The Charlotte News

Wednesday, January 7, 1959

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Havana that Cuba's new provisional government had polished up a new interim constitution this date as the work of weeding out remnants of Fulgencio Batista's dictatorship had gone forward. The new cabinet met far into the night working on a new fundamental law to replace the Constitution of 1940 until the holding of free elections, promised between 18 and 24 months hence. It was not immediately learned how the new government charter would differ from the old one, which had been adopted during Sr. Batista's first period of power. Presumably, the interim constitution would be replaced after a new Congress was elected. Provisional President Manuel Urrutia on Tuesday had dismissed all provincial governors, mayors and councilmen in the island's six provinces. Presumably, a new list of civilian appointees to replace them was ready, although was not immediately announced. The new cabinet was reported to be preparing a decree abolishing all political parties and taking away the political rights of all candidates in the 1954 and 1958 elections held by El Presidente Batista. That would bar even the opposition candidates tolerated by Sr. Batista from the elections which were promised in the future. One leading politician apparently excepted from the political ban would be former President Carlos Prio Socarras, whom Sr. Batista had overthrown in a coup in 1952. Sr. Prio had fled to Miami and had not returned until the victory the previous week by Fidel Castro and his rebels. Informed sources said that other cabinet decrees would freeze the private bank accounts of all Batista officials and stop payment on all checks outstanding against the treasury. It was problematic, however, how much that could recover for the government, since the custom for Cubans profiting most from the government had been to bank in the U.S. or in Europe. Earlier on Tuesday, Sr. Urrutia's cabinet had dissolved Congress, suspended the criminal courts and announced that it would rule by decree until the elections were held. Revolutionary courts reportedly would be set up to try Sr. Batista in absentia, presently in exile in the Dominican Republic, as well as other officials of his regime who might be charged. Sr. Urrutia had said that he would demand Sr. Batista's extradition from the Dominican Republic, although that would assuredly be rejected by the latter's dictator, Generalissimo Rafael Trujillo. Several hundred Batista supporters had taken refuge in various foreign embassies in Havana, but the new regime had not indicated whether it would observe the Latin American tradition of safe conduct out of the country for political opponents.

In Cleveland, O., Soviet First Deputy Premier Anastas Mikoyan had arrived this date to start a 13-day coast-to-coast tour of the nation. As he left the airplane, several hundred picketing nationality groups were blocked by ropes. He had tipped his hat as he deboarded the plane about five minutes after it had arrived during the late morning. He then held a brief press conference before leaving the airport. Cyrus Eaton, Cleveland industrialist, and his wife, had greeted him as he left the plane, with Mrs. Eaton speaking in Russian. Mr. Mikoyan had told her that it was very good to speak Russian with her and had solicitously advised Mr. Eaton, who would be his host in Cleveland, that he ought wear a hat on his white-haired head, lest he catch cold. Before the plane had landed, several hundred iron curtain country nationality groups had gathered at the airport, carrying such signs as "blackmailer" and "Mikoyan, your hands are red with Russian blood". Police and security agents had roped off the concourse and the pickets were not permitted inside or on the observatory platform. One red-haired youth ran into the field while Mr. Mikoyan was still aboard the plane, but was hustled away by police. During the flight from Washington to Cleveland, he had sat beside Soviet Ambassador to the U.S. Mikhail Menshikov, who had read him the news from New York and Washington newspapers.

