The Charlotte News

Wednesday, February 4, 1959

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Helmstedt, West Germany, that the Soviet Army had stood pat this date in its refusal to grant passage to a U.S. Army truck convoy held up for two days at West Germany's frontier. At the same time it had been learned that the Russians had searched a British truck on the same Berlin highway, the autobahn. A U.S. Army officer had met with a Soviet Army officer at the checkpoint for ten minutes, but apparently nothing had been resolved. A Soviet Army spokesman charged that the convoy's refusal to bow to Red Army inspection controls at the West German frontier had been "a deliberate and prepared maneuver". Commenting on a rapid-fire series of U.S. protests and demands that the four-truck convoy, with its five-soldier guard, be allowed to proceed immediately, the Red Army spokesman at East Berlin headquarters had said, "It is now up to the Americans to put this affair in order." The Soviets were insisting that the convoy either should allow the interior of the cargo trucks to be inspected or return to West Berlin. The U.S. was responding that the Russians had no right to search the truck interiors under four-power agreements. The U.S. refused to allow Soviet border guards to search the convoy when it had rolled up on Monday from West Berlin at the Soviet checkpoint in Marienborn, just over the line from the West German border point at Helmstedt. The trucks carried jeeps. The west-bound British truck, with a lone driver, had been held up two days earlier. Both incidents occurred on the autobahn, the 110-mile road linking isolated West Berlin with West Germany. The British said that their truck had been stopped at the Marienborn checkpoint as it was en route from West Berlin to West Germany. The Russians said that they wanted to check the interior of the truck, which was open at the back, and the driver had resisted. While he was arguing with a Russian officer, a Russian soldier had climbed into the back of the truck and looked around, according to the British Army spokesman, the Russian having evidently satisfied himself that there was nothing inside and the Russians having allowed the truck to proceed. The driver had gone across to Helmstedt and reported to his superiors, with a protest having followed. While the Soviet officer with an interpreter and the U.S. military police captain talked at the Helmstedt checkpoint, the four-truck convoy remained parked at Marienborn within sight of the free West. U.S. military authorities considered the convoy stoppage the gravest incident since the Soviets had begun their drive the previous November to oust the Western powers from West Berlin.

The President this date, at his press conference, said that it would be a wicked thing to set up a Federal police force to enforce civil rights. Simultaneously, Senate Republican Minority Leader Everett Dirksen of Illinois said that the Administration's civil rights proposals would be sent to Congress the following day. It was an abrupt change of plans since the previous day, when Congressional leaders had expected a two-week delay in submission of the program. No reason for the change had been immediately available, although Senator Jacob Javits of New York had said that he would introduce a broad measure unless the Administration sent its own proposals promptly. The President said that he was never going to send to Congress anything other than a moderate and decent civil rights program which would improve the situation in the country. The Administration program was expected to be aimed at greater protection of voting rights and at curbing disorders in school integration. In addition, the President referenced Berlin at the press conference, saying that the Government had protested to Moscow regarding the Soviet halting of the American truck convoy, that the U.S. regarded the act as a violation of explicit or implied agreements among the four powers occupying Berlin. Regarding missiles, he said that the claims by Soviet Defense Minister Rodion Malinovsky that the West lacked the missile might to cope with new Soviet weapons of pinpoint accuracy, sounded like propaganda. Regarding the budget, the President urged Congress to provide for higher taxes in every spending bill which would unbalance his 77 billion-dollar submitted budget. He said that he was sure that the public did not want tax increases, deficit spending and cheapened dollars.

In New York, as reported this date by the Charlotte Observer, the Federal Civil Rights Commission heard persistent demands for Federal action against housing discrimination as it completed two days of hearings on the subject on Tuesday. Representatives of black, Puerto Rican and Jewish groups, among others, had called on the Government to refuse further Federal guarantees or aid to housing which was not open to minorities. Some witnesses said that it ought be done by the President. Others had urged Congress to act. The Commission, which currently had a three-man Southern Democratic majority, had made little comment. The commissioners would make their recommendations in a report to the President and to Congress, due by September. There was virtual agreement among the witnesses at the hearings that particularly blacks and Puerto Ricans had been segregated into racial ghettos in New York and many other cities. But there was much disagreement about the causes of it. One commissioner, Robert Storey, dean of law at Southern Methodist University, had asked repeatedly witnesses if it was not largely because minority groups had chosen to live together. Several witnesses, including the executive director of the NAACP, Roy Wilkins, agreed that such choice was a large factor in the pattern. He said that there were "many Negroes" in Harlem who would not leave if they were offered "gold-plated apartments" elsewhere. But he insisted that for many, living in a segregated ghetto was not a matter of choice. A spokesman for the real estate interests had placed responsibility for discrimination on tenants. General James Andrews of the New York Real Estate Board said: "Our tenants are the ones who are really opposed to integration. We don't know how to make the tenants stay where they don't want to stay." He claimed that the average landlord was "rather indifferent to the color line, but is interested mostly in making a profit." Others placed responsibility on real estate agents. The Rev. Gardner C. Taylor, a black man and president of the Protestant Council of New York City, said: "It is an open secret among minorities that the suppliers of private housing in our cities, the real estate interests, keep the supply of housing available to minorities at a trickle while the demand remains enormous in order to keep the price exorbitant."

