The Charlotte News
Monday, January 5, 1959
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Moscow that the Soviet Union's cosmic rocket continued its way headlong toward a solar orbit this date in man's greatest conquest of space thus far. Its radio signals ceased as the 1.5 ton device, now called by Pravda Mechta, meaning "dream", had gone past an estimated 370,960 miles from earth after 62 hours of flight. Resources for feeding the radio equipment had become exhausted according to the Soviet news agency Tass. Its announcement said: "The program of observations and scientific investigations of the rocket has been completed." It predicted that the rocket would finally enter an orbit around the sun by Wednesday or Thursday and would take 15 months to make a circuit around the sun, traveling elliptically. The Russians calculated that the orbit would have a maximum diameter of 214.25 million miles and would get no closer to the sun than 91.5 million miles. The sun averaged 93 million miles from earth. When it had been originally announced on Saturday that the rocket was headed toward the moon, it had been called "Lunik", a portmanteau of "Luna" and "Sputnik". (And if one added a clock to the equation…) Scientists in Moscow figured that it was traveling at a maximum speed of 1.52 miles per second when it had passed the moon on Sunday at a distance of 4,700 miles. The results of radio transmissions between the rocket and ground stations would be published as soon as they were analyzed, according to Tass. The 62 hours of radio communication had enabled observations to be made of the rocket's movements, and on the work of the scientific instruments aboard it. The actual number of days which would be required for the Soviet solar orbit would be 447, according to Soviet scientists, 82 days longer than it took the earth to orbit the sun annually. Dr. E. M. Clemence, scientific director of the U.S. Naval Observatory in Washington, said that sometime in February or March, the earth would pass between the rocket and the sun. The earth has an elliptical orbit around the sun, the same as the rocket would have, but the earth's was tighter. The nearest point of the earth's orbit to the sun was about 91.5 million miles, and the farthest was 94.5 million. The earth was presently traveling away from the sun, having reached its closest point on January 1. (Well, why is January 1, therefore, not the hottest day of the year?) When the Soviet rocket started away from the sun, it would swing away faster than the earth, and then the earth would pass between the rocket and the sun. The earth and the rocket would be several hundred thousand miles apart and they would not be that close again for another two or three centuries.
In Havana, it was reported that provisional President Manuel Urrutia had landed by plane at the airport in the capital this date for a triumphal entry. Fidel Castro, the leader of the revolution which had forced the New Year's Day resignation and flight of El Presidente Fulgencio Batista, continued his slow, victorious march toward the capital from the eastern provinces, which had been headquarters of the rebels during their 25-month campaign to oust the dictator. For the first time since the departure of El Presidente, the capital looked almost normal, with stores open and traffic flourishing. But Cuba's jails were filling up, as Castro's forces rounded up followers of El Presidente. More than 600 members of the Batista National Police and about 500 Army aviation personnel had been placed under arrest. Among those detained had been officers accused of bombing Cuban towns in an effort to wipe out the rebellion. Large numbers of civilians had also been arrested. Hernan Hernandez, the police chief of Havana under Sr. Batista, was reported among those arrested. Tens of thousands in cities, towns and villages had turned out to cheer wildly as Sr. Castro and his motorized columns made their way from Oriente Province, center of the rebellion. Progress was slow, having reached Camaguey, 300 miles from Havana, on Sunday night, planning to reach Santa Clara, scene of the decisive defeat which had forced Sr. Batista to flee, by this night, and by Tuesday, Matanzas, 140 miles farther along the route to Havana, 50 miles away. Sr. Castro and his men were expected to arrive in Havana on Wednesday afternoon for one of the greatest welcomes in Cuban history. In a prelude, Sr. Urrutia was flying from Santiago de Cuba during the current morning to take the central government reins in Havana and a big welcome had been