The Charlotte News
Tuesday, August 27, 1957
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the AFL-CIO ethical practices committee this date had filed charges against Teamsters vice-president Jimmy Hoffa, with the nature of the charges not specified in the announcement. It said that the charges were based primarily on evidence and testimony adduced before the Senate McClellan Committee, investigating misconduct by unions and management. Mr. Hoffa, in line to succeed Dave Beck as president of the Teamsters, had been a witness for four days the previous week before the Committee chaired by Senator John McClellan of Arkansas. Mr. Hoffa had repeatedly asserted his inability to recall events about which he had been questioned, until the Committee voted abruptly to suspend the hearings the prior Friday because "the witness has no memory", with Mr. Hoffa subject to being recalled subsequently as a witness. The Committee accused Mr. Hoffa of questionable actions in the handling of union funds, including a $50,000 loan to a racetrack, stating also that he had borrowed $89,500 from employers with whom the union bargained collectively and from union subordinates. The investigators for the Committee contended that Mr. Hoffa had figured in the setting up of phony Teamster locals in New York City in an effort to extend his power in the union and had aligned himself with New York hoodlum Johnny Dio for the same purpose. It was the third action by the AFL-CIO in the previous few months against the Teamsters. On May 6, the group had called in the Teamsters executive board and served charges on them regarding union corruption, naming Dave Beck, Frank Brewster and Sidney Brennan, the latter two vice-presidents of the union. Another report, the contents of which had not been made public, had been issued on July 24. The Senate Committee set its next hearing date on the Teamsters for September 5 and 6, when it would continue probing all of the current charges against Teamster leaders, including Mr. Hoffa. The Committee would make a report on its inquiries to the AFL-CIO executive council and the council would then decide whether to exonerate the persons involved or order the union named in the charges to clean house. In the case of Mr. Hoffa, an AFL-CIO source said that charges other than those developed by the Senate Committee were included in the report by the ethical practices committee.
In Washington, the latter committee had called before it this date United Textile Workers union president Anthony Valente and its secretary-treasurer, Lloyd Klenert, both having been accused by the McClellan Committee of misusing union funds. The two men had been accompanied by about 20 members of the union executive board and the union's attorney. Al Hayes, chairman of the ethical practices committee, said that the inquiry would reach matters developed by the Senate Committee and what he termed as evidence from files of the old AFL. Only two of the committee's five members had been present, including future Supreme Court Justice and U.N. Ambassador Arthur Goldberg, then-committee counsel. Mr. Hayes said that the closed hearing probably would last the entire day. The Senate Committee had accused Mr. Valente and Mr. Klenert of providing thousands of dollars of union funds for themselves to obtain a variety of personal comforts, ranging from a $25 corkscrew to air-conditioned homes. During two years, according to the Committee investigators, Mr. Klenert had misused nearly $102,000 in union funds and Mr. Valente, more than $26,000. The UTW executive council had said the previous month that charges that the two men had used $57,000 of union funds to purchase homes in suburban Maryland had been investigated several years earlier and found to be "politically motivated" and erroneous. The five-member AFL-CIO committee would report its findings to the organization's executive council, which could then reject the allegations or order a clean-up, holding over the union the threat of being expelled from the labor federation.
In Moscow, it was reported that the Kremlin had claimed the first successful testing of an intercontinental missile capable of hitting "any spot on the globe". The announcement the previous night had marked the most important Soviet military advance since Russia had exploded its first hydrogen bomb in August, 1953. If placed in mass production, such a nuclear armed missile would seriously impact the world balance of power, with there being at present no known defense against such a missile. The statement broadcast to the world said that the "super-range, multistage" rocket had been tested several days earlier, had flown to a record altitude and covered a vast distance in a brief time before homing in on its target. The announcement did not say that the test missile carried a nuclear warhead, but confirmed that a series of successful blasts of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons had been set off in the Soviet Union in recent days. The U.S. had announced the previous week that the Russians had resumed atomic testing in Siberia. Some members of Congress were skeptical of the claim by the Russians, some labeling it propaganda. But Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri, former Air Force Secretary, said that in the past, such announcements by the Kremlin usually turned out to be true. The Canadian Defense Minister, Maj. General G. Randolph Pearkes, said that he doubted that the Russians were ahead of the West in development of an ICBM. Moscow Radio said that the missile could reach any "distant area without the use of strategic aviation, which is at present vulnerable to antiaircraft defense." The U.S. had referred to such a missile as the "ultimate weapon" and it was generally known in the West to have a range of about 5,000 miles. No other nation had yet claimed to have launched an ICBM.
