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The Charlotte News
Thursday, April 23, 1959
FOUR EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page
reports from New York that police, the FBI and other agencies had
been alerted this date to what was termed a plot by hired killers to
assassinate Cuban Prime Minister Fidel Castro, who had been in New
York since Tuesday and was scheduled to go to Boston on Saturday.
Hundreds of officers had been guarding him and more were quickly
assigned to the detail. Police said that Sr. Castro's aides had
notified them of the alleged plot early this date and said it
involved two groups totaling seven men, none of whom were Cubans. One
of the groups was described as being comprised of five brothers,
between the ages of 28 and 35, originally from Philadelphia but now
residing in Chicago. The other group was said to be comprised of two
men, also brothers. The five brothers in the former group all had
police records in Philadelphia for minor offenses, such as disorderly
conduct and assault, according to police. It was reported that they
might be riding in a 1957 black Chevrolet with a white top and
bearing Florida license tags. The second party of two brothers was
said to be traveling in a dirty gray Cadillac with Michigan plates.
One of the latter was reported to be called "Doc". An alert
sent to all police commands in New York stated in essence that the
two groups had been paid to assassinate Sr. Castro. It was also
stated that the two sets of brothers had no direct association to one
another but that the plot probably had stemmed from the same source.
A police official said that it was not known where any of the alleged
assassins were supposed to be, but the report was that they would
seize the first opportunity to try to kill Sr. Castro. Port of New
York Authority officers were notified to watch for one or both cars
approaching the city by way of the Port Authority's bridges and
tunnels. A deputy chief inspector, commanding Manhattan detectives,
disclosed that the police, the State Department and Cuban officials
had received numerous phone calls that attempts would be made on Sr.
Castro's life. He said they had pictures of people who had gone
undercover since Sr. Castro had taken over on January 1 and that they
were definitely on the alert to prevent any attempt being made on his
life. He may wish to consider hiring Zorro
At Cape Canaveral in Florida, a Thor ballistic missile had been launched this date, reportedly carrying a tiny data capsule which the Air Force hoped to recover from the Atlantic Ocean. The capsule was set to jettison at the end of the Thor's journey, and would carry a report on the missile's performance. It was not known whether an announcement would be made on the recovery efforts. Fired on a 1,500-mile mission, the powerful 65-foot rocket was launched on what appeared to be a perfect trajectory a half hour after midnight. It was the 28th launch of the versatile Thor, the intermediate-range ballistic missile which was both a war weapon and a booster for space probes. The launch had come six days after a team of British Royal Air Force missilemen had fired a Thor for the first time from Vandenberg Air Force Base in California. An undisclosed number of Thor bases already had been set up in England as part of the NATO defense force. The Thor had pushed two big Discoverer satellites into orbit and provided first-stage power for three Air Force moon probes, and was expected to play a key role in more important space ventures in the near future. The missile would be used to launch a 25,000-mile radiation satellite and to boost a space probe toward Venus.
The President this date formally designated ailing John Foster Dulles as a special consultant for foreign policy to the White House staff. He arranged to drive to Walter Reed Army Hospital to attend a formal swearing-in ceremony for the former Secretary of State. The doctors decreed that there ought be no public ceremony because of Mr. Dulles's condition, suffering from cancer. In an exchange of letters when Mr. Dulles had resigned the prior week, the President had announced his intention of keeping him in service as a consultant.
In Tokyo, it was reported that the bumping of seven GI's from a military plane so that Lt. Col. Charles Platt, Jr., could take his family on vacation to Hawaii, had cost him his command and a $340 fine this date. The Air Force said that Col. Platt, who had pleaded that he was the victim of an administrative mix-up in the March 26 incident, accepted the punishment from his commanding officer without demanding a trial by court-martial. The 49-year old officer was commander of the big passenger terminal at Tachikawa Air Base west of Tokyo. He was reprimanded and assigned to new duties, but the Air Force did not indicate his new job. He was not available for comment. The seven enlisted men had been hurrying on priority orders to sick or dying relatives in the U.S. when they were taken off a military plane so that the colonel, his wife and four children could board for a vacation flight to Hawaii. One of the bumped GI's had telephoned Lt. General Robert Burns, the U.S. military commander in Japan, and the General had ordered the airborne plane back, had removed the colonel and his family and given six of the GI's the seats. The seventh GI had already left the airport and had flown home the next day. An Air Force investigating board had cleared the colonel of direct blame for the bumping and said that it was the result of an administrative error, but that his actions had contributed to the confusion which had caused the administrative error.
