The Charlotte News
Friday, July 19, 1957
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Lloyd Klenert, secretary-treasurer of the United Textile Workers Union, testifying before the Senate Select Committee investigating misconduct by unions and management, had acknowledged this date that he and the Union president, Anthony Valente, had used $57,000 of Union funds to purchase Washington homes, indicating that the money had been entered on the Union books as an "organizational expense", while insisting that there was nothing wrong with that characterization, finding it a "politically astute" means of concealing from a rival faction in the Union "what could be termed a slush fund". He said that the Union had not lost any money from the deal, though he had not yet been asked how he and Mr. Valente had repaid the $57,000. He said that the Union's executive council had authorized him and Mr. Valente to employ some "lay-aside" device to conceal the fact from possibly dissident unionists that UTW had borrowed $95,000 from a bank in anticipation of a costly and "tremendous" organizational campaign. Prior to the hearing, Committee counsel Robert F. Kennedy said that Mr. Klenert ought be asked also about the "alleged use of union funds in other transactions". Committee chairman, Senator John McClellan of Arkansas, had referred to $40,000 as being involved in those other alleged transactions. Senator McClellan, after Mr. Klenert had told the story of creating the "slush fund", had asked him, "How in the world did you deduce they wanted you to buy private homes with it?" Mr. Klenert replied that they had not made any such deductions, but that he and Mr. Valente thought it would "be a good way of holding it." (They could have held it between their knees.)
In Washington, the charge of conspiracy to commit bribery against Jimmy Hoffa had gone to the jury this date, following final arguments of both sides and the instructions to the jury. The jury consisted of seven women and five men. Mr. Hoffa was charged with conspiracy to bribe lawyer John Cye Cheasty of the staff of the Select Committee investigating union misconduct, to provide Mr. Hoffa with inside information. Mr. Hoffa contended that he had been unaware of Mr. Cheasty's employment by the Committee until the time of his arrest the prior March, and that he had paid him money to become counsel for the Midwest Teamsters Conference, of which Mr. Hoffa was president. He was charged with conspiring to make the bribe with Miami attorney Hyman Fischbach, the charge against whom had been dismissed earlier when Mr. Fischbach's attorney had become ill during the trial, with Mr. Fischbach to be tried separately later.
In Knoxville, Tenn., the defense in the case of the remaining ten defendants, charged with conspiring with segregationist John Kasper of Baltimore to block the peaceful integration of the Clinton, Tenn., High School the prior fall, and thus having been charged with contempt of a Federal court order not to interfere with the desegregation efforts, had rested this date, and separate counsel for Mr. Kasper concurred. The Government offered no rebuttal and so also rested, meaning that the case would go to the jury following instructions by the judge. Five defendants had been dismissed from the case, four the previous day by the court after it concluded there was insufficient evidence against them to convict, and a previous defendant, based on humane considerations as she was pregnant. The only defense witnesses who had testified this date were a Clinton fireman and a foreman in a knitting mill at Clinton, with the former testifying that the restraining order which the defendants had allegedly violated had not been fully read by a U.S. marshal, and the latter indicating that everything had been quiet around the high school prior to December 4, the day when Reverend Paul Turner had escorted six black students to the school and was immediately beaten up afterward. (It was his'ens fault for provokin' 'em like 'at, and him a preacher.) The Government attorney elicited on cross-examination that the mill foreman had begun work every day at 7:00 a.m., but was on vacation on December 4, a Tuesday. He was asked whether he had been at the school during the previous week, and the witness said that he had not been, with the Government attorney indicating that he therefore could not know what the situation had been around the high school, the witness agreeing. Government witnesses had described mounting tension during the week prior to December 4, saying that four of the defendants had regularly stationed themselves near the school. The mill foreman said that he had "made it a point" to know what was going on at the school. The four defense attorneys had gathered earlier in the day to discuss strategy, with some indicating that they would rather continue with testimony before resting their case, but because one of the jurors was a Seventh Day Adventist, who had been asked during voir dire whether he would accept service on the jury on Saturdays, the Sabbath at his church, the lawyers had determined that they should get the case to the jury this date. Earlier, the chief defense attorney had told reporters that he intended to call some eyewitnesses to the violence to try to demolish the Government's case, but that plan was abandoned after the conference.
In Washington, the Federal judge who had found playwright Arthur Miller guilty of contempt of Congress in June, began hearing arguments this date on a motion for new trial, presumably based in part on the recent Watkins v. U.S. holding of the Supreme Court, limiting the scope of inquiry by Congressional committees to matters within the charter of the committee and which were germane to their legislative functions. Mr. Miller had refused to answer questions before HUAC in June, 1956 regarding whether persons who had attended a meeting with him several years earlier were known to be Communists, indicating that he would confine his remarks to his own conduct.