Secretary of State Dulles said that the Russian claim had facts behind it.
Senator William Knowland of California described the President this date, following a meeting with Republican leaders in Congress, as "well satisfied" with the previous day's Senate committee action adding back over a half billion dollars to the foreign aid funding cut by the House. The Senate committee had voted 14 to 7 to provide 3.692 billion dollars in new and reappropriated money. While the President still preferred the full amount authorized, according to Senator Knowland, he realized that he could not expect any more than the Senate committee had voted, after the House had cut about 25 percent of the authorized figure, reducing the amount to 2.5 billion in new money, increased to somewhat more than three billion by the Senate committee. Barring unforeseen developments, according to Senator Knowland, it would likely be unnecessary for the President to call a special session of Congress in the fall. Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson stated that he joined Senator Knowland in opposition to the move to back away from the committee increase in foreign aid. Senators Allen Ellender of Louisiana and Richard Russell of Georgia had led the fight against the additional money. The increased amount, if approved by the full Senate, could still face cuts in a conference with the House to reconcile the measures.
The Senate Post Office Committee had broken off hearings this date on a postal rate increase bill and announced that it had no plans to conclude testimony at the current session of Congress.
The President signed this date a bill increasing monthly payments to about two million veterans with service-related disabilities.
In London, it was reported that U.S. officials were urging that Britain supply Jordan with powerful 52-ton Centurion tanks to meet a Jordanian request for heavy tanks and small arms.
In Peiping, a U.S. Army turncoat said this date that he found life in Communist China most satisfactory and had no plans to return home. His statement matched that of the Peiping University president, who had been educated in the U.S. with the late Senator Robert Taft. The turncoat, 24, told Communist Youth Festival delegates, who were presently touring Communist China in defiance of the State Department policy, that he believed Communist China was a better place to live than prior to Communist rule. He said that he was happy there and wished to stay for a long time after finishing his education. A year earlier, he had told a Western reporter that he was contemplating return to the U.S. in perhaps 5 to 10 years, but now said he had no plans to return home. He had been captured in Korea in 1951 and said he was embarking on a five-year schedule at Peiping University. The president of Peiping University said that many Americans believed that China was dominated by the Soviet Union, but that it was not true, that they were developing independently. He had graduated from Yale in 1910 and had later studied at Columbia. The 41 American delegates, who had arrived in Peiping the previous week from Moscow for their paid tour of China, were all healthy and keeping busy, planning to leave the following Thursday for Changchung on a tour of the industrial province of Manchuria in the north. Most members of the group had also accepted an invitation to extend their visit from 3 to 5 weeks to see the Chinese National Day celebration in Peiping on October 10. Chinese officials told members of the delegation this date that the Peiping Government was holding up visas for 24 American correspondents because of dissatisfaction over the way Secretary of State Dulles had handled the matter.
Secretary Dulles said this date that the U.S. would consider applications from any Chinese Communist newsman to visit the U.S.
In Fort Dix, N.J., a 21-year old Army trainee, crawling under fixed machine-gun fire in a training operation, had been killed the previous night by an errant shot. The Army said that it believed the private's death had been caused by defective ammunition.
In Trieste, Italy, a seven-ship British fleet, including a cruiser, three destroyers, a frigate, a target ship and a tanker, anchored in Trieste harbor this date, with officials indicating that the visit was routine.
In Bellerive, Switzerland, the younger brother of Ali Khan, Prince Sadruggin, 24, had married this date an exotic London model in a schoolhouse.
In Nashville, black first-graders had begun registering without incident at previously all-white schools, as the school system became the first large city south of Louisville to desegregate.
In Chattanooga, Tenn., a young black man had told the county police that he was ordered into a car at gunpoint this date and then beaten with a rubber hose after being asked if he was a member of the NAACP.
In Reedsburg, Wisc., a raging fire, visible from 45 miles distant, had destroyed six businesses in the heart of the town this date and was threatening a seventh structure.
