The Charlotte News
Friday, August 16, 1957
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn had predicted this date that a civil rights bill would be enacted before Congress would adjourn the session, hinting that the House action on the bill would come the following week. Mr. Rayburn had told newsmen that he did not know exactly what kind of compromise had been worked out. There had been signs that Republicans and Democrats had reached an agreement on a bill containing a modified jury trial amendment. Mr. Rayburn said that he expected the Rules Committee to clear the bill soon for House action and added that the bill would receive top priority. Key Republicans in the House had delayed a strategy session amid talk that Republicans were making a strategic retreat from an all-or-nothing stand for the type of measure favored by the President. That meeting had been tentatively rescheduled for the current afternoon. Shortly afterward, Representative Leo Allen of Illinois, the senior Republican on the Rules Committee and one of the strategists, had said that differences blocking House action appeared for the most part resolved. Mr. Allen predicted that a bill would pass, indicating that the Rules Committee would meet the following Monday or Tuesday to act on it. His statements strengthened reports that leaders were close to an agreement to bring the stalemated bill to the floor of the House for a vote late the following week. The Rules Committee thus far had been blocking House action, but with the four Republican members and four Northern Democrats voting together as a majority of the 12-member Committee, the bill could be sent to the floor.
In Charlotte, the City School Board was asking for the dismissal of an appeal filed by five white parents following assignment of five black students to previously all-white schools in late July, indicating that the motion was a nullity and that the court had not acquired jurisdiction over the parties or the subject matter of the appeal. On August 2, the five white parents, with children in the schools to which the black students had been accepted by the Board, had filed an appeal, with the Board indicating that the appeal had been in the form of a class or joint appeal combining in one action several applications for reassignment of the five black students, whereas the Pupil Assignment Act required a separate and individual application, hearing and decision, regarding each child for which reassignment was sought, and also that the Act did not contemplate or provide or permit an appeal to the Superior Court by anyone except an aggrieved party to an original application, that the appellants had other rights under the law through transfer to other schools or special grants-in-aid to enable enrollment in a private school, and also that the Act did not contemplate an appeal by those situated as appellants, as they first had to have requested a hearing before the full Board after the initial decision, which the appellants had not done. There was also a problem with the fact that only the names of the children appeared on the appeal filed by the white parents, and not the parents, themselves.
Senator William Knowland held a last-minute strategy session with the President this date and reported later that both hoped to obtain back in the Senate a substantial part of the $809,650,000 cut by the House from foreign aid funding.
At the Atomic Test Site in Nevada, the Atomic Energy Commission postponed for the 18th time a nuclear test shot because of unfavorable wind conditions.
In Georgetown, British Guiana, Dr. Cheddi Jagan, whose Communist-line party had won control of the colony's Legislative Council, prepared this date to ask the Governor for a virtually free hand to run the Government.
In Budapest, another wave of arrests and trials, with some executions, had taken place against persons charged with opposing the Communist Hungarian regime.
In Tokyo, Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi's Cabinet this date ordered an investigation of the death of a woman knocked from her bicycle by a U.S. Air Force plane the prior August 2.
In New York, mediators worked this date against a midnight deadline in efforts to prevent a tank truck drivers' strike which would cut off 95 percent of the metropolitan area's milk supply.
In St. Louis, fire had swept through a three-story apartment building in the midtown area late the previous night, and firemen had found three bodies in the ruins.
In Norfolk, Va., a Navy jet pilot, missing since the previous afternoon on a training flight, was rescued unhurt from a life raft early this date after a night in the Atlantic Ocean.
In Elizabeth City, N.C., the Coast Guard had reported that a fishing boat had rescued the survivors of a Navy blimp which had crashed the previous night in Pamlico Sound, with all 16 members of the crew apparently escaping injury. The fishing boat had taken the survivors' raft or rafts in tow and proceeded toward a rendezvous with a Coast Guard boat which would take the survivors to either Wanchese or Oregon Inlet, both Coast Guard stations. A Navy search plane from Oceana Naval Air Station near Virginia Beach had spotted the survivors.
In Macon, Ga., four police officers and two bystanders had been injured early this date in a fight which erupted when police sought to subdue a black airman who had been arrested.