Battles over Republican leadership and Senate rules had mixed conflict this date with the traditional color of convening a new Congress. As the 86th Congress assembled, Senate Democrats lined up for a new fight over filibusters and civil rights. Shrunken Republican minorities in both houses fought over who should lead them for the ensuing two years. The unanimous nomination at a Democratic caucus on Tuesday had assured Representative Sam Rayburn of Texas an unprecedented election to a ninth term as Speaker. House Republicans had ousted their leader of the previous 20 years, Representative Joseph Martin of Massachusetts, and had chosen instead Representative Charles Halleck of Indiana. The close 74 to 70 caucus vote had left some hard feelings and raised questions about the course of legislation in the House. Senators of both parties had met separately this date to select their leaders. Senator Lyndon Johnson faced no opposition to retaining his leadership post, but Republicans had a fight on their hands. A dozen Republicans who classed themselves as liberals had sought to head off in a caucus the selection of Senator Everett Dirksen of Illinois, a supporter in 1952 of the late Senator Robert Taft of Ohio for the presidential nomination. The liberal Republicans had advanced Senator John Sherman Cooper of Kentucky, former ambassador and staunch Eisenhower supporter, for the post, but Senator Dirksen was said to have an edge. The liberals were seeking also to install Senator Thomas Kuchel of California as party whip or as assistant leader, a post presently held by Senator Dirksen. On the other side, Democratic Leader Johnson was reported ready to take the play away from a bipartisan group of civil rights advocates who wanted a rules change to make it easier to kill filibusters. In the previous session of Congress, Senator Johnson had been one of the sponsors of a resolution which would have provided that two-thirds of those voting could effect cloture to debate. The present rule required the affirmative votes of two-thirds of the entire body, or 66, as presently constituted including the two new Senators from Alaska, to accomplish cloture. An editorial below explores further that issue.

In Beirut, Lebanon, Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser had carried out in Syria one of the biggest purges of Communists in the Middle East, arresting more than 300 persons, beginning the previous Thursday, virtually wiping out the Communist organization in the Syrian region of Premier Nasser's United Arab Republic.

In Bakersfield, Calif., it was reported that a workman trapped for more than 12 hours at the bottom of a collapsed cesspool had been rescued this date when a heavy crane finally jerked loose a metal plate pinning the man's foot at the bottom of the 24-foot hole, enabling him to free himself. The man had spent eight agonizing hours trying to do so. He was rushed to a hospital and his rescuers said that he appeared to be in excellent condition. Because of the close quarters and the dangers of shifting sand, no one else could reach the man. Although someone stayed with him in the shaft to offer encouragement, he had to do the work alone of freeing his foot. He had banged away with a chisel, repeatedly broken blades of a power saw and tried unsuccessfully to move the plate with a powerful spreader jack. Finally the crane was backed into position and a hook lowered to him, which he fastened to the metal plate, and the crane was able then to hoist it far enough away from his foot for him to free it. His first request was for a cigarette. A doctor had been lowered into the shaft several times to give him sedatives and he had been fed hot soup. He had survived four hours of being buried alive the previous day when the walls of the cesspool had collapsed around him. His colleagues on the job in the back yard of a house then started digging immediately, but no one expected to find him alive. It had taken four hours to uncover one gloved hand and when they saw it, the rescuers called for the coroner, who was lowered into the hole to supervise removal of what everyone thought would be a dead body. But then the hand twitched and with frantic haste, the rescuers dug deeper until they uncovered the man's head. They then learned that another piece of the casing, the same type which had him pinned, had fallen over his face, giving him breathing space under the tons of dirt which had been covering him. He had asked for some water and a steak, and said he would then help to dig himself out. But when it was discovered that his foot was pinned, he and his rescuers realized that if the foot was to be freed, it would have to be done by him. A crowd of about 2,500 people had been attracted to the scene in the early evening. When it was learned that the man was trapped and the cave-in danger remained, all were cleared from the area by police. Batteries of floodlights illuminated the scene and a local television station provided what coverage it could. Above, watching intently, was the man's wife, whose prayers were the only interruptions to her weeping.

In Brandon, Minn., a father and his five children had died this date in a fire which had swept through their two-story home. The man had been able to get out of the house after the fire had begun, but lost his life when he returned to seek rescue of his children, including three sons, ages 16, 12 and about 14, and two daughters, one about 10 and the other three. The wife and mother had fled the burning house with her husband and sought to return for the children along with her husband but neighbors had restrained her from re-entering the house. The cause of the early morning blaze had not been determined.