John Kilgo of The News reports that the second round would occur this date between Charlotte firemen and a hornets' nest, the first round having occurred the previous afternoon, when the hornets had won a decisive victory. The firemen vowed this date to conquer the nest, located about 30 feet up a tree on Cherokee Road. The firemen said that if they got the nest, they would present it to Mayor Jim Smith to replace a small and unimpressive one which presently adorned his office. One fireman said that hornets were different from other bugs in that they were not afraid of anything, that they would sting and keep on stinging. The number three men in the platoon was elected to climb the tree this date, the election having been held while he was at the store getting equipment, consisting of a sulphur gun which they would use to shoot into the nest. The smoke, they said, would make the bees woozy and they could then capture them alive.
In Eureka, Calif., it was reported that firemen the previous day from nearby Blue Lake had answered a fire alarm only to find the Mad River between them and the fire. But they had mounted a portable pump on a stray raft and paddled across the river, while most of the firefighters had to strip off their clothes and swim across the river, with one fireman remaining behind to discourage peeping Toms. It had taken over three hours to extinguish the fire, which was burning logs and debris on a sandbar in the river, with the only injuries having been sunburn.
In Ewing Township, N.J., it was reported that lions would be free to live in that suburb of Trenton until the following Tuesday, after a magistrate had said the previous night that he would consider for a week whether the lion, which lived in a resident's backyard, was violating local laws. The municipality had complained that the lion was illegal under zoning and health ordinances. The man's attorney argued at a preliminary hearing that the zoning ordinance outlawed farm animals but said nothing about wild animals or pets. One neighbor was asked by the assistant solicitor if the lion roared, to which the homeowner's attorney immediately objected on the basis that the issue was not whether the lion could speak French, German or Spanish but whether the keeper was violating the zoning ordinance.
In Los Angeles, it was reported that Rajah, who dabbled in art, had been unmasked the previous afternoon following his ninth showing at a city-sponsored art exhibit, with an anonymous telephone tipster indicating that his paintings were not by human agency. The owner of the artist had entered it under the name Rajah Chandra, indicating that now that people knew it was not human, it would not be able to exhibit at art shows. The parrot had been displaying its art for three years. The owner said that she had been placing it in her handbag and sneaking it into museums to see famous paintings. At a recent exhibit of the works of Vincent Van Gogh, the parrot had peeked out of the bag and began muttering in Chinese, and so they had left the exhibit quickly. At other times, it had just looked and absorbed. When painting, the parrot held the brush in its claw and squinted at the canvas with its one good eye, and when it developed claw-cramp, switched to its beak, sometimes working for three hours without a break for crackers. The parrot had become a member of several art associations, the meetings of which it did not attend, and had painted more than 750 watercolors, with one titled "Cathay Laos" being its first oil, presenting special problems as the turpentine on the palette had made Rajah a bit giddy.
On the editorial page, "The Public Will Remember Mr. Hoffa" tells of Jimmy Hoffa having been unable to remember things 111 times before the Senate Select Committee investigating misconduct of labor and management in just one day of his four days of testimony the prior week. He could not remember the details of his dealings with convicted racketeers, and as far as he was concerned, his forgetfulness might have been a very healthy thing.
It finds that the public could not care less, as it was also forgetful of details.
In response to other questions about Mr. Hoffa's activities as a Teamster vice-president and heir-apparent to President Dave Beck, he had remembered enough to create an image of himself for public consumption. But that image was a bad omen for organized labor, the piece indicating that if Mr. Hoffa were to succeed Mr. Beck, the image would be magnified a thousand-fold, and if he was not repudiated by the AFL-CIO high command, the image might very well blind the public to labor's legitimate claim that the errors of a few should not be blamed on the many.
Mr. Hoffa had admitted that he had helped to loan union money to companies represented by a man from whom he had then borrowed money, that he had borrowed money from the Teamsters, usually without interest, and had lost some of it on speculative ventures, had borrowed a total of $120,000 from Teamsters locals, union officials and businessmen since 1952, and had repaid only $70,000 of it, and had bought stock in firms with which the Teamsters had done business. His admissions did not show him to have violated the law but did show him as a man trying to feather his own nest through holding a post of trust and responsibility. Similar admissions, it suggests, on the part of a government employee or official of an ethical private enterprise would result in immediate dismissal.
It suggests that an ability to remember that he had not dealt with racketeers and hoodlums ought be requisite for anyone seeking a position of trust.
"If rank-and-file Teamsters cannot prevent Hoffa's ascension to Dave Beck's seat, the AFL-CIO will have to act. The public may forget the details, but it will remember Mr. Hoffa."