In Tallahassee, Fla., a circuit judge, jubilant over his acquittal on impeachment charges, had left for Miami this date to reclaim his seat on the bench.
In Santa Monica, Calif., police said that the son of a North Carolina woman had admitted early this date that he had fired the shotgun blast which had killed his mother's fiancé. Police said that the 22-year old had told interrogators that he did not know why he had done it. The 45-year old advertising executive for a meat company had been found slain in a Santa Monica motel the previous day by the young man's mother, an attorney from Dunn, N.C., who said that she and her fiance had been living in the motel temporarily, that the deceased had purchased a home for them in the Brentwood area and that they had planned to be married the following week. The man had been shot with his own shotgun, recovered in the ocean the previous day by a diver. He had also been robbed of his wristwatch and wallet. Police said that the son had taken the police officers to where he had hidden his bloody clothing and told them how he had thrown the gun into the surf. He was booked on suspicion of murder. His mother said that he had been released from the California Youth Authority facility at Tracy the previous February after serving a sentence for car theft. The woman's father was a prominent North Carolina attorney and she was previously married to the solicitor of the Dunn City Court. After their divorce, she had married another man of Asheboro.
Dick Bayer of The News reports that with the fear in Charlotte of midnight prowlers and peeping Toms spreading over the city, Police Chief Frank Littlejohn this date had warned citizens to shoot "only as a last resort", saying that in the previous week, he had received numerous calls, mostly from women, asking for advice about firearms to be used against intruders. He said that any citizen had the right to defend their home but that he had sought to dissuade most of the callers from purchasing guns which might be used indiscriminately. He said that the smartest thing a person could do if they saw or heard something around the home would be to call the police immediately without blinking any lights or firing weapons. He said they could have the place surrounded in three or four minutes and that a policeman would rather catch a burglar than eat. The previous night, a man had told police that he had fired twice on a man who had wandered into his backyard, using his shotgun to fire one shot over the intruder's head and the second as he fled toward the woods. Police had found only a hat as they examined the area. The chief said that the only time a citizen should shoot was if the person were being attacked by someone who had broken into their home. He said that a person never knew who might be wandering in their backyard, that it could be a next-door neighbor who had been drinking too much or someone down the street who had come to the wrong door.
Julian Scheer of The News reports from Mooresville that the town had a dateline which had attracted national attention during the previous two weeks. This date, Dorothy Brown, a lanky 16-year old from the woods near Troutman, had been greeted in New York City, less than a month after she had been similarly whisked off her father's rent-free home in Iredell County. Tom McKnight, editor and publisher of the Mooresville Tribune, along with staff photographer Fletcher Davis, had been tramping about the Catawba River bottom country near Troutman, seeking a piece of property to stake off for a future riverfront hut site when Duke Power would build its new dam in the area. Mr. McKnight had later written in the newspaper that they were stumbling through almost impenetrable thickets and woods, when suddenly there was more light around them and they squinted through the trees to see a clearing dotted with a hovel and a couple of ramshackle outbuildings, at which point they spotted several hounds and some children, and then saw Dorothy, slowly winding up the windlass of an old dilapidated well, "a statuesque young girl carved from the classical pattern of a Greek goddess." The well bucket had come to the top and "she straightened up and was tall and lithe and willowy and very beautiful." She emptied the water from the well bucket into another wooden bucket and toted it to the nearby porch, then picked up a homemade brush broom and started sweeping the yard, as the sweat on her face glistened in the sun. Beyond them were the trees along the banks of the Catawba and beyond that was the high ground across the river and the shadow of a morning cloud falling across the little clearing, through which they could see the river. That had been the discovery of young Miss Brown, which had then snowballed across the nation. But Mr. McKnight had actually used "poetic license" in his description, not realizing it would go from his small newspaper to the world. There had been a small debate in Mooresville regarding a Salisbury newspaper's "expose" of the story. The girl was not at her home, about a half-mile away, as readers were left to assume. She had not been drawing water and did not carry it to the porch, and one could not see the river. To find out more about this exciting mystery, you will have to turn to page 2-A.