Also reported in The Observer, the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith had protested to the Commission on Tuesday housing restrictions on Jews in areas of the Carolinas. Eugene Sugarman, chairman of the New York advisory board of the Jewish organization, called for Federal action to forbid racial or religious discrimination in Federally-aided housing, as well as for state and local laws everywhere to bar discrimination in private housing. Mr. Sugarman had delivered a prepared statement which covered many areas of the country, naming two areas of Columbia, S.C., as examples of restrictions on housing for Jews in the South. He said that the two areas were "an old area known as Heathwood" and "a newer section owned and developed by M. R. Bagnall, Jr., and R. R. Rigby, Jr., under the title of Trenholm Building Co." Protest had been lodged with Mr. Bagnall against restrictive covenants barring Jews, according to Mr. Sugarman, but the developer had "remained adamant". (Such restrictive covenants, while, themselves, not subject to prohibition in a private contract, could not be enforced in the courts as that would entail state action in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment Equal Protection Clause, as held in 1948 in Shelley v. Kraemer.) Mr. Sugarman also said that residential area restrictions were found in Gastonia and Wilmington, N.C., but he did not mention the particular developments. He conceded that Jews fared much better than blacks as far as housing was concerned but said, "Islands of senseless housing restrictions against Jews still exist."

The Senate had agreed on Tuesday to take up the 2.9 billion-dollar Democratic-sponsored omnibus housing bill this date and leaders were aiming for a final vote by the end of the week. Senator John Sparkman of Alabama, the major sponsor of the measure, told reporters that he was confident that the Senate would pass it without reductions. The President had asked for a 1.65 billion-dollar measure. It required unanimous consent for the Sparkman measure to be made the Senate's business for this date. Senators Spessard Holland of Florida and Frank Lausche of Ohio had agreed to go along only after obtaining assurances that committee reports on the bill, not yet filed, would be filed by this date.

In Vienna, Austria reported that unemployment had increased by 8.9 percent over the previous year's figures, with the total 227,857 out of work representing 10 percent of the labor force available.

In New York, it was reported that an American Airlines jet plane with 73 persons aboard had crashed into the chilly, fog-covered waters of the East River late the previous night and that 65 persons aboard had apparently perished despite feverish rescue efforts by harbor craft. The plane's pilot, using instruments because of the murky weather conditions, had been feeling his way toward a runway of La Guardia Airport on a nonstop flight from Chicago, when, for an undetermined reason, the four-engine turboprop plane had smacked into the water and burst apart about half a mile from the shore end of the runway. Some of the passengers and crew were flung from or had floated out of the wreckage before it sank to the river bottom, 30 to 36 feet below. A tugboat chugging along a few hundred feet away had cut loose two barges it was towing to New York from Connecticut and raced to the crash scene. Crewmen leaped into the water or used boat hooks to pull out the eight persons known to have survived the crash, one having been an eight-year old boy. A member of the tug's crew said that the sights and sounds were something he would never forget. He said that there seemed to be bodies all around and that there were continual screams for help. All through the night and into the gray, rainy dawn, a huge array of boats searched the river for bodies and by mid-morning only 19 had been recovered, leaving 46 still missing. The eight survivors had been taken to hospitals. The mother of the rescued boy had been pulled from the water alive but died later. The boy said that his mother had swum and held his head above water before he was rescued. Swirling river currents, plus rain and wind up to 40 mph, had hampered the search for other bodies and had given rise to fears that some of them might be swept miles out into Long Island Sound. The site of the crash had been marked by a few floating pieces of the 1.7 million dollar Lockheed Electra airliner, which had been put into service only a few weeks earlier. It had only been happenstance that the tugboat was nearby the crash scene, as ordinarily the tugs would be busily scurrying up and down the river, but were presently tied up by a strike of crewmen. The tug had not been hampered by the strike as it was based in Connecticut. The new airliners were designed to combine jet power with the advantage of the propeller, the engine operating on the principle of a turbine. The plane had been easing toward La Guardia through light rain and fog, and 38-degree weather with a ceiling of visibility at about 300 to 400 feet at the time of the crash.