"The Senate's Sheep Has Four Legs" indicates that there had once been a political sleight-of-hand artist who called on Abraham Lincoln to obtain White House help in hoodwinking the public on a particular matter, that President Lincoln had studied the caller gravely and asked how many legs the sheep had if one called his tail a leg. The caller had answered five, to which Mr. Lincoln had said he was mistaken, "for calling a tail a leg does not make it one."
It finds that, likewise, calling Senate Bill 2792 an "Immigration Act" did not make it one, that the Senate had passed a bill more in the nature of an anti-immigration act, preserving intact most of the major flaws and discriminatory principles of the current law on the matter. The Senate had only provided relief in certain "hardship" cases, while virtually ignoring the sweeping revisions urged by the President and the more enlightened leaders of both parties. The outmoded quotas, the idiotic red tape and impertinent investigations remained, preserving a system designed for 1920 conditions, encouraging undesirable immigrants to enter the country en masse while excluding desirable immigrants. The Senate bill would even refuse the Administration's proposal to grant permanent residence to 25,000 Hungarian refugees already present in the country.
It finds that the bill did not measure up to the aspirations of those who had fought for immigration laws liberal enough to represent the nation's responsibility. "No, the Senate's sheep has only four legs."
"The Giants Just Need the Giants" tells of the New York Giants moving to San Francisco and the Brooklyn Dodgers contemplating a move to Los Angeles, suggesting that major league baseball was finally entering its westward ho or Horace Greeley stage.
It indicates that to invigorate interest in baseball, it did not need Mr. Greeley or Midas but rather a few more Ty Cobbs, Honus Wagners and Mel Otts.
San Franciscans were said to be excited in anticipation of the move. Baltimore had also been excited when the St. Louis Browns had become the Orioles in 1954, remembering the Orioles of earlier years, who had won three straight pennants between 1894 and 1896 and had boasted such immortal players as third baseman John McGraw, shortstop Hughie Jennings, catcher Wilbert Robinson and outfielder Wee Willie Keeler. But Baltimore did not get the earlier version of the Orioles, rather the same tired old Browns dressed in new uniforms.
It indicates that San Francisco would get the Giants, a team which would find it difficult to beat the Charlotte Hornets with real consistency.
Despite such banner players as Mickey Mantle and Ted Williams, major league baseball, it opines, was losing its color because it was losing its colorful players, with all that was left being the actuaries of the game who were making it the most statistical of all mystiques. They could not conjure up one Dizzy Dean.
"The Giants don't need a change of air. The Giants just need the giants."
Robert C. Smith, writing in the Norfolk Virginian-Pilot, in a piece titled "Delible Impressions of a Couth Man", indicates that everyone had come across an uncouth scoundrel at one time or another, but believes few could claim a couth gentleman among their acquaintances. He suggests that if a body was necessarily inert, there ought be lively, ert people as well.
He indicates that once upon a time, there was a couth man because his dealings were always licit, and that because his appearance was pre-possessing, everyone liked the couth man. Early in life, he had decided to be an electrician because he was mechanically ept. He went to the electrical school to enroll, where he met his future wife, a woman of effable beauty, a defatigable worker.
And he goes on in that manner, concluding: "The woman of effable beauty turned to the fidel, who was smiling at her side. 'It's a good thing,' she said, 'that he was imitable.' And so her grief proved consolable."
Drew Pearson indicates that there would be no headlines surrounding Jimmy Hoffa, no television sets turned to the Senate Rackets Committee and no practical certainty that Mr. Hoffa would be the next president of the Teamsters had it not been for a quirk of fate in Michigan four years earlier, when Mr. Hoffa was before another Congressional committee and much of the same information which had been exposed about his personal loans, his racetrack, his police record, his deals with friends benefiting from union welfare funds, his attempts to muscle in on the jukebox business, parking lots and other enterprises far removed from the Teamsters, had also come to light. That hearing had suddenly been called off by high-ranking Republicans, with many signs pointing to present Postmaster General Arthur Summerfield, a power in Michigan politics, as the person responsible, though the latter denied the intervention.