In Vienna, Austria, it was reported that two Hungarian soldiers assigned to prevent anti-Communist refugees from fleeing to Austria, had defected, telling police in Vienna this date that they were fed up with Communism and wanted political asylum.
In Kansas City, Kans., it was reported that an explosion had leveled a block-long, one-story building of the Thompson-Hayward Chemical Co. plant this date, killing three men and injuring five others. A fireman had been injured slightly in a traffic accident en route to the fire. The explosion had occurred in a tank containing 3,000 gallons of weed killer and had destroyed seven other tanks. For a time, the resulting fire had threatened to spread to a half dozen other tanks, but after 2 1/2 hours, firemen reported that the fire had been contained, but that it would have to burn itself out.
In Concord, Mass., five desperate inmates of the Concord reformatory had held 15 hostages for four hours the previous night until a wave of State troopers had ended the bid for freedom with teargas and acetylene torches. One of the five, identified as a kidnaper, 36, had held a smuggled gun to the head of a hostage while demanding that they wanted out. A correction commissioner said that the ringleader of the group had mistakenly thought that he could make it out of the facility through the front door with a revolver and hostages. The superintendent of the reformatory said that it was definitely an escape attempt. The reformatory had once housed only youthful offenders but now was used for long-term adult prisoners. The superintendent said that the leaders of the revolt had called him twice by telephone from their temporary strongholds, demanding their release. Instead, the superintendent had called in State police to storm the wing where the rebels were holding the hostages with the gun and knives. He said that in addition to the inmates who had directly participated, about 50 other prisoners had milled about free from their cells during the uprising, but had taken no active part in it. The five inmates had held the hostages, 13 guards and two civilians, for four hours before surrendering meekly with their eyes swollen by the teargas. Their chances of getting out from the start had been nil. An executive officer of the State Police, heading an assault force of 125 troopers, said, when asked if negotiations had been considered, that he never negotiated with anyone and that they were there to get them out and restore order. The troopers had swarmed in with military precision, many wearing campaign ribbons. They wore steel helmets, carried riot guns and war bandoliers of cartridges and teargas charges. The issue had never been in doubt. The troopers had driven the malcontents from the first to the third floor of a wing of the prison, like soldiers assaulting pillboxes, opening steel doors along the way with acetylene torches.
In Henderson, N.C., it was reported that police and State troopers, outnumbering a handful of strikers, had escorted a full shift of workers to their jobs at the Harriet-Henderson Cotton Mills this date, following another outbreak of violence. The quiet scene had contrasted sharply with the previous night when second-shift workers had met small arms fire, homemade flares and firecrackers. About 250 pickets had ignored a steady drizzle at the company's two plants to jeer and shout defiance at the departing workers. One picket had been struck in the arm by a .38-caliber bullet, that person having received first-aid treatment at a hospital and released. An unidentified woman reportedly had suffered a slight head wound from a shot or a steel pellet hurled from a slingshot, an officer indicating that she had been treated at the South Henderson plant dispensary. Giant floodlights were beamed at the strikers as the workers, most of whom were in automobiles, were escorted through the plant gates by 100 Highway Patrolmen. There were a few minor incidents reported during the night. Two persons had been arrested and charged with illegal discharge of firearms and carrying concealed weapons. The strikers had been angered at the small number of jobs left available to them after the strike apparently had been settled the previous week. When only 30 strikers were taken back on the job on Monday, the striking Textile Workers Union of America said that it had been misled as to the number of jobs available to its members. The union said that it had about 1,000 members out of the 1,200 workers in the two plants before the strike had begun the prior November 17. The violence on Wednesday night had followed by only a few hours a denunciation in Raleigh by Governor Luther Hodges of the handling of the situation by management and the union. The Governor, who had helped negotiate a settlement the previous Friday, accused management of misleading him "intentionally or otherwise". Red-faced and shaking his finger vigorously, the Governor said that trying to end the five-month old strike was "the toughest job I've ever had." He said that he had notified Boyd Payton, regional director for the union, that he was holding him "responsible for any further violence" in Henderson. Mr. Payton had replied through newsmen that he had "no control in the matter of violence."