arranged for him, with Government offices closed so that employees could participate. The people of Havana awaited Sr. Castro with full stomachs for the first time since the collapse of the Batista regime and the dictator's pre-dawn flight to the Dominican Republic. The rebel chieftain, now commander-in-chief of Cuba's armed forces, had ordered an end to the paralyzing general strike which had closed the nation's stores, businesses and industries and had tied up transport and communications. He had said that he would call off the strike when he was convinced that Havana was safely in the hands of his men. There were still some scattered Batista holdouts, but reports from his commanders in Havana had assured him that the situation was fully under control and that nothing could upset his victory. (We think we may have developed some insight now to El Presidente's invasion of Venezuela for its oil on the pretext of capture and prosecution for drug trafficking of its El Presidente Maduro during the past weekend. El Presidente thinks he is Fidel and Che leading a revolucion in America del Sur, making Amerique muy grande de nuevo. But, handy-dandy, reverse the scenario and ask how the U.S. would react if Venezuelan military commandos were to come onto U.S. soil, kidnap El Presidente and his wife, and spirit them off to Venezuela on the claim of violation of international law, and then propose to hold them for trial. Such was why the U.S. and Britain had the good sense never to try to kill Adolf Hitler or Benito Mussolini before or during World War II. And, moreover, the U.S. is not at war with Venezuela. Thus, we conclude that El Presidente is patently insane, as are all of the brainwashed members of his Cabinet. It could provide, however, a valid defense to any case brought at The Hague's International Court of Justice.)
In Washington, old Bolshevik Anastas I. Mikoyan, the Soviet First Deputy Premier, had arrived insisting that he was just on a vacation, but had begun talking about the cold war with Secretary of State Dulles this date. He had flown into New York the previous day and driven directly to Washington. At Idlewild Airport, he had studiously ignored a group of Hungarian refugees, some of whom yelled "murderer" and "Communist dog" at him. But a larger contingent waited in vain at the Soviet U.N. mission headquarters on Park Avenue, which he had bypassed. This date, however, some of the same determined picketers had arranged to march with placards outside the State Department where Mr. Mikoyan had his appointment with Mr. Dulles. Both Mr. Mikoyan and State Department officials indicated that the Berlin situation would figure in the talks. Mr. Mikoyan had visited the U.S. in 1936 when he had been so impressed with ice cream and the automat that he introduced both ideas to Russia. This time, he had gotten excited about cellophane-wrapped doughnuts, motels, parking meters and rental automobiles, as exhibited during his drive from New York to Washington and in an unscheduled two-hour walk around the capital's streets. (Wait 'til he gets a load of the metered massage machines on the beds in the fancier motels, of which he can partake while eating doughnuts with spoonfuls of jelly in the middle.) There was no fixed schedule for him in the days ahead and he said he would be happy to talk about anything which Secretary Dulles wanted to discuss, including Berlin. Mr. Dulles said, "The initiative is his." Mr. Mikoyan also said that he would be pleased to talk to the President if the latter had time. The White House said it was up to Mr. Mikoyan to request such a visit. Officials wondered how far he was authorized to go with respect to the Berlin issue and the seeming ultimatum which had been issued on November 10 by Premier Nikita Khrushchev, rejected by the West, that the allies withdraw their troops from West Berlin by the following May. A note from the Premier on November 27 had said that Russia would turn over East Berlin to the puppet East German Communist regime within six months. The U.S., Britain and France had responded firmly, in a note the previous week, that they were remaining in West Berlin and called for Big Four conferences on the entire German question. Mr. Mikoyan was expected to start a ten-day tour of several American cities on Tuesday, considering stops in Philadelphia, Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, Boston, Dallas, San Francisco and Los Angeles, and would address the Economics Club in New York City on January 14 and the National Press Club in Washington on January 18.