In Washington, Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson this date had accepted rivalry among the armed forces as "a fact of life", telling the services that they could air their disputes as long as they protected security and behaved like members of the team.
The House had provided the President a preliminary victory by voting 172 to 154 to restore 300 million dollars to his foreign aid program. But new moves for other cuts were shaping up.
In Maebashi, Japan, the Army and Japanese legal advisers to William Girard, charged with manslaughter in a Japanese civilian court for the shooting death of a Japanese woman who had been scavenging metal at an Army firing range which Mr. Girard had been assigned to guard by his commanding officer, had agreed this date to forgo further help from American civilian attorneys in his defense.
In Cairo, Egypt's semi-official Middle East News Agency had confirmed reports that 14 men were being held on charges of plotting to assassinate Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser and members of his regime.
In Paris, the National Assembly this date had voted special powers to the Government to fight the nationalist rebellion in Algeria and the wave of Algerian violence within France, itself.
In Ogden, Utah, it was reported that the Hill Air Force Base public relations officer had said this date that a B-47 bomber from March Air Force Base in Riverside, Calif., was missing, that report following eyewitness accounts of an alleged plane crash in the mountains of northeastern Nevada.
In Avignon, France, 13 persons had been killed and 70 injured early this date when a speeding express train en route from the Riviera to Paris, had switched onto a sidetrack and derailed.
In Spartanburg, S.C., a 20-year old man left his 17-year old pregnant wife the previous day to return to the Air Force after being absent for several months, set to find out whether they would want to have him serve out his re-enlistment or prosecute him for being AWOL. He had told the Spartanburg Journal that he was turning himself in to Spartanburg police because he understood the Air Force MP's had been searching for him. The Spartanburg police had turned him over to authorities at Donaldson Air Force Base in Greenville, S.C. He added that he hoped that the money he had made working outside the Air Force would be enough to tide his wife over until he was able to return to work somewhere. He had told the newspaper that in January, 1955, he joined the Air Force, and the previous January, while stationed at Biggs Air Force Base in El Paso, Tex., had decided to take a "short discharge" before his original enlistment had expired and re-enlist for another four years, had been discharged for that purpose on January 27, and was sworn in again the following day. After the ceremony, he had gone to the Base finance office to get his pay, but was told that his physical condition made him ineligible for re-enlistment. He returned to the officer who had sworn him in but was told to "just forget" he had ever re-enlisted.
In New York, it had been decided unanimously by the executive board of the Billy Graham Crusade that the New York Crusade would be extended through August 10. The Crusade had begun May 15 and was originally scheduled to end on June 30, having been extended to the following night. The total attendance to date had been 1,095,100 at Madison Square Garden, where 19,200 persons had attended the previous night. The fact that there were so many people attending had caused the decision to extend the Crusade. The previous night, 3,000 persons had been turned away, and there were already 700 in attendance beyond the normal capacity. Among the guest ministers on the platform the previous night with Reverend Graham had been the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., who had led the successful 1955-56 municipal bus boycott in Montgomery, Ala. He had read the opening prayer for the event the previous night and had been praised by Reverend Graham as a man who had contributed to a "great social revolution" in the country. At the close of the service, 736 people had come forward to make "decisions for Christ", bringing the total number of such decisions thus far to 34,622.
In Angier, N.C., a policeman had said this date that he had received a report that a man had been captured in Fuquay a short time after robbing a bank in Angier and escaping in a stolen car. In Raleigh, the Highway Patrol had reported that the man was shot and wounded at Fuquay, adding that they were transporting him to a hospital in Raleigh for treatment.
In Long Beach, Calif., the new Miss United States in the Miss Universe contest might lose her title and the right to compete further because she was married, according to contest officials. Leona Gage had finally stopped denying her marriage during the morning and said that she was the wife of an airman and the mother of two children, having been married at age 14 to an Air Force staff sergeant stationed at Friendship International Airport. She had told contest officials that she was single and 21, though other sources had given her age as 18 and her marriage date as February 3, 1953. Contest officials said that she would be stripped of her title and that the runner-up, Miss Utah, Charlotte Shefield, would take over as Miss United States. The latter would not, however, compete in this night's Miss Universe finals, but rather the person who had finished 16th in the semi-final judging the previous night would fill that spot, with the name of the contestant not having been determined. Initially, Ms. Gage had denied rumors that were swirling that she was married, denied them again during the current morning, but eventually changed her story and admitted to the marriage.
In Spokane, Wash., the city's "courtesy week" had gotten off to a slow start this date after four officers scanned the downtown area to cite "the courteous driver of the day", reporting that they could not find anyone who qualified.