Near Canton, O., six Tennessee men had been killed early this date when their automobile had collided head-on with a gasoline tanker on U.S. 68, about two miles north of Canton. The driver of the tanker was treated for lacerations on the hands, knees and face. Highway patrolmen quoted him as saying that all he could remember of the accident was seeing bright lights on the two-lane highway. The weather was clear and good. Gasoline had been spilled around the scene of the crash, but there had been no fire. All of the fatalities apparently had occurred instantly.

In New York, the 26-year old mother of a newborn infant who had been kidnaped from St. Peter's Hospital in Brooklyn the prior Friday night only 2.5 hours after birth, had returned home this date, with her daughter still missing and her whereabouts unknown. The woman's uncle had delivered the baby and he said that he had planned to discharge her this date or the following day, but after seeing her the previous day, decided that she should depart at once. He said that he thought she would be better off mentally if she were away from the atmosphere in which she was constantly seeing other new mothers and their crying infants. He said that she heard other babies crying and went almost into uncontrollable sobbing. She and her husband, an attorney for the Port of New York Authority, had one other daughter, a year old. She said that all she wanted was her baby back and waved photographers away. She said of the kidnaper: "If she loves the baby that much and would return her to us, I would even be willing to let her visit the baby periodically." A widespread search continued for a heavy-set bleached blonde, between 30 and 35, believed to be the kidnaper. Police thought she was a frustrated mother. People who had seen the woman at the hospital had failed the previous day to select the photographs of two women on whom police had focused their attention. One had been a woman missing from San Francisco, who had stolen a baby there under similar circumstances three years earlier and returned it unharmed. The other was a Queens woman, pregnant and a former mental patient, who was reported missing by her husband on Sunday. Both appeared to fit the description of the woman seen at the hospital. Eventually, the baby would be found alive and well, and the woman, who initially claimed that the infant was hers and that she had self-delivered it, would be charged with kidnaping, albeit only after the father, reluctant to press charges because of his elation at having their newborn daughter returned unharmed, was convinced by police and prosecutors to do so.

In Jerusalem, it was reported that the Holy Land's longest drought in memory had ended the previous night, with the rains which continued this date having been the first in 11 months.

In Raleigh, it was reported that the State this date had allotted teachers and funds for the operation of the Haliwa Indian School at Hollister as a public school. The controller for the State Board of Education said that the action had followed receipt of a letter from the Warren County Board of Education which notified the State that it had established the school as a public institution. The school, located in Warren County, had been operated for a year and a half as a private school by Haliwa Indians in Halifax and Warren Counties. About two months earlier, the Haliwas had sought to have the State approve the school as a private institution and thus make it available for tuition grants under the Pearsall school assignment plan. The committee reported that the school had failed to meet certain State requirements, however, and the Board delayed any action to give the Haliwa citizens time to bring the school up to requirements. An attorney representing the Indians said that he would assume that if the school were good enough for the State to take over, then it was good enough to meet the requirements. The Haliwas had announced before Christmas that they were unable financially to operate the school and were closing it. The controller of the State Board of Education said that he assumed that the school would be opened as a public school just as soon as details could be worked out. About eight teachers would have to be hired for the school.