The President talked over his defense and foreign policies with Congressional leaders this date, reportedly telling them that defense spending in the new fiscal year would run about 40.9 billion dollars, about 100 million more than under the current defense budget. The figures had been communicated by Senator Alexander Wiley of Wisconsin, who had made an early departure from the conference. The White House had announced ten days earlier that the Administration's overall budget for the new fiscal year would be balanced at about 77 billion dollars. The conference of leaders from both parties came against the background of criticism by some Democrats that the total budget was inadequate, particularly regarding defense. Senator Wiley, the senior Republican on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, had been asked whether there was general agreement at the conference regarding the reported plan for the defense budget and he replied, "If silence means consent, yes." He also said that there was general discussion of the space development program, led by T. Keith Glennan, chief of the new NASA civilian agency. As for foreign aid spending, the Senator reported that it was his understanding it would be about the same as in the current fiscal year, about 3.7 billion dollars. Vice-President Nixon and Secretary of State Dulles had sat in on the conference this date. The White House had invited 26 Senate and House members, including the leaders of both parties along with senior members of the Armed Services, Appropriations and Foreign Affairs Committees. Democrats had renewed their calls for more U.S. action in the space field in the wake of the Soviet Union's successful cosmic rocket launch. Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson said that the Soviet accomplishment had emphasized the task of Congress in meeting what he called "some of the greatest challenges in our history." Senator Mike Mansfield of Montana, the assistant Democratic leader, already had attacked the Administration's contention that the budget could be balanced at 77 billion dollars, indicating that revenue for the new fiscal year beginning in July would not exceed 75.5 billion even if spending was held down. The President had said that the new budget would provide some additional money for defense purposes over the 40.8 billion of the current year, but did not provide a figure.
In New York, it was reported that
newspaper columnist Marie Torre
The Associated Press reports that 376 traffic fatalities had been recorded thus far in the four-day New Year's holiday, with 60 deaths from fires and 113 from miscellaneous accidents. The 102-hour holiday had ended at midnight the previous night. The pre-holiday estimate of traffic fatalities by the National Safety Council had been 390. The final count still awaited delayed reports of accident deaths which had occurred up to midnight on Sunday. Indications were that the final toll would be somewhat less than the record traffic fatalities of 409 for a New Year's holiday period, set in 1956-57. Weather had been a major factor in the count, with many accidents attributed to the snow and ice-slickened highways. But the hazardous driving conditions had also resulted in keeping many Sunday drivers at home and the bitter cold weather throughout many areas also was responsible for the lighter traffic. The New Year traffic toll was far under the slaughter on the highways during the four-day Christmas holiday of the previous week, 594, plus 93 deaths in fires and 97 in miscellaneous accidents, for an overall total of 784.
The winter's coldest weather, powered by 40 mph winds, had rolled eastward to the Atlantic seaboard this date, covering most of the eastern two-thirds of the nation. The icy winds hit 66 mph near Hartford, Conn., and near blizzard conditions had been forecast for parts of New York State in the lee of Lake Ontario. The cold air had spread southward into Gulf of Mexico coastal areas, with readings in the 20's and 30's recorded in northern Florida. Temperatures had been in the teens or lower in northern Mississippi, Alabama and Georgia. A vast area of sub-zero cold extended from the Rockies and Great Plains into the Appalachian Mountains. The coldest spot had been Hibbing, Minn., recording 39 below zero. The cold and snow had been blamed for at least 15 deaths, at least three persons having been found frozen to death. Others had died from over-exertion while shoveling snow and in traffic accidents on ice-slickened roads.
Emery Wister of The News reports that new and colder air pouring through the mountains to the west was forecast to cause the temperature in Charlotte to drop to eight degrees the following morning. The Weather Bureau said that a new air mass, the most powerful since the two cold waves of the previous February, would put both North Carolina and South Carolina in the frigid grip of winter, with the mercury falling below zero in the mountains. The cold air had come down from Alaska the previous day and had extended as far south as Arkansas and Texas. The low temperatures in the Carolinas had ranged from ten below on Mount Mitchell to a sub-freezing 29 in Charleston.