In Springfield, Ill., people were talking about "The Talker", a lonely man who was hungry for conversation and had walked into a service station the prior Tuesday and talked for 24 hours, mostly on the payphone to distant cities, depositing more than $300 in the phone. He had called Paris, France, Monte Carlo, Texas, New York, Wisconsin, and Las Vegas, talking at length with people in those places. He had talked through an interpreter with a teacher in Paris and recited poetry to her, had also called Princess Grace in Monte Carlo, but the gist of the conversation and whether he had actually spoken to the Princess was not known. The telephone company had sent a service man out to unload the phone cash box about halfway through the lengthy usage of the phone, as the man continued to send out for more change to feed it until soon all the businesses of the area had exhausted their supply of nickels, dimes and quarters. He had also sent out for sandwiches and continued talking with his mouth full as he ate, also consuming from a bottle of liquid. Once, as he had waited for more change, he had provided $25 to a customer just so he would have someone with whom to talk, and another visitor to the service station got $12 just for listening. The service station owner said that his conversation was interesting, telling "the finest stories", using big words and sometimes spelling the big words, reciting "wonderful poetry". He said that the man would still be talking if they had not run out of change.
On the editorial page, "The Mentally Ill Must Not Be Forgotten" finds it difficult for a layman to form opinions on decisions of professional bodies, such as the State Board of Medical Examiners.
One newspaper had denounced the Board for its decision to take away licensing of certain foreign-born doctors employed by State institutions, while also denouncing the Board for licensing those doctors in the first place.
It finds it not difficult to perceive that the Board's decision had created real fear that the state's mental health program would suffer a severe setback as a result of the decision, with that fear based on the theory that when the special licenses of those doctors were removed the following year, there would be no doctors meeting the Board's qualifications to replace them.
Representative John Umstead, chairman of the State Hospitals Board, characterized the Board of Examiners' decision as being "without rhyme or reason" and said it would mean a setback of between five and ten years in the state's mental health program.
The piece urges that it could not be allowed to happen, that if the Board of Examiners was correct in their view that the shortage of native-born doctors, which had led to employment of the foreign-born doctors, was now over, it need not happen, that qualified doctors should be licensed, regardless of their origin.
Thus far, there had been uncertainty as to whether that would be the case. Dr. James Murdock, superintendent of State mental institutions, said that it was entirely possible that a critical shortage of doctors would exist in State hospitals. There were presently 25,000 trained psychiatrists needed in the country and only 11,000 were available, according to the doctor.
Statements issued thus far had seemed to place the Board of Medical Examiners in the position of believing that no doctors for the mentally ill were better than doctors who did not fully meet its qualifications. It suggests that the Board needed to provide more complete explanations of its decision and state the basis for its belief that the shortage of fully qualified doctors had ended. For with the help of the limited licensed doctors employed in State institutions since the end of World War II, the mental health program had progressed such that, for the first time in history, State mental institutions the previous year had discharged more patients than admitted, with the hospitals having been able to shift from custodial care to treatment of the mentally ill.
That encouraging progress, it urges, could not stop on the basis of guesswork by medical examiners, even if in pursuit of their proper goal of making all licensed physicians meet the same standards.
"James M. Cox: He Should Have Won" finds that the former Governor Cox of Ohio, the Democratic presidential nominee in 1920, running with FDR as his vice-presidential nominee, should have won the election over Senator Warren G. Harding, also of Ohio, whose campaign had consisted of crooning platitudes from his front porch to the press.
Mr. Cox had died the previous week, provoking a natural question as to whether the world would be better off at present had he been elected, as he had the qualities of vision and courage which President Harding lacked. Mr. Cox had favored creation of the League of Nations and U.S. membership in it, whereas President Harding opposed it and eventually enabled U.S. membership in it to be defeated by Congress not long after he took office.
By contrast, Mr. Cox had said: "I'm in favor of going in. This is the supreme test. Shall we act in concert with the free nations of the world in setting up a tribunal which will avert wars in the future? The question must be met and answered honestly and not with equivocation. We must say in language which the world can understand whether we shall participate in the advancement of a cause which has in it the hope of peace and world reconstruction or whether we propose to follow the old paths which always led to the fields of blood. I am in favor of going in."
It indicates that neither Mr. Cox nor the country had gone in, and eventually the League had folded, and World War II had occurred.
New paths were now being followed in the U.N., successor to the League, and some had argued that those new paths would lead to the same results as had the old ones, though the evidence suggested that some sort of peace would result.
It concludes: "The political obituary of Jim Cox ought to say that he was right rather than President."