In New York, it was reported that Miss Brown had arrived to take a look at the city and for the city to take a look at her. She had displayed all the composure of a Park Avenue debutante as she stepped off the train at Pennsylvania Station into a hectic reception from a throng of newsmen and photographers. She did not have much time for interviews, considering the sightseeing, news conferences, television appearances and other activities scheduled for her. She said, "I don't know what all I will be doing here," but expressed eagerness to see all of the usual tourist sites. She said that she had spent part of the time on the train trip from Charlotte reading fan mail inspired by newspaper accounts of her beauty, with one letter from a middle-aged Louisiana man proposing marriage, over which she laughed, but added that he was probably lonely and that she felt sorry for him. The trip to New York was only the second train ride of her life, the first having been a 16-mile journey from Statesville to Mooresville when she had been a child. She had been accompanied on the ride by Mr. McKnight, Mrs. McKnight, Kays Gary of the Charlotte Observer and Don Sturky, a photographer for the Observer. Among her television appearances would be one on the Ed Sullivan Show on CBS on Sunday night.
In London, it was reported that the 83-year old Marchioness of Londonderry this date had rebuked her grandson, the 19-year old Marquess, for joining the critics of Queen Elizabeth and her court. In a statement from her home in Northern Ireland, she described her grandson's entry into the royal row as "vulgar, silly and childish." But she said she was very fond of her jazz-loving grandson who had once played a hot piano in a Dixieland outfit called the Eton Five. The grandson had entered the controversy over whether the Queen and her court were out of date by writing a long letter to the leftish New Statesman and Nation, supporting Lord Altrincham, the original critic of the Queen, indicating that the traditional treatment of royalty was "ludicrously and nauseatingly incongruous in a modern democracy." He had followed that up with an interview given from his grandmother's front parlor, in which he had said that he had met the Queen a number of times and found her voice "a pain in the neck". His grandmother said that he was "very young" for his age of 19 and had no opportunity of meeting public men who were engaged in worthwhile duties or to exchange and hear their views.
In Mineral, Va., a newspaper had gone out of business because the circulation had become too large. Eight boys started the handwritten Mineral City Gazette during the summer, but had given it up earlier in the month, indicating that they had 22 subscribers and it had become too much work and too little money, according to a 10-year old staff writer, adding that they were all going to be salesmen instead of newspapermen.
In San Francisco, a woman had parked her car and walked in front of it, when it started rolling, knocked her down, broke her arm, dragged her 30 feet and came to a rest against a building.
On the editorial page, "The Ku Klux Klan Fights the South" suggests that sensible Southerners reading of the reign of the Ku Klux Klan in Maplesville, Ala., as recounted on the front page the previous day, occurring the previous Friday, had to feel the weight of great sadness.
There was first pity for the black victims, with one sick man having been pulled from his bed, beaten and chased out of town, while four others were made to run and dance to the shots of pistols. It finds, however, that the victims were only minor actors in the tragedy, that the "robed bullies" were the more pitiable. "The twisted and tortured spirit of the terrorist is more difficult to remedy", than scars of the flesh.
It finds that the members of the Klan had the capacity neither to protect their pocketbooks from their leaders nor to realize that each blow they struck sped the destruction of the social order they claimed to protect. They moved in a personal darkness which could not be relieved by a rising sun.
It indicates that it was fashionable to laugh at the Klan, though it was difficult to see why, for although it was now little more than a demented fragment of a once vast machine of terror, the fragment still cast a large shadow over the South. It finds it one of the anomalies of the times that even the tatters of the Klan continued to exist.
At the root of the civil rights bill, which had been passed by the House and remained supported by the White House, had been the theory that Southern juries would violate their oaths in civil rights cases and not return verdicts of guilty, though the verdict in Knoxville against six of the defendants who had aroused violence in Clinton, Tenn., the prior fall in violation of a court order to refrain from interfering with school desegregation, had swayed the Senate against that theory.
But the "violent idiocy of the Klan" struck directly at the ability of Southern legislators to preserve for the South the utmost possible time and leeway to solve a social dilemma.
Just as members of Congress from the South had the ability to exercise power greater than their numbers, so the Klan could weigh on the side of those ready to conclude that the South could not solve its own problems and that increasing Federal intervention would be necessary. It suggests that perhaps Senators Sam J. Ervin and Kerr Scott of North Carolina had that in mind when they had made a show of rejecting proffered lifetime memberships in the Klan, obviously believing it was not enough to treat that offer with silent contempt.