A piece indicates that 18 months earlier had begun man's greatest concerted search for knowledge about the earth, at the start of the International Geophysical Year, which had just ended at the close of 1958. Months or years would be needed to sift and analyze the information gathered. Associated Press science reporter Alton Blakeslee had said that it was well worth the effort, that some important discoveries had already been made and that others would be gleaned from the study of reports awaiting evaluation. Major aspects of the program continued, and in a three-part series which would begin in the newspaper the following day, Mr. Blakeslee would survey some of the IGY results thus far. The first article would assess the studies of sun and space, the second, what the IGY had learned about the weather, ice and sea, the third, some of the results of the medical checkup on the earth, including magnetism, gravity, the nearer atmosphere, and electrojet currents.
On the editorial page, "Is the 'Smooth Dealer' Really Smooth?" indicates that a Washington pundit had recently concluded that Adlai Stevenson was the prophet of the 'Smooth Deal'. Distinguishing him from the New Dealer, he could live in the country, wear a tuxedo or even a tartan dinner jacket occasionally, keep a Dalmatian dog, pose as a farmer, go to Harvard, write literate sentences, dislike boors, question the infallibility of the "common man", doubt that he had a direct pipeline from Heaven, and be somewhat conservative about social values.
Supposedly, he differed radically in kind from the old New Dealer, who was fiercely partisan, scorned social grace, spoke softly of "economic royalists", and wanted to bring the moon to Washington.
Nostalgia for the old New Dealer implied a certain distrust of the Smooth Dealer, supposedly also evidenced among many of the younger Democrats, such as Senators William Proxmire of Wisconsin, John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts, Clair Engle of Califrnia, and Joseph Clark of Pennsylvania.
But it wonders whether Mr. Stevenson really, as one writer had suggested, "fit the mold of the well-adjusted, moderate, affable man in the middle, a Suburban Everyman, only a little more handsome" or whether he belonged to another dimension which scorned with an old-time fervor, equal to that of the intensely political New Dealer, "smoothness", "well-adjustedness", "the middle", and the organized conformist values of suburbia. It suspects the latter, that the Smooth Dealer's blood pressure was no more stable at present than that of Harold Ickes must have been when he railed, some two decades earlier, from the New Deal bandwagon.
Norman Podhoretz, in his study in The Reporter of critic Edmund Wilson, in some ways a literary Smooth Dealer, had found a recoil to an earlier America, validly puritan and Emersonian in its belief in individual "self-reliance". It was a recoil, not towards political reaction or nativism, but away from the "political man".
It suggests that perhaps the Smooth Dealer, presently rising in politics, shared that recoil, that his predecessor, the New Dealer, had been elated over external prospects. Government could fulfill them with social security, full employment, business recovery, economic growth. Perhaps now the balance had swung and the Smooth Dealer would say that if the nation was to remain vigorous, the next thrust had to be from within the individual conscience. The Smooth Dealer had seen an economic revolution during his lifetime, in the wake of which the poor, the aged, the infirm, the socially deprived had gained new hope, of which he had to approve. But with the soul inclined toward that which he called "the good life", indefinable as it was, he had witnessed with horror "the degradation of the democratic dogma" in which mediocrity was exalted, excellence, particularly of mind, discounted. He had seen shabby demagogues tyrannize free minds, pillage libraries, burn books, make ideas disreputable and had seen public taste practically set by cereal packages, cigarette boxers, and auto designers. He had heard language slaughtered in the shops along Madison Avenue and had seen energies white hot to make the world safe for everything except taste and thought.
"Is it any wonder, then, that a new political man is on the upgrade? Is it any wonder that old political categories are defined by the Smooth Dealer with the genteel hole in his shoe sole?"