A tugboat captain had provided a graphic eyewitness account of the crackup of the plane near his vessel and of the frantic efforts to rescue passengers, saying that he would never forget some of the awful sights and sounds he had witnessed. He said that he pulled three persons out of the river and there seemed to be bodies all around, with continual screams for help. They had been able to get eight persons aboard, using boat hooks to retrieve most of them. One of the bodies had been under 4 feet of water and the only way they had seen it was from a reflection on a belt buckle. He said that one of the survivors picked up had been the eight-year old boy, later identified as being from Long Island. He had been swimming in the frigid waters and was numb with cold and unable to talk. The captain said that if there had only been more tugboats around, more survivors might have been retrieved, but that they could not last long in the frigid water. He said that they had waited until they were sure there were no others around before starting toward the shore. He said that when they had arrived at the scene, the plane was in small bits, with the tail section, seemingly intact, sticking out of the water, the rest in pieces. They managed to snag with boat hooks a large part of the fuselage on which there were perched three persons. As they had hauled them aboard, he saw a hand poke through a door in the wreckage and it looked like the pilot's door. He heard a man cry for help and they yanked at the door with boat hooks and tried to open it just as the wreckage began to pull away, and he saw the hand disappear and heard a man cry, "Stop." He said he would never forget it and believed it was the pilot. They had to let it go.

The eight-year old boy had been sitting in the seat of the airliner next to his mother and nearby had been his father and two sisters. They had been on a happy excursion to visit relatives in Chicago as they often did and were returning home. From a hospital bed later, the boy told about having emerged from the shock of a terrible series of events, saying in a halting voice: "I was sitting in the seat next to mommy. I don't know what happened but all of a sudden I began to slide and we went under the seat. Then I was on something in the water. Mommy was holding me. Then in the water we couldn't stay up. I tried to hold my breath. I was cold. My arms felt frozen." He had been unable to speak any further. His murmurs to attendants made it plain that he was aware that his parents and sisters were dead. He and his mother had been rescued from the icy waters and rushed to the hospital, where his mother had died later. His father and sisters, ages five and 13, had been listed among those missing as searchers continued to look for bodies. A relative of the family said that the family had a close attachment with other relatives in Chicago and often flew there for visits. The father had been a flier during World War II and had been shot down, spending 11 months in a prison camp. He had continued, according to the relative, to enjoy flying as a civilian and was nearly always traveling by plane with his family, indicating that to them, "flying was just like taking a bus."

In Brooklyn, a mother of two heard a news bulletin on the television advising of the crash, with her husband having been aboard. She telephoned American Airlines but it was too early to confirm whether he had been a survivor or not. The woman's father, who lived with her, sped with the worried woman to La Guardia and there they learned that some survivors had been taken to Flushing Hospital. They then raced to the emergency ward at the hospital where their hopes were confirmed, being advised that the man was stunned but alive, not knowing where he was. Sometime later, he had been able to report that he owed his life to leaving his regular seat just prior to the crash, having gone to the lounge in the rear of the plane. After the crash, he had helped two stewardesses and a little boy out of the plane and next recalled swimming toward a tugboat in the East River. Before his wife had reached him, the hospital had called and their two children, ages 14 and nine, had learned that their father was all right. He had flown to Chicago early the previous day on business and had sought an earlier plane back to New York, but had been unable to obtain one.

The highest death toll to date in aviation had involved a military plane which crashed June 18, 1953 near Tokyo, with 129 U.S. servicemen aboard. The worst commercial airline disaster to date had occurred over the Grand Canyon on June 30, 1956, when a United Airlines DC-7 and a TWA Super Constellation had collided and crashed to the rocks below, killing 128 persons. The most disastrous single airplane crash in the history of commercial aviation had occurred on August 14, 1958, when a KLM Royal Dutch airliner had disappeared over the Atlantic with 99 aboard. Other major crashes and their death tolls had been at Cardiff, Wales, on March 12, 1950, when 80 soccer fans returning from a Dublin match had been killed; at Issoudin, Québec, on August 11, 1957, when 79 in a chartered Maritime Central Airways DC-4, returning from England, had been killed; and off New Jersey on June 20, 1956, when 74 persons in a Venezuela Air Lines Super Constellation bound for New York had been killed.