It suggests that if the Klan was defeating nothing other than its own dim dream of white supremacy, laughter might be an effective antidote for its social poison, but when it hampered the region's first line of defense against repressive laws, the laughter appeared hollow. Resentment against the burden thrust on the South by the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education was still commonplace in the region, but there was only one effective and morally permissible place to protest, within the framework of the law. It urges that the Klan had to be isolated and confined until it was clearly recognizable for what it was, "merely the sick ward of the South."
"Stateless Hungarians: A Lost Cause?" indicates that the plight of thousands of Hungarian refugees admitted to the United States on parole after the previous fall's failed attempt at a revolution against the Communist Government was still hidden amid the rubble and confusion of a great debate over immigration quotas.
In a rebuff for the President, the House Judiciary Committee the previous day had rejected a proposal to grant permanent residence to the 25,000 Hungarians, the measure having been in the form of an amendment offered by Representative Kenneth Keating of New York to an immigration bill drafted by Representative Francis Walter of Pennsylvania, with the reported vote having been 15 to 11. The President, in a special message to Congress, had strongly urged that the Hungarian refugees be granted permanent residence.
It finds that while Senators were arguing the fate of the people who may or may not be admitted to the country in the future, the Congress was completely overlooking the fate of people already present. Whether Congress intended to enact needed reforms in the nation's basic immigration laws or not, it urges that it ought regularize the status of the Hungarians. The Communists were making propaganda capital out of America's attitude toward the refugees, and in response, the U.S. had to demonstrate its traditional hospitality toward the oppressed and to all who came to share the responsibilities and privileges of American citizenship.
It finds that overall reforms in the immigration laws were needed, but that while they were being debated, there was no need for the special problems of the Hungarians to wait.
"Mr. Dulles' Quasi State of Absurdity" indicates that the State Department had decided that a "quasi-state of war" existed between the U.S. and Communist China, the phrase having appeared in a letter from Undersecretary Christian Herter to American youths in the Soviet Union who were determined to visit Communist China.
It finds it a quasi-argument for maintaining the Dulles curtain around one of the most important nations in the world at present, and that if the State Department expected to use that device in its stubborn and foolish effort to prevent American newsmen from going to Communist China, it was wasting time and energy in a lost cause. It finds that even as justification for allowing only a "limited number" of correspondents to enter China, it lacked validity, as no Government official had any business trying to decide what newspapers would be allowed to cover a given story. Thus, it reiterates that it was a quasi-state of absurdity.
"How Walter George Got an Opinion" indicates that the former Georgia Senator, who had recently died, had never forgotten to place his ear to the ground. As a member of the Senate Democratic policy committee studying the 1955 crisis involving Formosa and the off-shore islands, he had sought the opinion of the committee's 27-year old secretary, who told him that she had not lost "a single damn thing on Quemoy or Matsu".
In The Citadel, William S. White had used the story to illustrate the difference in attitudes between Democratic and Republican Senators, saying, "Imagination boggles at attempting to conceive any such scene, or any such words from employees, in the Republican Policy Committee. Imagination simply will not try the jump."
A piece from the Christian Science Monitor, titled, "The Lady and the General", indicates that General of the Armies Douglas MacArthur, currently the chairman of the board of the Sperry Rand Corp., had been addressing the annual stockholders' meeting on the subject of "confiscatory" taxes, and at the end of an hour and 15 minutes, a woman had arisen who said that she loved America and was glad to pay it taxes.
It suggests that almost everyone shared General MacArthur's unhappiness over paying high taxes and that many shared his conviction that they were higher than they should be, with some agreeing that they were iniquitous. But others, visualizing themselves as stockholders at a stockholders' meeting, would echo the woman's sentiment: "Now let's hear about Sperry Rand."
Drew Pearson indicates that the most vigorous and effective current pusher for the civil rights bill was Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, that recently, when discussing it with Senate leaders Lyndon Johnson and William Knowland, he had said: "You are two big strong men. Why don't you go over to the House of Representatives and exercise some influence? Here is Joe Martin who never wanted a civil rights bill before in his life but who is now the great champion of the Negro. He even says the NAACP doesn't represent the Negro. He wants to go further than the NAACP. These great fighting liberals from Connecticut and Massachusetts like Meade Alcorn and Joe Martin are having a wonderful time with their new-found religion, but they are not helping the rest of the country."