"An Eternal Privilege of
Graybeards" indicates that a self-styled "graybeard"
had editorialized at length in the Tulsa Tribune recently
about how blasé the youngsters were at present, having no
sense of wonder, with the young jet pilot knowing the history-laden
and beautiful landscape only as a pattern of "electronic
intersections". He had asked: "… How should he know
how to enjoy a modern car when he has never had to walk, never even
known the challenge of manipulating an old-style gearbox?…
Will the young passenger in the jet airliner of 1965
It finds it all too true that people were prisoners of their particular moment in time and space, but feels certain that a man who had flown an airplane with no cockpit and never even sought to clear a pasture fence must have cursed the bored "take-it-all-for granted" attitude of even those who looked down through the floorboards of a biplane. Ditto for the earlier cars, just out of the horse-and-buggy age, compared to the later Model T's and Model A's.
"That Tulsa gray-beard hit on something alright; and it works backward or forward. We shudder, for instance, to think what the gray-beards of 2500 will be saying about their youngsters. 'A heated rocket to Mars!' One of the gray eminences will harumph. 'In my day, that trip was colder than hell.'"
"Just for Laughs" indicates that Article 17 of the Soviet Constitution read: "The right fully to secede from the USSR is reserved to every Union Republic," finding it to be evidence of Russian sense of humor.
A piece from the Manchester Guardian, titled "Liquid Asset", indicates that a London theater critic's comment that an actress in a new West End production had a voice which "sounds like bathwater running out through a slightly defective waste pipe" recalled the battery of rude similes unleashed 30 years earlier by George Jean Nathan in his Art of the Night, published in 1928, in which he described the stage laughter of several actors and actresses who were at that time favorites of American theatergoers. He wrote of John Barrymore's laughter, that it was like "an arpeggio executed on a xylophone that has been left out in the rain. Mr. Holbrook Blinn laughs like water running out of the bathtub and Mr. Louise Mann, like a piccolo muffled with a dish rag. Miss Rambeau, when she seeks to express loud mirth, sounds much like a fish fork struck against an umbrella jardiniere, and Miss Lynn Fontanne like someone falling upon a banjo."
It indicates that the familiarity
with homemade skiffle
Drew Pearson indicates that the most significant move in the battle of the Senate liberal Republicans had not been their much-publicized session to nominate Senator John Sherman Cooper of Kentucky as the new minority leader, but rather a secret visit to the White House by Vice-President Nixon and RNC chairman Meade Alcorn, warning the President that he was facing a very serious rift in the party, as the liberal Republicans felt very strongly and were not going to stop their fight, continuing to battle all during Congress whether they won or not. The President had been reminded that Senator Everett Dirksen of Illinois, the favorite for the new minority leader, was a symbol of the old guard and that the Senate liberals would never take him as their real leader. The Senator had appeared on television during the Army-McCarthy hearings in spring, 1954, as the defender of Senator McCarthy at the very time when the latter had been undercutting the President. The President had also been reminded that Senator Dirksen had leveled a finger at Thomas Dewey at the 1952 Republican convention and accused him of leading the Republican Party to defeat, at the very time Governor Dewey was masterminding the nomination of General Eisenhower for the presidency.
The Senate liberals were also reported to the President as believing very firmly that the November midterm elections had proven that the Republican Party needed to present a new liberal face if it was to triumph in 1960. Mr. Nixon and Mr. Alcorn not only reported those arguments to the President but had gone further and told him that they were in sympathy with the liberals, particularly agreeing that the Republicans had to show aggressive liberal leadership to win in 1960.
The most significant part of the interview, however, had been the President's position, refusing flatly to budge from his previous private support of Senator Dirksen. Regardless of the liberals and regardless of the plea from the Vice-President and Mr. Alcorn, the President stood behind Mr. Dirksen. Later, one Republican Senator had summarized the situation thus: "The Eisenhower Republicans have lost Eisenhower. Ike has been listening so attentively to his golfing partners in Augusta and his big business guests at his stag dinners that the man who was elected as a liberal Eisenhower Republican is no longer part of the mold that he created."