Bob Thomas of the Associated Press reports from Hollywood on the diary of actress Mary Astor, who said she had kept it because her mother had kept one and she wanted "the assurance of individuality and reality and substance that the diary gave me." The diary, chronicling 1936 when she was in her heyday as an actress, plus some additions which she said had been forged, had produced one of filmdom's most blazing scandals and now had helped to bring forth a startlingly frank autobiography, titled My Story. Ms. Astor had written: "The diary was a consolation and a reassurance, but when it was no longer in my possession, it was suddenly transformed into a monster that threatened to devour me and my friends, and, worst of all, Marilyn." The latter was her four-year old daughter by Dr. Franklyn Thorne, who had won legal custody, based on the diary, in a divorce from the actress. The diary had been locked up by the court, but a purported version was leaked to the press, featuring a "box score" of Hollywood's famous males with purple comments—apparently for the bruises inflicted. The bootleg diary had been a forgery, according to Ms. Astor, faked by a well-known figure who had appeared in the real diary and feared the consequences. So he showed a phony, the fake Bird, to the top Hollywood bosses, hoping that he would force Ms. Astor to drop the lawsuit; but she refused. She said that the published version of her diary's account of her "romantic and sentimental" friendship with playwright George Kaufman had been true, indicating, "George was an extremely attractive man, for all his ungainly frame and saturnine mien." (Whether therefore she may have been also attracted to Sidney Greenstreet during the filming of The Bird must be left to the imagination.) The diary had never entered the custody case because it had been mutilated and was deemed inadmissible as evidence. Ms. Astor had won custody of her daughter for nine months of the year and the diary was impounded and finally destroyed in 1952. But enough of the diary remained to combine with Ms. Astor's memories in a book which had set a new high in confessionals by show business personalities. "She tells all, from her romance with John Barrymore ("He gave me love, affection, humor and, above all, beauty") to her long battle with alcoholism ("One can never go back to 'social' drinking, not even an ounce"). She also told of finding herself through her conversion to the Roman Catholic Church, saying: "I didn't pretend to have all the answers, but I believe I have enough material with which to make living in this world pleasanter for myself and, it must follow, others."

A man of Hutchinson, Kans., had given a cuckoo clock to his wife recently on the occasion of their wedding anniversary, attaching a note which said that he would love her until the clock struck 13. The previous day, the clock had struck 13 times.

Speaking of cuckoo clocks, you can, as always, ignore completely the babble being emitted by the Trumpies regarding virtually everything, but, in particular, the killing of a woman in Minneapolis yesterday on the pretext that she was a "terrorist" "seeking to run down an ICE officer" with her SUV. The State of Minnesota can and should turn this matter ultimately over to a local grand jury for potential indictment on charges of unjustifiable homicide against the officer who fired the fatal shots against the unarmed woman. As decided long ago by the Supreme Court, there is no barrier by way of immunity, as El Vicepresidente claims, nor "no jurisidiction" for Minnesota, as dogmatically offered by the cuckoo-bird cowgirl cosplayer from South Dakota, not only not a lawyer but missing any recognizable form of gray matter in her vacuous head. You do not get to go play cowboy on the streets of American cities, shooting up the place with impunity and issuing ultimata to obey or else, simply because El Presidente says you can. The cuckoo clock has struck 13.

On the editorial page, "Easy Does It on Senate Filibusters" indicates that unless all of the soothsayers had suddenly gone giddy, something was going to be done in the Senate to curb filibusters, as there was already anguish being expressed by Southern Democrats and much bitterness was brewing.

That bitterness would come to a boil if Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois were successful in ramming through his proposal to amend Senate Rule XXII. Under the Douglas plan, debate could be halted by two-thirds of those present and voting two days after the filing of a petition signed by 16 Senators, and by a simple majority of the Senate membership 15 days after the filing of such a petition.

Southerners who feared the "tyranny of the majority" and hasty action, understandably wanted things as they were. Presently, Rule XXII said that debate could be shut off only by two-thirds of the entire Senate membership.

A compromise had been proposed by Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson and the piece urges that it deserved the thoughtful attention of both conservative and liberal elements of the body. It proposed that two-thirds of those present and voting, rather than two-thirds of the membership, would be allowed to close debate and would apply also to votes on rule changes. The plan would not make filibusters impossible, but would do away with the requirement of two-thirds to effect cloture. Furthermore, absentee votes and abstaining members would no longer be counted in favor of unending filibusters. As it would also apply to debate on rule changes, the body would not be committed eternally to an undemocratic obstacle to any kind of change. Constant and petty abusive rules governing debate could still lead to the adoption of majority cloture if two-thirds of those present and voting so decided. It finds that feature of Senator Johnson's plan to be the most significant.

It indicates that if the Senate voted the Douglas plan into effect, it would only be divisive and unnecessarily rancorous. The Washington Post during the week had explored the possible results with considerable discernment, referring to "the psychological impact of such a change upon the South in this time of unreason and inflamed emotion," and that "too drastic a change might, instead of paving the way for constructive national legislation, promote neuroses and resistance against what would be considered a rule of force."