John Kilgo of The News reports that dog-catching was more dangerous than most people realized, that one was barked at, usually by dogs, but sometimes by people, and sometimes the dogs bit instead of barking. The previous day, the dogcatcher had found a new hazard to his job. He had broken his leg in two places while chasing a brown and white "mixed-up dog". He had been chasing dogs for 13 years and could have shot the dog and saved his leg, he said, but he loved dogs too much to do that. He said another person and he got the call the previous day to pick up the little dog. He did not want to hurt it. The dog could not run fast and he was on top of it and was ready to put the rope around its neck when both of his feet had gone out from under him and he heard his leg pop like a stick. He knew right away that it was broken. The dog got away while the dogcatcher was lying on his back in the mud. Now, he was lying on his back in Memorial Hospital in Charlotte with a cast on his leg. He said that his leg really hurt and he had to keep the cast on for six months. He promised that they would eventually get the dog. "We shoulda shot him yesterday but I don't shoot a dog if I can help it. I love them too much." It was not the first time that his job had landed him in the hospital. He indicated that he had been in the hospital not long earlier for three weeks taking rabies shots, that he had been bitten many times and had been scared before. "This job is about five times more dangerous than most people think."
On the editorial page, "Anonymous Government Is a Bad Joke" finds that the biennial buffoonery of "anonymous government" had been reenacted by the General Assembly's joint appropriations subcommittee during the week, but nobody had giggled despite it being one of the most elaborate jokes in the history of the republic, adding comic relief in Raleigh for years.
"Anonymous government" had been invented in 1955 when the press and public had complained about being locked out of the subcommittee's deliberations on the budget. The legislators said that they would invite newsmen in and let them report anything they saw or heard, provided that they did not identify anyone present and that they would not connect the names of real people with anything said during the discussions of the public's business.
State Representative Carl Venters of Onslow County had confessed during the week that he did not want some people to know how he voted in the subcommittee because legislators would be "put to terrific pressure" by citizens who might object to their votes. That sort of interference would be a bother.
Nothing would prevent a citizen, however, from wandering in, jotting down some notes and informing his friends and neighbors, as long as he was not a reporter for a newspaper, in which case he was officially gagged.
It indicates that the possibility could be prevented by having the legislators wear Klan hoods, Halloween masks or false whiskers. Or all deliberations could be carried on in a darkened room. Or the sergeant-at-arms could be stationed at the door and admit only deaf-mutes, Tibetan monks and citizens wearing blindfolds. Discussions might even be carried on in Hindustani, Creole French or Gullah, although a dead language would be safer.
It suggests that if the Legislature was going to make a game out of keeping the public's business from the public, the game ought at least be entertaining. The present system was merely impertinent, producing irresponsible reporting leading to farcical deceptions which the public ought not tolerate.