There is nothing in The News this date or the previous day regarding the crash of the small plane near Mason City, Iowa, the previous morning which took the lives of singers Buddy Holly, 22, Ritchie Valens, 17, and J. P. (Big Bopper) Richardson, 24, as reported this date on the front page of the Charlotte Observer. The troupe with which the trio had appeared had entertained an estimated 1,100 teenagers and their parents at the Surf ballroom in nearby Clear Lake on Monday night. The Beechcraft Bonanza plane, chartered from the Dwyer Flying Service of Mason City, had been slated to take the three singers to Fargo, N.D., in advance of the troupe's engagement there on Tuesday night. The others in the troupe had traveled via chartered bus, with two band members having been substituted by Mr. Valens and Mr. Richardson, the latter suffering from a bad cold and the former winning a coin toss to fly aboard the plane. Subsequently well-known country singer Waylon Jennings had given up his seat to Mr. Richardson because of the latter's ailment. The three singers who had soared to popularity among teenagers in recent years, had chartered the plane to take care of advance arrangements at Fargo. Authorities had tentatively blamed weather conditions for the crash. In addition to snow, the temperature had been 18 degrees and a southerly wind had been gusting at 35 mph. The left wing tip had apparently struck the ground first and flown off, with pieces of wreckage ripped from the plane, as it plowed a distance of about two city blocks across a field and piled up against a wire fence. The plane had come down about 5 miles northwest of the airport on a farm and apparently no one had heard the crash. Three of the bodies were lying on the ground near the wreckage and one remained inside the wreckage. A woman, whose husband managed the Surf ballroom, said that everything had sounded okay when the plane had taken off. Hollywood trade sources said that the combined record sales of the three singers had been in the millions. As we commented yesterday, while it was sad, as would be any loss of life from such a mishap, it was not "the day the music died". Get over it. By that point in time, it was, in truth, little more than a footnote to the news, as demonstrated by its total absence in The News, as the folk trend had already taken hold, largely replacing the rock 'n' roll scene for at least the time being during the ensuing five years, which had fallen on hard times, basically being supplanted by little more than easy-listening mush. Even the latter songs of Mr. Holly bordered on mush. We remember this news story appearing in our local newspaper, though we were not able to read it. Our older sibling, knowing that we liked listening to "Peggy Sue" among his record collection, pointed out the fact to us as he arrived home from high school in the afternoon, as we recall it, probably the previous day—even if the schools had been closed that day for inclement weather. At that moment, an image of the Kingston Trio passed through our brain. Apparently, we saw the pictures. But we could not read the accompanying text.

King of the hill? We used to play that on the bank beside the Greenbrier, near the Avalon. You remember.

In Honolulu, it was reported that a 65-year old woman in Kentucky and a Jewish businessman of New York City had been offering their eyes to evangelist Billy Graham, afflicted with an ailment of his left eye. The 40-year old Protestant crusader from Charlotte had received thousands of letters and telegrams expressing concern, coming from Catholics, Moslems and persons of many other faiths. They had come from prominent people and those unknown in many countries around the world. The evangelist said that he was overwhelmed and humbled. He said that many persons had written that they were praying for him. He was nearing the end of a three-week rest in Hawaii and said that he was convinced that God did answer prayer and that although he did not consider his condition critical, it had done something to him spiritually to know that so many people all over the world were praying and were interested. He said of the woman from Kentucky who had offered her eye that he was so overwhelmed that he was moved to tears by it, having never had anything like that happen to him before. He said that one Catholic seminary had written that special prayers were being offered for his recovery, and he thought it a "very wonderful thing". Among those who had sent letters or telegrams had been Vice-President Nixon, UAW president Walter Reuther and the late film producer Cecil B. DeMille, the latter letter having been written only four days before its author's death the previous month. The evangelist had been stricken by the condition late the prior year and doctors had described it as a nervous disorder, probably from overwork and strain. They prescribed complete rest and the evangelist and his wife had arrived in Hawaii on January 18 for the three-week stay. He would leave around February 8 for Australia, where he was to open a religious crusade a week later. He said that the vision in his left eye had improved some and that he would be taking the medication prescribed by his doctor. He said that his general physical condition was excellent and that he did not think he had ever felt better. He spent most of his time in Hawaii relaxing at the beach, playing golf and deep-sea fishing.