In return, Mr. Hoffa had supported Senator Homer Ferguson for re-election and later supported Mayor Albert Cobo for governor against Democratic Governor G. Mennen Williams. It remained a question mark as to who had worked out the deal to save Mr. Hoffa by calling off the Congressional hearing, but for which Mr. Hoffa would not be the power he was at present. (He might also have lived to a ripe old age, rather than winding up as dog food in 1975.)
Representative Clare Hoffman of Michigan had made a dozen speeches contending that high-ranking Republicans had been responsible for calling off the hearings. On January 19, 1954, he had said that it took courage sometimes to try to probe the racketeers in one's own home city, that Mr. Hoffa testified under oath that his local union had a million dollars in its treasury and that it had given him the authority to spend as much of that money on union elections as he desired. Mr. Hoffman said that in his committee, he was stripped of any authority to continue the investigations except for during the course of 60 days in two localities, and wondered why that was. On January 21, 1954, Mr. Hoffman had said that he had been warned that retaliatory action would be taken if he investigated Teamster racketeers. On February 3, Mr. Hoffman said that his committee had been "liquidated", giving him no reason for the action. On February 23, he said that they had sought to cut his throat after they had been getting along all right in exposing the racketeers and extortionists, but that they had gotten too close to some politically highly influential persons, stepping on their toes, and those persons had instructed to "cut that old man Hoffman off". On March 24, Mr. Hoffman had charged that his committee had been "killed" and that the action had encouraged racketeering and extortion within the union.
In Detroit, as the hearings folded, Congressman Wint Smith of Kansas had looked at the ceiling and said that the pressure had come from so high that he could not even discuss it. Committee counsel William McKenna said that they were silenced before they could make public certain important financial and legal aspects of the operations of the Teamsters.
Mr. Pearson suggests that the McClellan Committee ought investigate who had shut down the previous hearings, but that it would not, as too many Senators on the Committee or their friends might be involved.
Not surprisingly, the pattern would repeat
Senator Chapman Revercomb of West Virginia had cast the tie-breaking vote in the Senate Public Works Committee in favor of the desire of Madison Avenue to clutter the new Federal highway system with billboards. Voting with the Senator were fellow Republicans Senators Edward Martin of Pennsylvania, Thomas Kuchel of California and Roman Hruska of Nebraska, as well as Democratic Senators Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, Patrick McNamara of Michigan and Kerr Scott of North Carolina. Senator Revercomb, before casting his tie-breaking vote, had pleaded with Committee members to table the bill so that he would not have to vote, making Senators Richard Neuberger of Oregon and Albert Gore of Tennessee furious, Senator Neuberger charging that Senator Revercomb wanted to kill the anti-billboard bill and also wanted to be able to go home and tell the ladies of the garden club and the sportsmen in the outdoors club that they could revive the bill the following year.
Marquis Childs discusses the Senate Select Committee hearings on racketeering in the unions, finding that they had adduced evidence on a large scale of gangsterism and corruption, such that the AFL-CIO was faced with a hard choice of purging those who had asserted the Fifth Amendment and refused to testify to conceal wrongdoing and those who had utilized the tactics of violence and coercion, thereby threatening to rock the uneasy balance of power within the organization, including such powerful people as Maurice Hutcheson of the Carpenters Union and Jimmy Hoffa of the Teamsters Union, likely to replace Dave Beck as president. The two unions involved had been the bulwark of the AFL before it merged with the CIO and if they resisted discipline by walking out, the CIO and the industrial unions would be dominant.
Following the shocked reaction of the public to the disclosures of the McClellan Committee, some AFL-CIO leaders were presently saying that the trade union movement was a business like any other and thus wondering why anyone should expect unions to have higher ethical standards, that big business was more corrupt and ruthless than big labor and thus questioned why big labor should be placed on the defensive because a few union officials were corrupt.
Al Hayes, head of the International Association of Machinists and chairman of the AFL-CIO ethical practices committee, in an article titled "Critics in Glass Houses", had demanded to know why there should be such indignation against organized labor when corruption in other areas had gone nearly unnoticed. He had written: "Perhaps moral indignation, like charity, should begin at home. Corruption, as I have noted before, is a disease which infects the society at large, and its manifestation in the labor movement is merely part of the total picture. I cannot accept with good grace much of the criticism which emanates from others who show far less concern for cleaning their own houses than the labor movement has shown." (Some, however, within the labor movement, especially those ushered in by Mr. Hoffa, also painted houses.)