"The Better Teacher: A State of Mind" indicates that a special committee of the Legislature had undertaken a difficult task, finding a method to uncover the "better teachers" of the state so that they could profit in terms of salary. Such a program, according to a State House group, would supplement the current factors in pay, educational background and experience. The group had stated its aims before the North Carolina Education Association, asserting that "no funds for increased teacher salaries in addition to those already recommended by the Advisory Budget Commission can be obtained unless some means is found of rewarding the better teachers…"
The question had become what was a better teacher and the piece suggests that no battery of tests could provide the basic answer. The criteria were in the realm of subjectivity, whether the teacher had a good personality, could work well and patiently with slower students, could criticize in a positive manner and rebuke without hurting the feelings of students, with the teacher's approach to learning, the transmission of ideas and the projection of personality all being a part of the evaluation. The heart of the teacher was something which would not appear in tests. It could be found only in the student who was prepared for the next day or the next grade, the child who was happy to be taught, constantly interested and eager for the next step. It finds that such a person was the better teacher.
That person might go unrewarded because it was difficult to convey to an IBM computer or by the written word. It would remain in a job well done, in satisfaction of performance and the knowledge that the teacher, in some mystic way, had communicated with young minds.
"A Cheer for the Ports of Tarheelia" indicates that it was not sure why, but it was happy to note that the state had been only one of the six Southeastern customs districts which had reported a rise in exports during 1958. It suggests that some of the credit had to go to improved facilities, with a hustling program by the Ports Authority and emphasis by the state on promoting its coast.
The Commerce Department had reported that North Carolina had in 1958 gained in value of exports handled by 21 million dollars over the 65.8 million of the previous year, cutting the difference in the lead which South Carolina had, the latter having fallen from 143.7 million dollars to 115.7 million in 1958.
Regarding imports, the region had also made a good showing, with the Carolinas and Georgia showing gains. But in total trading, the regional trend was downward, with Florida reporting a slight gain. North Carolina had again reversed that trend, with a 29 percent increase over 1957. The total business in 1958 was 150.3 million dollars, while South Carolina had dropped to 191.6 million.
The district ran in a rough crescent to New Orleans, and it would be a long time before any regional port could match the business done in the Louisiana port. It was a cheerful note for North Carolina, and while the state might never catch New Orleans in total tonnage, it would not hurt to fix that state's tonnage as a goal.
"Onward and Upward" indicates that a press release from the Fund for the Republic had indicated: "An American labor official today called for a high-caliber labor leadership with 'the best features of West Point, a theological seminary and ward politics'."
The piece finds that it was all they needed.
A piece from the Wall Street Journal, titled "A Lesson in Air Force Tactics", indicates that a canard uttered in some military quarters that the Air Force officers were only flyboys, deficient in such higher things as strategy and tactics, could finally be put to rest by their brilliant success in the battle of Colorado Springs.
Congress had appropriated 136.9 million dollars to the Air Force to build an academy at the location, but the generals of the Air Force had considered it inadequate to give them the magnificent academy which they wanted. The problem had been brilliantly solved by taking the 136.9 million and building initially a set of dormitories which turned the Army and Navy green with envy. They had then installed such vital military equipment as a 3 million dollar sports fieldhouse, a $500,000 club for non-commissioned officers, 22 garden pools, 18 basketball courts, a 5.1 million dollar social center, including two ballrooms, an 18-hole golf course and a $53,642 lavatory for visitors, such as members of Congress.
By the time the money had been exhausted, they had everything except an airfield on which to teach the budding air officers how to fly. That being a necessity, they had Congress where they wanted it such that now, many members could not refuse additional appropriations of the few million dollars needed for the Academy to teach flying.
It finds one cheerful note in it all, that it was confident now that the Russians would not have a chance against the strategic planning of the Air Force operations staff.
Drew Pearson indicates that one of the biggest whiskey salesmen in the country was behind the American Bar Association's censure of the Supreme Court, adopted on February 24, causing a record number of lawyers to resign from the ABA and prompting the ACLU to issue a blistering blast against the organization. The whiskey salesman in question was Louis Nichols, the former press relations expert for FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, and presently the executive vice-president of Schenley Distillers. Mr. Nichols served on the ABA's special committee on Communist tactics, strategy and objectives, which had claimed that Supreme Court decisions had caused "paralysis" in the prosecution of Communists and subversives.
