John Foster Dulles had lived long enough to know before he died that among his countrymen he had no enemies and that his critics and opponents liked and admired him, an unusual and significant accomplishment. He was a highly controversial figure in a dangerous time and it would be a fitting tribute to him that he stood out above his battles at the end of his life. He finds that the explanation did not lie in a particular policy or in any moral generalization but in the fact that he was in the great tradition of what was required of a person in his public and private life. The eulogies spoke of him as a dedicated person, and in the sense of that over-used word, he was dedicated to the function of a public servant.
He indicates that perhaps the highest function of a public servant in a free and democratic society was to preserve its openness as a community while he fought the battles which divided it. Mr. Dulles had never lost sight of that fact and he had never forgotten, as many public servants did, that after the issue being debated was settled, those who had taken part in the debate had still to live and work together, the reason why among his countrymen, there was no rancor and why the sorrow of his opponents and critics was genuine.
Like most persons, he preferred praise to criticism and agreement to opposition, but did not demand conformity, not regarding dissent as perversity, respecting debate and the practice of free journalism.
Mr. Lippmann says that he could speak from the heart, having been for some 30 years the friend of Mr. Dulles while on many questions of policy a critic. Long experience had taught him how rare it was in public persons to accept public criticism without private resentment, which only too often spread to their wives, siblings and other relatives. To be free of that kind of resentment was the mark of a thoroughbred, and the Dulles family were thoroughbreds, born to and trained to the demands of public life. They did their public duty as they saw it, without letting their private feelings take hold of them.
He indicates that it would be pretentious and inherently absurd to suppose that at the current time it was possible to make any kind of definitive appraisal of the career of Mr. Dulles, as no one knew what the judgment of historians would be. They would be writing with knowledge denied to the present as to what would happen later in the unfinished story. The judgment of history was almost always based on the results and not on the intentions, which no one questioned regarding Mr. Dulles. No one knew what in Germany, the Middle East and the Far East would be the results of the six years of his time as Secretary of State. People of the present could not influence the historians but could perhaps exhort them to bear two things in mind, one being that they had to discount heavily those who had a vested interest in some particular policy which Mr. Dulles had used and would presently like to be treated as one of the eternal verities. While he had not changed his policies easily or quickly, he had changed them when he was convinced that a change was necessary. The other thing he finds which historians ought bear in mind was that they should not judge Mr. Dulles only by his policies, which were controversial and perhaps transient, but also for his public character and virtue which were excellent and a noble example to his people.
Robert C. Ruark, in London, indicates that no one had ever had the audacity to accuse the British of excessive intelligence in the public relations business, but he believes that all of the hoopla surrounding the Shah of Iran was literally the Chinese end. The Shah could not be accused of undue acuteness in letting himself in for the gala which London had thrown him recently. No Roman emperor ever had a city more literally cast in his lap. The common man's life in London had practically stood still because of the elaborate channeling of the traffic, and "them crazy parties".
He finds the Shah to be a nice, serious young fellow by all accounts, even though he had divorced his wife so that she could live it up in Rome and Capri. He thinks that the British would love the Shah if he didn't have a burnoose to bless himself with, but they loved his oil more and they feared for it because of Iran's nasty neighbors, Iraq, Egypt and Jordan.
The Queen and Princess Margaret had curtsied to the Shah and when they had the big gala ballet at the Royal Opera House, Prince Philip had donned his velvet knee britches and his gold garter, and the Queen and the Queen Mother and Margaret had broken out their heaviest jewelry and anyone who was anyone fought and clawed to get there to show off their finest clothes. They had made the usual stately overtures which caused royalty to die eventually of boredom and had shown the Shah a factory, a new town and had taken him to visit a carefully hand-picked lower middle-class British family. They had also shown him the heir of the rich old skinflint who had made a billion dollars by putting most of the big Middle Eastern oil deals together, Nubar Gulbenkian. The latter was on hand to remind everyone that oil was thicker than water.