There were many in the labor movement, however, who believed that pointing out that business was also corrupt was not enough, those leaders insisting that the AFL-CIO had to clean house, and were making an issue of the Hutcheson case. A sharp dispute had taken place at the recent council meeting in Chicago when it agreed to take jurisdiction over the Hutcheson case but to postpone action on it. Mr. Hutcheson's allies in the building trades pointed out that he was not accused of misusing union funds, that when he had pleaded the Fifth Amendment before the McClellan Committee, he had been questioned about a deal which netted $80,000, divided among his alleged co-conspirators, including two other executives of the Carpenters Union, who were alleged to have had inside information about a projected highway in Indiana. The question had arisen whether it was fraud or just a business transaction as any other, pointing out that Mr. Hutcheson, who had inherited a considerable fortune and control of the union from his father, had not used union funds in the process of making the profits.
But that had not been a sufficient answer for UAW president Walter Reuther and James Carey of the International Union of Electrical Workers, Mr. Reuther having challenged the right of the unions to a double standard of morality and Mr. Carey insisting that the council had to take action, based on its own code of ethical practices, which required condemnation of corrupt methods and bribery to gain wealth and to condemn "those instances of racketeering, corruption and disregard for ethical standards when they occur inside our labor movement." The council would meet in New York on September 24 for a showdown on the accused union leaders, including Mr. Hutcheson, Mr. Hoffa and other Teamsters Union officials who had pleaded the Fifth Amendment, though not done by Mr. Hoffa, in his case pleading lack of memory numerous times.
Mr. Childs concludes that whether labor could survive the impact of that challenge was a question no one could answer with certainty at the present time.
Frederick C. Othman, substituting for vacationing Doris Fleeson, suggests that the hot air which appeared to be causing the drought for the previous four straight months had caused many around Washington to pray for Congress to go home, as there was rain all around, but not in Washington.
There had been a "whoopla" recently in Washington featuring cool drinks, Sophia Loren, and Cary Grant, the latter pair involved in making a movie about a houseboat moored in the Potomac River at the foot of a lawn leading from a handsome old manor house. A producer from Paramount Pictures was present, saying that he was worried about his costly actors dilly-dallying and accomplishing nothing while their wages soared, because the paint for the grass had not arrived. He said that he had rented the riverside estate some months earlier when the grass was quite green, but now, with the passage of time, had turned yellow. Since the epic was in Technicolor, it posed a major problem. So they ordered 50 barrels of green grass paint, which had to be obtained from elsewhere and it had not yet arrived. Moreover, once it arrived, they would lose another day while the paint dried.
Mr. Othman says that he could have talked to Ms. Loren but was too busy looking at her.
He reiterates that the Washington drought was therefore serious, but nevertheless the hot air continued to rise from Congress. One Senator had complained bitterly about actresses entering the galleries and disrupting the proceedings. He could not imagine what was wrong with the man, unless it was the drought.
A letter writer from Lenoir suggests that all North Carolinians ought know what Virginia Attorney General J. Lindsay Almond, Jr.,, who was the Democratic nominee for governor, thought of North Carolina's pupil assignment plan, charging that adoption of it would cause mass integration in Virginia's public schools and create government by the NAACP. He had said that those who accepted a little integration were opening the doors to mass integration. The letter writer agrees and suggests that North Carolina desperately needed "positive and dynamic leadership" favoring segregation and the preservation of their way of life. He wants as the next governor I. Beverly Lake, the former North Carolina assistant attorney general, who had orally argued the case for North Carolina before the Supreme Court in the implementing decision of Brown v. Board of Education in 1955, claiming that there could be violence if desegregation were ordered immediately.
Mr. Lake would run unsuccessfully against Terry Sanford in 1960 for the Democratic nomination. He would eventually be appointed to the North Carolina Supreme Court by Governor Dan K. Moore in 1965, Governor Moore to be appointed in 1969 to the State Supreme Court by his successor, Governor Robert Scott, son of current Senator Kerr Scott.
A letter writer says that she believes no one living in sin was really happy, that those who appeared miserable lacked the love of Christ in their hearts. She says that she might have enemies but knew that God was the only one who helped people, that she loved everyone and had nothing between her and God. "So many loved ones are troubled today over sickness and sorrows, but when you see friends standing by with love and sympathy, that is the sign of a Christian friend. That helps us bear our burdens for, with Christ as our comforter and loved ones for friends, we are never alone."
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