It had now been learned that several members of the ABA's special committee had disagreed with Mr. Nichols, but his resolution had nevertheless prevailed. Mr. Nichols had little experience as a lawyer, having received his law degree in 1934, the same year he entered the FBI. In 1951, the same year he left the FBI as public relations expert for Mr. Hoover, he became the right-hand man to Lewis Rosenstiel, chairman of Schenley. As such, he had operated one of the largest whiskey empires in the world, including Associated Kentucky Distillers, Affiliated Distillers Brands of New York, Blatz Brewing Co. of Wisconsin, Canadian Schenley Limited, Canadian Melrose Distillers of Canada, John McNaughton of Québec, Québec Distillers, Ltd., Dubonnet Wine Corp. of New York, Joseph S. Finch & Co., Norex Laboratories of Delaware, Old Charter Distillery Co., Schenley Pharmaceutical Laboratories, Seager, Evans & Co., Ltd., of London, together with Carioco Rum of Puerto Rico. Mr. Nichols and Schenley had phenomenal success in fields other than the law, the company having sold half a billion dollars worth of liquor in 1957 and accumulating by the previous year a total surplus of 225 million dollars.
But what Mr. Nichols knew about law was difficult to ascertain. Some attorneys critical of the ABA suggested that if he had not been so vigorous in pushing Schenley's whiskey sales, the Supreme Court would have less crime on which to rule.
Mr. Pearson notes that Schenley had a reason to be vengeful toward the Supreme Court, that by an unanimous decision, it had recently decided that four Schenley subsidiaries would have to face criminal antitrust proceedings for conspiracy to fix liquor prices. The subsidiaries contended that they had dissolved, but the Court held that, in effect, the dissolution was only a dodge and they were subject to criminal prosecution anyway.
Joseph Alsop indicates that Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York was seraphic in his non-committal when asked questions about his plans for the presidential race in 1960, emphatic, however, that he would not leave the state for any political purpose before the end of 1959, not looking any further ahead than that. He indicates that when a politician was giving such an imitation of an amiable oyster, it was probably unfair and imprudent to try to read meaning into his statements. Past performance helped, however, to determine what the Governor's course might be.
The prior fall, the gubernatorial race against incumbent Governor Averell Harriman had looked neither easy nor tempting when Mr. Rockefeller had decided to enter. The way he had made the decision indicated the way he was likely to make the decision which lay ahead for 1960. He had gone into the gubernatorial race like a bold gambler, though careful in his boldness, deciding in advance that it was worth challenging Governor Harriman if the odds were not worse than 3 to 2. He then financed an extremely comprehensive statewide poll taken early in the summer of 1956, showing that if the election had been held at that time, Governor Harriman would obtain 60 percent of the vote and Mr. Rockefeller, 40 percent. At the time, Mr. Rockefeller had remarked that a single percentage point more for Governor Harriman would have dissuaded him from entering the race.
Thus, the friends of Vice-President Nixon were being too optimistic about the intentions of Governor Rockefeller, it being nonsense when they said that he was not going to seek the Republican nomination the following year because he wanted to wait until 1964. Mr. Alsop finds that one could be reasonably confident that he would seek the nomination with all the fervor and enthusiasm which Wendell Willkie had mustered in 1940, but only if careful testing suggested that he had a reasonable chance to obtain the nomination.
Everything would depend on those advance tests. Mr. Rockefeller could not be compared to Harold Stassen or Senator Estes Kefauver in the sense that he was ready to begin running for the presidency whenever a bell rang, like one of Pavlov's dogs. A fight for delegates was very different from an appeal to the New York electorate. Thus, Mr. Rockefeller would probably buck the odds even more boldly in 1960 than he had in 1958. He finds it a fair guess that he would attempt a Willkie-style candidacy if he believed he had a chance of one in three of being nominated.