Mr. Pearson regards that as the most important political development in Washington at present. The Senate Republican liberals had adopted the battle cry of the 442nd Japanese Hawaiian American Regimental Combat Team when it had stormed the hill in the Battle of Cassino, knowing it was almost impossible to take the hill, but shouting, "Go for Broke".
The liberal Republicans privately knew that it was almost impossible to win the Senate leadership and were also prepared to lose the battle for the whip and various other posts. Regardless, they intended to go for broke, planning to convince the American public that there was some real fight in the Republican Party and that it was not always on the side of big business.
Joseph Alsop indicates that the mystery of why the Communist Chinese had outdone Joseph Stalin's Russia in its agricultural commune system had finally a rational explanation in the fact that over 100 million people were in the present labor corvees, that being the equivalent of more than half the population of the U.S. and nearly half the population of the Soviet Union.
Forced labor of the Chinese corvee was not exactly the same as Soviet forced labor, as criminals and political dissidents might be included, but in China, all law-abiding citizens who did not belong to the privileged class were and always had been subject to corvee. Chinese civilization was largely built by corvee labor and what was unprecedented in the figure given by authoritative sources was its size. Even in China, however, one could not take one able-bodied person out of every six for special construction projects and still have enough left to till the fields. The most ruthless and cruel military mobilization of peasant power was needed, therefore, because it was the only way to maintain agricultural output with the labor available, resulting in the system of rural communes.
He indicates that the explanation of the phenomenon which had seemed inexplicable had another kind of significance, as the chance of grave internal trouble in Communist China was considerably greater than most had supposed. The Chinese leaders had been driven to carry out their hideous "agricultural reform" just as Stalin had been driven. The problem was financing their enormous program of forced industrialization and thus they had to take the countryside in hand, to seize a far larger share of the product of agriculture and to depress the living standard to gain more funding for capital investments.
In all respects except one, Stalin's task during the first Five Year Plan was easier than that of Mao Tse Tung at present. China was far worse off than Russia had been at that earlier time, with a lower standard of living, smaller resources yet untapped and so on. But China had the tradition of the labor corvee. Miracles of construction could be accomplished by Chinese peasants accustomed to corvee labor. Ancient work habits, ingrained through millennia, made that kind of construction remarkably efficient in China, whereas Soviet forced labor had been quite inefficient.
But if the system of communes was necessitated because 100 million people were already toiling in the corvees, then China's one great special asset had already been expended even before Mao had made the same hard choice which Stalin had made. Thus, there was no special factor which might ease the agony to which the Chinese people had now been condemned. There was nothing to hasten the moment when their agony would bear fruit, as the agony of the Russian people finally had in the form of a vastly increased national product.
According to the same authoritative analysis which had provided the figures in the labor corvees, massive peasant uprisings were near before the Chinese Communist leaders had recently backtracked somewhat. That had taken the primary form of a reduction of the work norms for the rural communes. But in a nation already living close to the margin of starvation, reducing the work norms would not alter the effects of sharply cutting the living standards to finance industrial outlays.
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, indicates that he would be heading back to Africa soon because he wanted to know, after hearing and reading about the boasts at the recent All-African Peoples' Conference in Accra, of just how the African was going to make a brand new democracy work. There appeared to be nearly 200 million natives on the continent, of different tribes, different folkways and different languages, the majority of whom were untutored, with most tribes having a passing active dislike for each other.
Stuart Cloete, who knew as much about Africa as any white man alive who wrote, with the possible exception of Laurens van der Post, and who had always been basically pro-African in his views, had written: "The African's problem is not how to get rid of the white man, but what to do without him after he leaves... The 'educated' African doesn't want to lift anything heavier than a pencil or dirtier than a fountain pen."