Senator Knowland had been working conscientiously on the House Republicans to gain acceptance of a modified bill, but his basic problem was Vice-President Nixon who did not care much for Senator Knowland. The Vice-President was the actual backstage manipulator on civil rights, wanting it held over until the following year for the sake of the midterm elections in 1958. He had been calling members of Congress, demanding that they stand pat and make no change in the original House bill.
Shortly before the beloved Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn had given up on the natural gas bill at the current session, Representative Torbey MacDonald of Boston had come to see him, asking him whether it was likely to come up for a vote before the following Thursday, as he wanted to leave town until that time and wished to be ready to vote against it. Mr. Rayburn had been one of the chief supporters of the gas bill, but also believed in the democratic principle of letting every person vote, and so replied that it would not be brought up prior to the following Thursday. Shortly afterward, he gave up on the bill until the following year because of the efforts of some vigorous members, led by Mr. MacDonald, John Dingell of Detroit and Charles Vanik of Cleveland, each of whom was a Democrat and a first or second-term member. Supporting their efforts were such important organizations as the Alabama League of Municipalities and many mayors across the country. A dozen or so big-city mayors had come to Washington to testify against the bill, while the head of the Alabama League of Municipalities had written to every member of Congress from Alabama asking them how they planned to vote on the bill, receiving word from every member except Frank Boykin of Mobile that they would vote against it. Mr. Boykin was out of town.
The President had indicated that he sometimes argued with himself as to the best method of resolving the nation's problems, Mr. Pearson indicating that apparently he had not argued with his brother Milton lately regarding Latin American friendship. While Milton had been in Mexico trying to strengthen Mexican-American friendship, the President was sponsoring a bill which would paralyze the most important industry in Mexico, lead and zinc mining, as well as seriously hurting Peru. The former Secretary of the Interior, Oscar Chapman, had called some of those facts to the attention of the House Ways & Means Committee recently when it was considering the Administration's proposal to place an excise import tax on lead and zinc, indicating that Mexico was the largest customer of the U.S. in Latin America and the third ranking U.S. customer in the world. Mr. Chapman said that in 1956, Mexico had imported 840 million dollars worth of U.S. goods and exported to the U.S. only 400 million dollars worth, leaving Mexico with an unfavorable trade balance of more than 400 million for the year, that if the U.S. cut its export of zinc and lead, constituting about 20 percent of Mexico's entire exports, the U.S. would diminish the goods Mexico bought from the U.S. He insisted that international good will built up with Mexico over the years was power, more powerful in his opinion than an arsenal of military weapons.
Joseph Alsop, in Paris, provides some of his gleanings of the Western Alliance after shuttling back and forth across the English Channel for the previous 45 days, first observing that the new Government under Prime Minister Harold Macmillan had made a complete break with the past, strongly resembling the Eisenhower Administration. The wartime ideas and attitudes had been completely jettisoned, as in Washington.
As an example, former Minister of Defense Antony Head had been dropped from the Macmillan Cabinet, not because of the Suez debacle of the prior fall but because he refused to adopt the slogan, "Budget first, defense second", long familiar in the Eisenhower Administration. His successor, Duncan Sandys, had a program which was nothing more than the plan of Joint Chiefs chairman Admiral Arthur Radford, revived for adaptation to British requirements.
Lord Salisbury, former Prime Minister Anthony Eden and Antony Head had been the last men with the old wartime feeling about Anglo-American relations, and now had left the Government, just as the last such men had left the U.S. Government with the end of the Truman Administration in 1953. Prime Minister Macmillan was the remaining real link between the past partnership, as was the President in the U.S.
The same thing had also occurred in the Foreign Ministry as had occurred in the State Department, with Secretary of State Dulles caring more about the feelings of the Senate than the atmosphere surrounding the alliance with Britain, compared to Secretary of State Dean Acheson under President Truman, who had the reverse priority. Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd remained from the Eden Government, but the priorities had been changed, the new system having been revealed, for instance, when the Macmillan Government had decided to defy the State Department on trade with Communist China. The Government's experts in Britain had said there would be nothing gained by trading with China, but being publicly rude to Secretary Dulles would delight the House of Commons and so it was done.