He says he approves of pomp and circumstance and dearly loved a lord and had walked with kings, or at least former kings, when they were walking their dogs in New York. He loved to see the glitter of gems and the sunset over the coronets, but says that if he were trying to keep the Commies from taking Iran, he would not feed them as much ammunition as was served up in the British press.
The Russian threat to the U.S. and British oil in Iraq was already established and the Russian threat to Iran was just around the corner. The big welcome of the Shah in London was designed to reaffirm friendship with him, but the gesture he finds to have been stupid while the financial friendship was sincere. For if he were Radio Cairo, he would tell the people of the celebration of the Shah's presence and about the diverted traffic, etc. "I would ride a careful herd on the divorced Soraya, living it up on Capri with her pet Prince Orsini. I would lay it on with a trowel, with the pointed editorial comment that no miserably poor man wants to hear about the flagrant dancing in the streets which has become now a sort of hallmark of why the West can be called decadent exploiters of the miserable." The Communists would have already thought of all of that for themselves and he says that he was not aiding them.
"If you think this is kidding, remember the North Carolina senator who lost an election because his opponent told the farmers that he walked a red carpet and was guilty of eating caviar, which the opponent described as Russian fish-eggs."
He refers to the 1932 race between
Robert Rice Reynolds and former Governor and specially appointed Senator Cameron Morrison, in which the
former accused the latter of being a patrician, while the former rode
around the state campaigning in a Model T. Eventually, of course,
Senator Reynolds wound up marrying the Hope diamond
A letter from J. R. Cherry, Jr., indicates that the "oftentimes unabashed bias and totalitarian-mindedness of the 'liberal' left wing continue to fascinate me. It's grotesquely fascinating when erupting from the much heralded guardian of a full and free exchange of honest views—the press." He comments on the editorial book review of May 16, specifically the last paragraph indicating that no one questioned the value of the press as a sentinel but that when it opened itself by stubbornly maintaining outmoded traditions to the use of demagogues, it became a menace. He suggests elaboration on the statement, saying that he would love to demolish the argument in no more than half the words the newspaper had required to erect it. He specifically takes issue with the notion that freedoms of speech and press would not suffer but would become freer if denied to the reactionary ilk of the Joseph McCarthy right-wing. "On second thought, how can ANYONE demolish such shattering logic, such devastating objectivity—such undiluted democracy. Count me out, Clyde!"
Per his usual effort at attack, he first creates an extremist strawman which does not exist, vilifying it as the product of some leftist cabal out to debase one of his heroes, such as the late Tailgunner Joe. The statement in the editorial was merely cast as a warning, not intended to deny First Amendment rights to anyone, as suggested by Mr. Cherry. Part of that right is active and vigorous debate, not shut down by Nazi-type shouts, jeers and stones, a Kristallnacht, a January 6, 2021 riot at the Capitol with the avowed purpose, encouraged by the Fearless "Fight Like Hell" Leader, Aider and Abettor of the Ultra-Violence while he sipped his grapy beverage through a paper straw back at the Korova Milk Bar, vidying the scene as a real horrorshow as King Neptune's little pollywogglies performed his grappling for him, of silencing or limiting debate by vilifying the opposition through Draconian use of the law and, if necessary, by force encouraged among the people by the ruthless demagogue, casting the opposition as a stereotypical archetype, a dirty, rotten Commie, as did Hitler, as did Tailgunner with everyone who disagreed with him or sought to reveal his true tale of the past, such as the story of how he got his Purple Heart during World War II when he fell off a ladder aboard ship in the traditional hazing of the novitiate initially crossing the equator, not in the combat operation which he subsequently claimed to obtain it after he was elected to the Senate. Were things as Mr. Cherry suggests, the newspaper would not have printed any of his regular letters but would, on receipt, have cast them into the wastepaper receptacle—which is where most of them most assuredly were better received and read, by archie or mehitabel
Framed Edition
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