It indicates that the South was going through a period of terrible turmoil and adjustment, and harsh legislative shenanigans would only aggravate the socio-political situation in the South. "Let the remedy—if a remedy we must have—be gentle to bruised feelings." (That's some more of that purple prose.)

"All Charlotte Needs Is the Opportunity" indicates that repeatedly it had sought to convince the ACC's official family that Charlotte, rather than Raleigh, was the appropriate place for the annual ACC basketball tournament, and that all it had received for its trouble had been an icy stare from down east.

It indicates that it could be icy, too, beginning with a few cold facts about the North Carolina vs. Notre Dame game the previous weekend—which we attended in person, after which we went, on our imperious demand, to McDonald's down the road for a 60-cent feast. (We may have conflated this memory with the UNC vs. Notre Dame game two years hence in Charlotte, as McDonald's had not yet arrived, and we could read the sign by then; perhaps another hamburger jo'nt in '59?) The game had attracted 9,200 fans to the "Big Egg", that being the Charlotte Coliseum. UNC had taken home $15,000 plus another $4,000 or so in television revenue. News sports editor Bob Quincy had reported that UNC head coach Frank McGuire was already seeking future games in Charlotte with Kentucky, Indiana and similar basketball powers.

It indicates that it would be well for North Carolina State to follow suit, as Charlotte would pay handsomely to see the best in the state battle big intersectional foes. Furthermore, local people would pay to watch top-ranked ACC teams battle each other. It predicts that the fever would even spread in time to the superb Carrousel tournament which conflicted with the better publicized Dixie Classic in Raleigh.

"Never has the South had such a fine 'neutral' market for big-time sports in its history. How much more convincing is needed? The local fandom will be happy to oblige. All it asks is the opportunity."

By the end of the month, the first annual North-South Doubleheader would take place at the Coliseum, pitting UNC and N.C. State on alternating nights against the University of South Carolina and Clemson, a two-night weekend affair which would last until South Carolina departed after the 1969 season, at which point Georgia Tech would substitute for the Gamecocks for several seasons until interest waned in the doubleheader which, combined with coaching disenchantment with one home game being substituted each season for the Charlotte contest, the cause of coach McGuire pulling his team after their vaunted 1969 season, eventually departing the league completely after the 1971 season, with Clemson departing the doubleheader after 1973, replaced by Furman, leading to its demise after the 1985 season, by which point The Citadel had joined Furman as the "South" component and State having left after 1984, the South having even been half-represented in 1981 by St. Joseph's of Philadelphia—which should have been the end. Or perhaps it was the heavy snow following the 1969 doubleheader, causing us to miss a day of school on Monday. Too bad, suckers.

Incidentally, speaking of the Charlotte Gift Show, we find ourselves sorely disappointed in Bat, usually the epitome of Western fair play, for ducking his rowdy friend's drunken destruction of the honest salesman's bone china dinnerware samples, without which he could not earn a living, Bat having not even obliged an offering from his ill-gotten poker winnings to support the honorable trade of the salesman. Shame on the thoughtlessness. Bat needed a re-write, or the salesman needed a commanding voice to frighten away the bully.

"The Second Worst Idea of the Century" indicates that Congressman Francis Walter of HUAC had come up with the worst idea since the invention of air rifles for children. Having spent an inordinate amount of the taxpayer money investigating things which went bump in the night, he now wanted to enlarge his dominion to include jurisdiction over immigration and passport control. To obtain that new power, he proposed to scrap the Legislative Reorganization Act, depriving the Judiciary Committee of its supervision of immigration and take jurisdiction over passports from the Foreign Affairs Committee.

The echoes of his recent investigations had been heard in such outlandish places as the Maryland Chess Federation, a television quiz show and a studio orchestra. He had consistently demonstrated a poor understanding of the nation's traditional civil liberties and ought not be permitted to expand his legislative activities in that field or in the equally sensitive field of international relations. It indicates that it had some doubts about his efficiency as well, as he had not even been able to find out who had promoted Miles Standish, and "goodness knows he must've tried."