American policymakers had initially downgraded the Anglo-American partnership, it reaching a critical point when Secretary Dulles had precipitated the Suez crisis and then tried to hide it, with the result having been the desperate attempt by the British to safeguard Britain's Middle Eastern oil interests through independent action with France. The disastrous conclusion of the crisis had produced the present situation, with the Macmillan Government having resulted, along with anti-Americanism in Britain, causing a break with the past partnership.
Doris Fleeson discusses the new Secretary of Defense, Neil McElroy, indicating that he would have to depend on other experts to determine the right weapons for the nuclear age and for an inflation cure. He would have to press the fight himself on manpower, on which Congress would have many questions in the coming months.
The President had not been receptive to a proposal by a committee headed by Ralph Cordiner, head of G.E., to retain the rarer skills through providing greater financial rewards, while Senators viewed the proposal as politically unrealistic. Nobody disputed the basic findings of the committee that after the Government had spent millions training men, they were being taken by the private sector for much better pay, with the committee estimating that a third of the armed forces had to be rebuilt each year and even then falling short of the needed skills and technical competence.
Senators were also interested in the 29 men who had the title of assistant secretary or better with salaries of $20,000, chauffeur-driven limousines, aides and executive suites, and who had a revolving door with private industry.
Outgoing Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson, former head of G.M., had set a good example by staying four and a half years. But in that time, 72 men from industry had been confirmed as assistant secretaries and 46 had then returned to private industry after short tenures.
The Roosevelt Administration had fought World War II with a handful of Army and Navy bosses. The late James Forrestal, who had been the first Secretary of Defense in 1947, had run the Pentagon with eight principal assistants, no deputies, and no under or assistant secretaries. His Army, Navy and Air Force secretaries sufficed with two assistant secretaries.
Secretary Wilson had a deputy and nine assistant secretaries plus three special assistants and a personal staff of 11. Each of his assistant secretaries had from three to 23 special assistants each. Each service had an undersecretary and four assistant secretaries, all with aides and staffs.
The rate of turnover had been highest in the office of Secretary Wilson, where he had 19 changes, and had been least in the Army, with six, the Air Force having seven and the Navy, 12.
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, thanks the Lord he spent most of his time in the "civilized jungles" of Tanganyika and Kenya and did not live in New York City or he would apply for a pistol which he would use to shoot for sport many people who were described as teenagers. In the past, he had proposed such things as putting the "thugs" in stocks, whipping them through the streets, shaving their heads and imposing a curfew, the latter having been done by one magistrate for those under 18.
He believed that the current reign of terror in the city, however, called for sterner measures, that they should be shot, with a bounty paid for each head, saving the courts a lot of trouble over parole and perhaps ridding the city of the "vermin which infests it." (He sounds very much like Trump.)
He indicates that it was sarcasm, that the entire population could not have guns for the youths would take the weapons away from the meek and inherit the earth, plus the guns. He feels, however, that something had to be done but did not know what, perhaps tripling the police force and bringing back the old cop on the beat who would crack a skull occasionally and infuse some respect for law and order "into these lice who beat up and murder strangers for fun."
He suggests that parents might be placed in jail with their children and charged room and board for the term of the sentence. He favors no longer handling the "jerks" as misunderstood kids, rather that they should have the book thrown at them when they were caught. He finds the tendency had been to weep over them and reason with them, then parole them into the custody of the nearest marijuana hustler, when they ought instead be shoved into the deep-freeze permanently. When a cop shot one of them, he was pilloried, and when a judge let one loose with a reprimand, the youth became a big guy the next day, beating up his old lady and sticking up a candy store. He believes age should not be a consideration when a youth had turned violent.
"We have encouraged this scum to a point where it really thinks it's important. It isn't. It is scum, vermin, garbage, and should be treated as such. Trying to reason with it is a waste of time, because it just laughs, takes another charge, and fares out to kick the head off of an innocent stranger for laughs."
He says that having lived in New York, he was never more serious than when he started the piece by saying that if he lived in that jungle, he would carry a gun and use it.
Once again, Mr. Ruark's drinking habit had outrun the wisdom which should have been imparted by the studies leading to his degree in sociology from UNC in the mid-Thirties.
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