The question about Mr. Rockefeller's future was really about the Republican odds in January and February, 1960, a question, which Mr. Alsop finds to be divided into four sub-questions. The first sub-question was whether the President would be willing to use all the resources of the White House in support of the Vice-President. The latter had invited that support by not speaking about his doubts on such major issues as the defense program, but the answer to the question was probably nevertheless negative. The second sub-question was whether public opinion polls had created the impression that Mr. Nixon was a loser, the answer to which could not be ascertained, but it was what the Vice-President feared most. The third sub-question was whether Mr. Nixon already had ironclad commitments for a majority of the potential Republican delegates, probably not the case at this point in time. The fourth sub-question was whether Mr. Rockefeller's performance in the New York governorship looked impressive and attractive. He was laboring day and night to turn in a good performance.
Mr. Alsop finds that as one reviewed those four questions, the conclusion was that Mr. Rockefeller's final decision would most likely be determined by the answer to the second sub-question, that is whether the polls had created the perception of Mr. Nixon as a loser in the general election.
Marquis Childs, in New York, indicates that Governor Rockefeller was the hottest thing on the political stock exchange since Franklin Roosevelt. He had been elected Governor by a majority of more than a half-million votes the prior November, when otherwise there had been a Democratic tide. Ever since, he had been concentrating on pressing a program for the state covering every field of public service. Trying to avoid even the semblance of running for the presidential nomination in 1960, he had, until recently, gone so far as to refuse to see political reporters from Washington for the customary "background" talk.
Now, however, with correspondents being allowed to interview him, several had been filing out of his office in Albany and in New York City. What he wanted to talk about was his program for the state, the dire necessities which had led him to risk his popularity by getting the Republican Legislature to adopt 260 million dollars worth of new taxes, his labor reform bill which had received almost unanimous support in the State Senate and House, his proposal for compulsory major medical insurance, the commission to plan a revision of the state's tax structure, slum clearance, urban renewal, and unemployment. He talked frankly about the great advantage his wealth gave him both in politics and government. If he wanted to obtain an expert in one field or another, he could supplement a government salary with various kinds of help from his own pocket. One of the things of which he was the most proud was the number of men of special skill and ability he had brought into government.
Since the prior November, he had turned down nearly 400 requests to speak outside the state, many of which had been at a high level, before conventions and national groups. He said that he would continue to turn down such requests through 1959.
Regarding 1960, he displayed the politician's caution, not wanting to discuss the possibility of his nomination for the presidency and the fight he would have to make in the primaries to obtain the nomination against Vice-President Nixon.
But anyone could see that Mr. Rockefeller was in the middle of events which he might not be able to control even if he wanted to do so. When the Democrats talked frankly, they said that Mr. Rockefeller would be an unbeatable candidate in 1960. They also believed, or professed to believe, that the nomination of Mr. Nixon was one thing which could unify the Democratic Party, bringing all elements together behind any Democratic candidate.
Despite the polls and the overwhelming preference of the Republican professionals for Mr. Nixon, that was the political configuration.
"Having at the age of 50 jumped into the river, braving an element alien to his whole background, Rockefeller is today like a powerful swimmer in midstream. He cannot turn back, he must go on. And in that fine, old expression he has taken to it like a duck to water."
A letter writer indicates that the lead editorial of April 20 had begun with four magnificent paragraphs, enough to send a devoted Charlotte resident's spirits racing. But he finds that those spirits had come to a grinding halt and gone into painful reverse with the editorial's endorsement of Mayor James Smith in the mayoral race. He does not take issue with the support of the four gentlemen running for the City Council under the banner "Citizens for Better Government", but does not understand why the editorial believed that their election would transform Mayor Smith into a dynamic, forceful leader. He finds the previous two years to have been a complete vacuum of mayoral leadership, that the conduct of the city's business had been inept and uninspired. He supports Councilwoman Martha Evans in the mayoral race, whom he believes could provide progressive, imaginative leadership.
A letter writer wonders why a city the size of Charlotte could not come up with better candidates in the mayoral race, indicating that the voters did not have the opportunity to select any new blood for that important office. Mr. Smith was the incumbent and Mrs. Evans had been a member of the City Council. He believes that what was needed was a person who could take over and run things differently for a change, instead of the same old faces.
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