"Why Not Just Exchange Surpluses?" counsels not to make any wild wagers on the success of the last traveling salesman to call at the door of Secretary of State Dulles, that being Soviet Deputy Prime Minister Anastas Mikoyan, who was supposedly plumping for trade agreements between the U.S. and Russia.

Except in the late and unlamented lend-lease years during the Roosevelt Administration, Soviet-American trade had never been large. There had been a time during the 1930's when America was shipping Russia more than 100 million dollars worth per year in various goods, mostly machine tools and factory equipment. During an average prewar year, the Soviets had been shipping to the U.S. about 65 million dollars worth of merchandise, mostly furs.

But now the experts said that the problem of trading with the Soviet Union was that it simply did not produce much of what the U.S. wanted to purchase.

That obviously called for some cold-blooded practicality on both sides. "Now if they'll send us some more rejected manuscripts like Boris Pasternak's Doctor Zhivago, we'll send them all of our surplus rock 'n' roll recordings. Our publishers will get rich—which is the alleged purpose of capitalism—and their teenagers will get hip—which is the alleged purpose of youth. The results, if anything, would be diverting."

A piece by W. E. H., writing in the Sanford Herald, titled "Scrapple and Country Sausage", indicates that a woman of White Hill had written him describing scrapple as made during her girlhood days in the following way: "When we cooked the liver lights, etc., at hog killing time to make liver pudding, we took the scraps of all that with chopped onions to make the scrapple.

"The meaning comes from the word scrap in the dictionary: the remnants, ends, etc. To make it one takes some of the broth and cook the onions in that until tender. Then add the scraps of the above and cook together for a few minutes.

"To make our sandhill liver pudding we would grind the cooked liver, lights, cracklings all together, add sage and hot pepper with plenty of broth. To thicken, add cornmeal, then cook until thick. Later we would stuff it in cuts and boil again, hang in the smokehouse to dry.

"We stuffed sausage and guts and hung in the smokehouse to dry and it would keep indefinitely. Then when the meat was taken up, washed and hung for the hickory smoking the sausage would get full benefit of the hickory smoke.

"To do the smoking, after the meat was hung, an old iron skillet would be filled with corncobs and hickory sticks and placed in the middle of the smokehouse. For three or four days it would be kept burning. It took careful watching all the time on account of fire. This would flavor the meat and also keep flies away until the meat was thoroughly cured."

Drew Pearson indicates that the most interesting question discussed in the Senate cloakrooms as the 86th Congress convened was whether Senator Lyndon Johnson would control the Senate or the Democratic Party would. That general question had been first raised two years earlier when Adlai Stevenson, former President Truman, Governor Averell Harriman of New York, Governor G. Mennen Williams of Michigan, DNC chairman Paul Butler and others had started the Democratic Advisory Committee for the specific purpose of keeping Democratic Senators from coming under the exclusive influence of the likable, efficient Senate Majority Leader from Texas. Whether or not that Committee could claim credit, Senator Johnson the previous year had proved an able and on the whole farsighted leader. His views did not deviate much from those of the Advisory Committee.

In the current year, the Committee was again riding herd benignly on the gentleman from Texas. Senator Johnson in turn had been getting out the political branding irons to see which of the new Democratic Senators he could brand with "LBJ", the brand of his ranch in Texas. Of course, he says, those who got branded would not even know it. For Senator Johnson was a political salesman without peer. He was able to talk "the loveliest lady in Texas into marrying him, and he can talk the average freshman senator into teaming up with him without twisting his wrist at all." He did not indulge in blackmail, was discreet, helpful, solicitous for the new Senator's future, not saying: "If you vote with me you'll get the right committee assignment," instead asking, "What committees do you want to be on?" Then he talked about the question of changing the rules on filibuster, pointing out that a lot of the organizational questions had to be decided. Then he would say politely that after those questions had been decided, "We'll see what committee assignments we can fix up for you."