In Chitose, Japan, it was reported that Japan's lone Sabrejet combat wing on Tuesday had gotten its first operational orders, to attack a task force nearing the southern coast of Hokkaido, Japan's northernmost main island. The task force annually invaded the southern coast of Hokkaido, preying on fish and wreaking havoc with fishermen's nets and boats, being made up of large walruses weighing at least a ton. Unlike seals, the walrus was not protected by the Government and the fishermen had petitioned the Japanese Air Force to defend them. The Air Force had decided to send out its Sabrejets to attack with cannon and destroy the enemy task force or drive it back north.

In Houston, it was reported that oilman W. Howard Lee the previous day had filed suit seeking divorce from actress Hedy Lamarr, his petition alleging cruel treatment prior to the couple's separation the prior August. The marriage was his second and the fifth for Ms. Lamarr.

In Providence, R.I., a woman said that her family soon would dispose of the ten Christmas trees they had kept since Christmas, saying on Tuesday night that her family had been keeping the trees because of a feeling that "Christmas isn't over until Lent begins", which would be on February 11 in the current year.

On the editorial page, "Growing up Includes Emergencies" indicates that the Charlotte First Aid and Life Saving Crew, a voluntary organization, was in danger of no longer being able to continue as such amid growing responsibilities in a booming population. The Life Saving Crew had made known its needs for a centrally located headquarters from which to function, saving time and rounding up equipment, training of its men and being able to respond to calls, presently averaging nearly one per day.

One official body, the Social Planning Council, had been and still was vitally concerned with the need for emergency services, having recommended that the need for a service such as the Life Saving Crew was vital, that it ought be supported by funding from taxes, and that it ought be a county-wide operation. In studying other metropolitan areas the size of Charlotte, the Council had discovered that emergency needs would soon outrun services which a volunteer group could provide. Paid personnel was the only solution to the problem. Able to respond in seconds, metropolitan rescue squads had cut time by having emergencies as their primary responsibility.

In Atlanta, for example, the volunteers remained as a worthwhile, needed auxiliary force on call in emergencies, but the primary role had been taken over by professionals. It asks how far Charlotte was from such a point, whether the initial costs could be afforded and whether the volunteers would be willing to become a secondary force. It suggests that sober thought needed to be expended by the community in answering those questions as the growing population needed the best protection for any emergency.

"Germany's Future: A Negotiable Issue" finds that the detention of the U.S. Army convoy on East Germany's autobahn within sight of Berlin (the piece misunderstanding this latter point, as it was detained nearly 110 miles from West Berlin, just short of the West German border at Helmstedt) had been suspiciously well-timed, occurring just as Secretary of State Dulles had been preparing to fly to Europe to discuss the Berlin question with Britain, France and West Germany. The incident in East Germany, the Soviet threats reaffirmed at the Communist Party congress in Moscow, the chest-thumping the previous day by Russian Defense Minister Rodion Malinovsky, it posits, had been undoubtedly maneuvers to draw counter-proposals from the West regarding Germany. France and West Germany had been arguing against counter-proposals on the ground that they could be interpreted as a concession under pressure, that the West's "fixed position" regarding Berlin was in fact a negotiable issue.

It was, however, a concession which had to be made sooner or later and the sooner the better. The matter could be discussed without surrendering any integrity. As a caretaker of the global hotspot in Berlin, the U.S. had an obligation to seek a prompt and reasonable end to the trouble, to search for appropriate solutions while still insisting that there would be no sellout of West Berlin or surrender of West Germany to Communist domination. That would not be "yielding to pressure" but rather discharging an international responsibility.

It suggests that it might well be the last opportunity for the West to discuss with Moscow the future of Germany and its relation to Central Europe as a whole, for it was not a secret that West Germany would soon be receiving nuclear weapons from the U.S. and was rapidly being integrated into NATO's combined defense organization. Both of those facts promised that a deep-freeze on the German question would soon begin.

Inflexibility had a determined ring to it, but if it meant inertia which would set up new dangers, then the West was wedded to a blind and foolish policy. The time to attempt to break the impasse on Germany was the present, when some flexibility was still possible and when there was a basis for realistic, self-enforcing agreements still extant.

"The Rapid Re-Entry into Positive Ideas" indicates that perhaps writers who journeyed upon the pages of the newspaper were apt to fly into the mindless void of outer space, an easy thing to prescribe for the ills of mankind, offering solutions for a world beset by missiles. Such had been the flights of fancy of some of the columnists for the newspaper.

At home, writers were seeking reform in State Government, challenging better times for the urban population, and reapportionment of state districts or State constitutional changes.

It indicates that sometimes when the brain had become crammed with noble-steeded thoughts, it was time to descend to street level again, to take a lunch with citizens from every walk of life, bringing one back to reality in a hurry.