The penalty of success in education and advancement was to have the successful African's relatives descend on the person en masse. Tom Mboya, 28, firebrand from Kenya, had been the hit of the Accra conference, with blazing speeches about "White Man, Scram!" But Mr. Ruark had not read any reference to the ahoi or share-crop system of Kikuyu land tenure, in which landless squatters farmed or attempted to poach on the lands of their own tribesmen, who were the first to raise a heavy voice and a heavier foot. He had read very little about the complexity of clans within tribes, or of witchcraft, cults, and superstition, all as active and functional at present as a thousand years earlier.
In Kenya alone, Mr. Mboya would have to deal with Kikuyu, Walamba, Walulingulu, Kavirondo, Meru, Masai, Rendille, Samburu, Somali, Turkana, Coastal Swahili, Embu and many other tribes and sub-tribes. Some of them were pastoral and some were agrarian, some lived in cities and some fished, hunted, or poached. Most viewed each other with active suspicion, dislike, and in some instances, active hatred. Most detested Kikuyu, the largest tribe, famed through the years for its sea-lawyering and deviousness rather than valor or simple toughness or active fierceness.
Trying to mold the nomadic herdsmen into a whole with the agriculturalists, the laborers, the hunters, the fishermen, the outcast wa-Ndrobos, the clerks, the spivs and bee-chasers, even in the small state of Kenya, would be an almost impossible task. The state of simplicity of thinking among the majority of the tribesmen had to be seen to be believed, even at present. It would be even a substantially more daunting task in Africa as a whole.
He indicates that in one respect, the African did not differ from his white cousins, in that he wanted to cling to what he had and did not wish to share. The great Kwame Nkrumah's first steps when Ghana became a state was to silence, exile or confine the opposition. There was a shocking scandal in public land-boondoggling in Uganda when King Freddie, the head man of the Bugandas, returned from a champagne exile in England. "The courthouse boys had kind of cut up a few hundred thousand choice acres among themselves."
He says that he was completely for democracy, but there had to be someone to mind the store, to count the potatoes, to be the cops. Africa by Africans had accomplished very little on its own, whether in agriculture, government or administration, until first the Arab and then the white man had arrived, and then only recently. They could kick the white man out and then quarrel among themselves and steal from each other, kill each other, in a loose concept of unrestrained democratic difference of thinking.
He indicates that there had been a cynical saying among the Kenya settlers: "Give an African a job and he'll soon finish the tools." It was not entirely true, but if the Mboyas and Nkrumahs jumped headlong into unsupervised "freedom" from white supervision, a lot of tools were going to be finished before the job was done, which he suggests might be 100 years into the future but not tomorrow.
A letter writer from Arlington, Va., indicates that excerpts from the Universal Standard Encyclopedia stated: "Republican Party, one of the two major political parties in the United States. It was founded in 1854, primarily as an anti-slavery party, by former adherents of the Free-Soil and Whig parties and by leaders of the rising commercial and industrial class of the Northern States, which viewed the abolition of slavery as the means of securing economic and political supremacy over the powerful southern slaveholders." The writer indicates that the policies of the Republican Party had been clearly set forth and there had been no change, as demonstrated in Little Rock in September, 1957—referring to the President having deployed Army paratroops and federalized the Arkansas National Guard to enforce Federal court orders for Central High School to be desegregated, after Governor Orval Faubus had deployed the Guard to prevent the nine black students from entering Central, with a student body of 2,000, after there had been resistance to them on the day of registration.
A letter writer indicates that there were two sides to every question and two solutions to every problem, and that the simplest words had two constructions. "Whatever comes your way, disagreeable or unpleasant, tell yourself this: I am going to keep my thoughts and feelings as pleasant and cheerful as possible." He admits it was not possible to be cheerful and pleasant all of the time or even much of the time, but with practice, one could do so most of the time. "For the choice is ours, all of the time."
Twelfth Day
Framed Edition
Links-Date — Links-Subj.