To Americans crowded into the Hotel Capri in Havana, movie actor George Raft had been the unsung hero of the Cuban revolt. When a motley mob of Cubans had started moving on the hotel, Mr. Raft had gone out on the balcony, braved the rifle shots, and called out in Spanish: "Stop! We are your friends. We are here to help you." The crowd then stopped. The crowd had moved on the hotel in general resentment against Americans and because the hotel operated an ornate nightclub, symbol of extravagance to poverty-stricken revolutionaries.

The Cuban treasury was left as bare as Mother Hubbard's cupboard when the Government of Fulgencio Batista had fled.

The American Embassy in Havana had little idea that the revolutionaries were making such headway and no warning had been given to American tourists to keep out of Havana.

Joseph Alsop regards the visit in Washington by First Deputy Premier of Russia, Anastas Mikoyan, wanting to know which way the wind was blowing at the current stage of the Berlin crisis. Mr. Alsop finds it to be good news that the Western allies were said to be very close to final agreement on their "contingency plans" for the defense of Berlin. He indicates that the present case was the supreme test for Western firmness. Difficulties had been encountered from the outset in the first discussions in West Berlin between the American, British and French ambassadors and the West German Government. Apparently on his own initiative, the British Ambassador to West Germany, Sir Christopher Steel, had somewhat rudely challenged the West German Government's will and courage to support a truly firm policy. He argued that the West Germans might indulge in great talk now, but would retreat when the crunch would come. The sequel had been sufficiently heated to cause a change in the locale of the planning talks. According to high authorities in Washington, the planning talks had now produced rather detailed and general agreement on the right tactical responses to the several different types of challenge which the puppets might offer in East Germany.

Since those "contingency plans" had fully satisfied the greatest Western advocate of absolute firmness, Secretary of State Dulles, it might be presumed that they were not plans to duck, dodge or ignore a challenge at Berlin.

Had that much progress not already been made, Mr. Mikoyan's visit would be cause for alarm. Unless the "contingency plans" for Berlin had been virtually completed, U.S. leaders would have been forced to return uncertain answers to his expected questions. But since the planning for Berlin was so well advanced, Mr. Mikoyan could be answered with confidence. That was, however, by no means the end of the matter. When Mr. Mikoyan's visit was announced, the Soviets had first attempted to see whether the U.S. Government would show weak nerves by falling all over itself to seize the opportunity for talks. Long mutual stonewalling at last had induced the Soviets to name the persons Mr. Mikoyan desired to see. At that point, the Soviet Embassy set a schedule which would almost certainly bring him together with the President and the Vice-President, while Secretary Dulles was absent in Ottawa.

He regards the object to be to see whether the President and Vice-President would strike the same unyielding stance in the absence of Secretary Dulles. If that test were passed, further sounding would be made in all likelihood at Paris, London and Bonn, to see whether the other allies struck the same stance as Washington. He finds that it remained to be seen whether the Kremlin would be sufficiently impressed by Western firmness combined with extreme American "defense economy" in the face of an open threat of war.

Doris Fleeson indicates that one stark fact lay behind the political struggles which debate in Congress would soon illuminate, that the President was the fulcrum of the American system, the only point on which the political lever could get direct and immediate purchase. He alone could turn the country in new directions and, while he could be stopped, he could not be started against his will. He hated to make decisions and it was thus next to impossible to break new ground at present except by the slow process of public education and discussion which would create pressure which the White House could not resist.

Liberal Republican Senators were trying to start that process of education in the President himself. In his increasing isolation, the only Republicans he saw regularly and talked with were the Congressional leaders. The Republican liberals were therefore going for broke on the Senate leadership, and a similar fight had been won in the House against the aging and ailing Minority Leader, Representative Joseph Martin of Massachusetts.

The Democratic Congress in turn was led by veterans who accepted the fact that their heavy majorities could legislate but could not govern. They were men not all of one mind as to how they would govern if they could or what the voters had intended to communicate in the midterm elections. They were agreed in wanting to avoid tactics which would give the impression that they were running the country when in fact they were not and could not.