It cites an overheard conversation as example: "Man, I just wish they'd get Argentine Rocca back in here to wrassle that Bolo. He'd tear that guy's head off along with that mask." The reply had been: "Boy, he sho' would. And I'd pay big money to see that done."

It sounds a little bit more like, at present, one of the ICE "crackdowns" in American cities than a professional "wrasslin'" match of old.

Delores Beckman, writing in American Home, in a piece titled "Not Back on the Ranch", indicates that when she read the real estate ads, she could not help feeling a little shabby, as such glowing terms as "prestige homes", "executive type homes" and "exclusive country living" floated before her eyes, while the one phrase that really gave her the "whammies" was "ranch type home". She did not know why it bothered her so much unless it was because she lived on a ranch where she had a home.

A "ranch type home" was usually described with eye-catching phrases such as "set on a knoll", "indoor-outdoor living", "terrific view", "home of tomorrow" and "provincial darling". Its interiors were pictured with such captivating descriptions as "built-in hutch", "dishwasher", "intercom system throughout", and "pegged floors". "Low cut roof with overhang" was almost indispensable.

While she understood most of the terms, some, such as "chalet type fireplace" and "wet bar", took a lot out of her. "Pegged floors" intrigued her, as her home had pegged floors, with holes made by furniture legs, rocks from the soles of shoes and little boys with high hammers and low brains. There was even one peg where she had dropped her steam iron.

One oft-used phrase was "casual ranch theme", which she presumed to mean a ranch where a person could live casually, but no one lived casually on her ranch, with even the gophers having to compete with the cats if they wanted to survive. The weeds grew with a vigor not even remotely casual and the wood which burned in their fireplace had not been casually chopped.

Regarding a "terrific view", she could see from the "knoll" where she sat to the edge of the smog and there were cactus, poison oak, weeds, castor beans, a battered red truck, a 1948 tractor with collapsible disk, and a lane with 47 chuck holes intervening.

Drew Pearson suggests that if one analyzed carefully Secretary of Defense Neil McElroy's statement that the U.S. would not attempt to match the production of Russia's ICBM's, it amounted to the most depressing, defeatist admission made by a public official since the U.S. had become a world power after World War II. In effect, it was an official admission that the U.S. was willing to accept the status of a second-class power. That was especially so when coupled with Premier Nikita Khrushchev's confident harangue before the Communist Party congress, comparing Russia's 86 percent annual increase in industrial production with the U.S. increase of only 2 percent. Those facts may have been new to the American people, but they were not new to those inside the National Defense Council, nor to some newspapermen who had been accused of being Cassandras, nor to the authors of the book U.S.A.—Second-Class Power?

For weeks, experts in the State Department and the Pentagon, whose job it was to study what made Moscow tick, had been warning that the balance of power was shifting and that the emergence of Russia as the primary missile power was the last phase of that shift. The previous balance of power had been with the U.S. For the previous 15 years, Russia had known that any aggressive action by it meant the risk of heavy and effective retaliatory action by the U.S., that the U.S. had the power to retaliate and Russia did not want to risk that retaliation. The balance of power at present was with Russia, having begun to swing in that direction the prior year, becoming evident with Premier Khrushchev's statements to Senator Hubert Humphrey regarding his latest ICBM, which had gone unchallenged by the President after the Senator had briefed him. Secretary McElroy's recent admission made that shift in power categorical and definite.

That fact had enabled Russia to be so tough regarding Berlin and why Deputy Premier Anastas Mikoyan had been so uncompromising in the Russian position during his recent visit to the U.S. Moscow was aware that it had the balance of power and was no longer very much worried over U.S. retaliation.

It was why such columnists as Joseph Alsop, Marquis Childs and Mr. Pearson, himself, had been hammering on American defenses until a lot of readers were tired of hearing about it.

The balance of power impacted not only Berlin but was likely to affect the entire neutral or pro-West perimeter of Russia. In the Asian countries surrounding the Soviet bloc countries, only one thing prevented Russia and Communist China from encroachment, the fear of U.S. striking power. But now that the Russians had the balance of power, the question was whether Russia would use that power to move into the neutral countries of Asia and Africa. Already, three shiploads of Soviet arms were en route to the Persian Gulf of Iraq, once a member of the Baghdad Pact, a country from which England received a large part of its oil. That could be the first test of the new balance of power and might be the first result of Secretary McElroy's admission the previous week that the U.S. would not keep up with Russia in building ICBM's.