The outcome of the 1960 presidential election would likely depend on the ability of the Democratic Congress to achieve enough to persuade the voters that it could do wonders with a Democratic President and yet not give rise to the idea that it could have done a lot more if it wanted to do so.

The maneuvering in prospect for the ensuing two years would be, she suggests, a wonderful story by itself, given added fascination by the new dimension provided by Governor Nelson Rockefeller in New York, in a position to cry a plague on both houses when Washington faltered, an advantage denied to his chief rival for the presidential nomination, Vice-President Nixon. Noticeably, the inaugural address of Governor Rockefeller had identified the state with the national interest and bent an informed glance at international affairs. Unquestionably, he had the best seat on the sidelines and proposed to make the most of it.

With so many Democratic Senators wanting to be President, no single power struggle there could be more than a skirmish. In contrast, House Democratic liberals had bowed to the unique power and prestige of Speaker Sam Rayburn.

The Speaker had refused to discuss enlarging the Rules Committee, dominated by a conservative coalition. He had said that he had long ago agreed with Republican Leader Martin to leave an 8 to 4 ratio on the Committee no matter which party controlled Congress. He would not support a 21-day rule or similar proposals to break a rules log jam, but instead had given his personal assurance that he would help the liberals pass a reasonably comprehensive domestic program. The liberals would have to be content, as the Speaker's influence was decisive with the roughly 50 Democratic moderates who held the balance of power in the House. One House liberal had commented: "We have learned to count. For liberals, this is a great achievement."

Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, says that every time he picked up a learned second-guess on the state of the nation, it suggested glumly that America was going "busily to hell in a hula hoop." Supposedly, America was not serious enough, not educated enough, placed too much false value on riding lawnmowers, barbecue pits, television, washing machines, electronic bubble gum and nose wipers which popped up. He says that he had always thought that the phrase "pursuit of happiness" was one of the more important clauses in the Declaration of Independence. It now seemed they had an expert on their side, Dr. Sol Weiner Ginsberg, president of the New York Society of Clinical Psychologists, who had indicated that he felt it wrong to leap to the conclusion that a "fun morality" represented an evil or a sense of false values.

He did not believe that the farmer had been softened by giving him rural electrification and a food freezer to store his year-long output, and if the shorter work week allowed for more time for fun-making gadgets, it was a down payment on a longer, healthier life. He had long believed that those who cried doom regarding frivolity as decadence in American society had more or less been barking up the wrong patient. "The very hucksters who sell frivolity drop dead of heart attacks and are consumed by ulcers in the mere act of gravely selling frills. Levity in the office is confused with lack of interest; the man who smiles is a light-weight; the gent with the horn rims and the puckered brow is a deep-dish thinker."

He indicates that what the country needed was not more sober-sides, but about a million Groucho Marxes, and a large supply of pins to puncture an even larger supply of stuffed shirts. He says he did not know how much longer humanity had on the globe, but he intended to mingle with the dust after an exit laughing.

A letter writer from Cellriver, S.C., indicates that now that the police officers had given the back of their hand to Jimmy Hoffa and the prospect of joining the Teamsters, he was wondering if the "fifth column" argument against a police union had merit for causing them to be "too dependent upon complete impartiality, to be laid bare to union pressure". He advocates looking back to a time when state militia had been called out in the Carolinas to patrol labor troubles, indicating that no one checked the National Guardsmen to find out whether they had union cards. He suggests that there might be reasons why police unions should not exist, that they might not be inclined to do their duty should they be called to police a strike as members of a union. But to date, he had never been able to find any editorial argument against the police union which would hold water.

A letter writer from Cheraw, S.C., indicates that he had taken note of a plan suggested by Senator Richard Russell of Georgia to relocate black citizens. He says that it would be better for all people to adopt such a plan or one similar to it, worked out by honest citizens regardless of the cost, provided it would bring peace and understanding among people. He says that the best friends of blacks were in the South and that they would find it out sooner or later. He believes that if the NAACP was interested in the best for black citizens, they would be working with local communities of the states to improve the working conditions of all people, for as the white race advanced, so did the black. He advocates a united people living in peace together.

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