R. H. Shackford, Scripps-Howard Newspapers correspondent, in the third of a series of articles on Communist China, this date examines the Government's abolition of the family as a primary sociological objective of the new commune system. Husbands and wives were being separated, children raised by the State in institutions run by Communist Party functionaries, and grandparents herded into "Houses of Happiness" for the elderly if they were unable to work. (It actually sounds more humane than the Trump mass deportation policy of 2025-26, based on daily quotas, not "rapists, murderers, drug cartel operatives, gang members, and child molesters"—which includes killing American citizens if they dare protest the action.)

The program was already underway on a massive scale and evidence of resistance was so slight thus far that U.S. officials, who counted on the traditional Chinese family system to block and frustrate Communism, were wondering whether their hope was completely valid. Trying to break up the family would be Mao Tse-tung's greatest test, and if he could get away with it, as he was presently doing, he might succeed in converting China into a nation of automatons, responsive only to the will of the State.

A secondary but important goal for the attack on the family was the control of population growth, a problem so serious, as the nation added 15 million people each year, that any diminution in the birth rate, however small, would be helpful to the regime. The regime did not hide its determination to abolish the family and instead callously boasted of it—just as the Trump regime does with its mass deportation policy, obviously emulating Communist China, which Trump makes no secret about admiring.

Segregated barracks for men and women were replacing individual cottages, with nurseries, kindergartens and boarding schools being built for children, communal mess halls taking the place of the family hearth, and the primary allegiance being to the commune and the paramilitary unit to which each man, woman, and child was assigned, the new "family".

That "new way of life", the Communist slogan for that part of the commune program, was directed at the younger generations which made up the bulk of China's 650 million people. The Communists were capitalizing on natural tendencies of the young to resist family control. The Communists claimed in discussing well-advanced communes: "Children no longer think about their homes. It is the Communist ideal to put children under communal education as soon as they can be separated from their mothers. It is part and parcel of our long-range plan to mold children into new men imbued with Communist ideology." Red Flag, the Chinese Communist theoretical magazine, stated: "Perhaps somebody will ask: Will not the collective life lead to the breaking up of the family? Well, we have broken up those families which were essentially miserable bird-cage prisons for the toilers." Mr. Shackford adds parenthetically that a Communist and a non-Communist family would fit that latter description.

Where communes were far advanced, segregation of the husband and wife was aiming at near absoluteness. Often they were assigned to "regiments" in different areas. When "together" in separate barracks, there were reports of an informal "Saturday night" system whereby all except one of the married women in a female barracks slept elsewhere so that each week one wife could spend the night alone with her husband. If there were ten or more inmates in the barracks, the length of time between turns for an evening alone with one's husband could be as many weeks.

It would take many years even for Mao to redo all of China's housing such that everyone was placed in segregated barracks. But the regime already had peasants tearing down their old homes and using the bricks and lumber to build a large barracks for living and mess halls. The communal mess hall had received the most attention to date. Hardly a day passed that Peiping's propaganda mill did not grind out news about that project. It was aimed at using less food to feed China's 650 million people and freeing most women for manual work in the fields, mines and factories. Even the Communists were admitting some problems with communal feeding. Newspapers printed complaints, with one such organ claiming a mess hall served only sweet potatoes for every meal for days on end. The campaign went on relentlessly to restrict "excess" consumption, to free the housewife for State work, to speed up the eating process and leave more time for work, with one commune reporting that three extra working hours per day resulted from communal feeding, to have an entire production unit assembled in one place "to receive instructions and explanations".

The goal was to have all members of each productive unit irrespective of family ties, "work, sleep, eat, study and relax with their coworkers." Even when families had a reunion, for which schedules allowed little time, the meeting would be at a communal meal, in a communal barracks, or at a communal meeting. The Communists piously proclaimed that no one had to eat in a mess hall if they did not wish to do so, but soon there would be no other way to eat.

Mr. Shackford indicates that the following day he would examine the bonus and punishment system.

Doris Fleeson indicates that the sudden switch in the chairmanship of the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee from aging Theodore Francis Green of Rhode Island to 55-year old J. William Fulbright of Arkansas could well prove to be the most momentous event of the current Congress. The venerable Senator Green, personally one of the best-known and best-liked Senators, had made a sacrifice in giving up his chairmanship which probably could not be appreciated outside of Washington. Always noted for his liveliness and zest, it had not been easy for him to give up such power and prestige in the face of impaired hearing and eyesight. The Senator, 91, had announced that he had not resigned because of "slanted editorials", referencing an editorial in one of his state's leading newspapers, the Providence Journal, which had called on him to resign. She notes that the editorial, itself, had taken courage and it no doubt had helped set in motion the events which brought about the resignation.

The importance of the change in chairmanship of the Committee, coming in the wake of the midterm elections, from which most observers read a new demand for leadership, could not be overestimated, as it also occurred in a period when there were signs of a thaw in the cold war. The Senate had the constitutional obligation to advise the President on matters of foreign policy, done primarily through its Committee on Foreign Affairs, and with an active chairman, could exert great influence. A change in chairmanship would have been important at any time, but coming at a time when a fixed pattern of foreign policy was seemingly at a point at which changes, voluntary or forced, were about to be made, the ascension by Senator Fulbright could not be overestimated.

She indicates that on the face of it, there might appear to be no connection between the stepping down of Senator Green and the overthrow of former Republican Minority Leader Joseph Martin in the House, but it was there, as the times were demanding a change in the type of ancestral worship which lay behind the seniority rules in Congress. Congress had insisted in the laws governing the Civil Service on enforced retirement at age 65, and yet very often, members of Congress did not attain important and demanding chairmanships until long after that age.

Senator Willis Robertson of Virginia, who would now succeed Senator Fulbright as chairman of the Banking Committee, was 71 years old. Senator Harry F. Byrd, also of Virginia, chairman of the Finance Committee, was also 71. Representative Howard Smith, 76, also of Virginia, was chairman of the House Rules Committee. None of those three sensitive Virginians listed his age in the Congressional Directory. Senator Carl Hayden of Arizona, 81, was chairman of the Committee on Appropriations, under normal circumstances, the most arduous Committee assignment in the Senate. Senator James Murray of Montana, 82, chairman of the Interior Committee. In the House, Representative Brent Spence of Kentucky, 85, was chairman of the Banking and Currency Committee. Representative Joseph Cannon of Missouri was chairman of Appropriations, and Carl Vinson of Georgia, was chairman of Armed Services, both being over 75.

A letter writer indicates that if black citizens were to make as much progress in the ensuing 100 years as they had in the previous century, they would be ahead of the white race. He suggests that there were too many within the white race who were not concerned with making any progress at all and that all the progress which many white people made was that which they were compelled to make. Black citizens on the other hand moved all over the map of America trying to make a living and to educate their families, the travel itself being a pretty good education. "Let's quit thinking that we are better than the Negro because we have a white skin. The color of the skin does not insure quality or more intelligence."

A letter writer indicates that the reason the union was set on unionizing the Charlotte City Police Department was because it knew that it was the most efficient way to gain control of the City Government while at the same time enlarging its bank account. He indicates that the union wanted power and authority and could not achieve it without union dues, used, along with taxpayer money, to try to force their power and money rackets on the City Government and the taxpayers. He asserts that if unions were continually given more ground in government, then elected officials might as well be got rid of as they would be powerless. He believes that no one could serve a Government completely and also the union completely because they did not have the same rules and regulations and therefore it was impossible to be loyal to both. The employee would be more loyal to the union than the people in the case of a police department. He believes that police officers ought be paid for the overtime they spent in courts and that when a lawyer had a case postponed, he should pay the police officer for the extra time in court. (That, incidentally, would be quite unconstitutional as it would infringe due process and the Sixth Amendment right to effective assistance of counsel for a criminal defendant being represented, as it would tend to deter lawyers from moving for genuinely needed continuances for obtaining a witness or other case preparation.) He also asserts that police officers ought be given the authority to crack down on all unlawful acts regardless of who the defendant might be. He had personally heard a union official say on January 30 that he was in favor of unionizing the armed forces, and he believes that was their goal. While unions had done good in some instances, in other ways they had gone far beyond their purpose. He says he had once been a union member but only because it was impossible to obtain a job without joining, and many in Charlotte had told him their experience was likewise.

A letter writer commends the newspaper for its editorial on Lamar Stringfield, titled "The Lonely Man from Cripple Creek", appearing January 27. He indicates that having known Mr. Stringfield and some of his difficulties, the editorial had touched him deeply. He says that his talents and accomplishments had been great, but seemingly little appreciated in his home state. Mr. Stringfield had told him recently, "None of our music can be heard here, but it is used and praised elsewhere." He concludes that perhaps his passing would in time bring him due recognition from his own people.

Framed Edition
[Return to Links
Page by Subject] [Return to Links-Page by Date] [Return to News<i><i><i>—</i></i></i>Framed Edition]
Links-Date Links-Subj.