"Flowers Should Be Left Out of Doors" finds that one of the drawbacks to summer was that it brought flowers, not those which bloomed in the spring to prove that winter was over or those which bloomed in the fall, such as goldenrod, to aggravate hay fever, but flowers of the summer which had to be "arranged".
The male gardener could pick a few zinnias or petunias or even a bunch of roses, bring them in the house, knowing that they had to have water to live, and so place them awkwardly into a vase and let them alone. But his wife had to arrange them, with stems cut exactly the right length in proportion to the container, the "mass" of bloom going to the bottom of the arrangement and the light, airy blossoms to the top. There had to be a different color at some points for "accent", and a leaf pinched off on one side to afford "symmetry", a leaf added on that side for "emphasis".
It finds that it was no wonder that Gertrude Stein looked like a man and wrote like a man, having said, "a rose is a rose is a rose", which was the uninformed masculine viewpoint about flowers.
It finds that it took Ogden Nash to get to the heart of a man's problem with flower-arranging by his wife, having written: "Once there was a lonely man named Mr. Powers,/ He was lonely because his wife fixed flowers." It finds that the tragic story of Mr. Powers must have universal appeal in the summertime when a mere husband could not compete with a pair of clippers, a fresh bunch of garden flowers and a wife who had once attended a meeting of some garden club.
Mr. Nash had continued: "He got no conversation while they ate/ Because she was always nipping dead blossoms off the centerpiece and piling them on her plate./ He could get no conversation after meals because if he happened to begin one/ She would look at the mantel and wonder if she shouldn't switch the small, fat vase with the tall, thin one."
It concludes that summertime was flower-time, but questions whether it would be simpler for a husband if they made it a house rule to leave the flowers in the garden, just as Nature had arranged them.
A piece from the Washington Post, titled "Aging Romeos", indicates that the theory that a man was only as old as he thought he was appeared to be losing its hold in Hollywood, as movie producers were reported to be concerned over growing objections from their young patrons that many older male stars were still playing romantic leads while female stars generally moved on to more mature parts.
In a poll of its readers, predominantly youthful, the Extension magazine, a national Roman Catholic monthly publication, had found that 72 percent objected to older actors posing as romantic figures, calling them "stupid", "pathetic", "fame greedy", or "conceited".
It speculates that the era of the mature, worldly-wise suitor, ushered in by Ezio Pinza in "South Pacific", might be over, with the filmmakers and the stars oblivious to the fact. Or it might have been the result of a lack of potential Rudolph Valentinos among the younger actors, or that good non-romantic roles for males were scarce.
"At any rate, men in the world of make-believe, like those in the world of reality, are finding that Mark Antony and Casanova types may have their flings and romantic appeal to youth, but that the young Romeo is the lasting symbol of the lover."
Drew Pearson indicates that Senate liberals were in a mess, that after crusading for years for civil rights and being consistently defeated by Dixiecrat and Republican coalitions, they now found that they were divided among themselves and led by Republican leadership in the Senate. The extent of the disagreement had come to light in a secret meeting of the Democratic civil rights champions, a meeting called by Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois, with Senators Clinton Anderson of New Mexico, John Carroll of Colorado, James Murray of Montana, Theodore Green and John Pastore of Rhode Island, John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts, Stuart Symington of Missouri, Paul Neuberger of Oregon and Patrick McNamara of Michigan, all of whom were Democrats.
Senator Wayne Morse, a stalwart liberal, was absent from the meeting, prompting Senator Neuberger to remark that the Oregon newspapers had been trying to give the impression that there was a split between the two Senators, when nothing of the type had occurred. Senator Douglas explained that the reason Senator Morse was not present was that he had voted against Rule 14 recently, the rule enabling bypass of committee. Senator Anderson then said that he had also voted against it and so should probably excuse himself, but that before he would do so, he advised that there were five men sitting in the front row of the Democratic side, Senators Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, Allen Frear of Delaware, Warren Magnuson of Washington, Mike Mansfield of Montana, and himself, all of whom had voted against Rule 14 and that they would need their help which they did not have at present. He then said that on the second row from the end, there was Senator Morse and that they would regret the day that the civil rights bill had been sent to calendar without going through the Judiciary Committee because they would have to admit in the end that Senator Morse had been correct, referring to the battle which had first split the liberal Democrats, when Senator Morse had argued that the civil rights bill, which had been passed by the House, ought not be put on the Senate calendar immediately, but should go to the Judiciary Committee.
Other liberals argued that if the bill were sent to the Committee, it would be blocked for weeks by its chairman, Senator James Eastland of Mississippi, just as it had been blocked by him since the prior January.
Senator Anderson continued by indicating that he had no intention of following the leadership of Senator William Knowland of California through Senator Douglas. He also wished to make it clear that he would have no part of the 3 to 1 ratio, referring to the arrangement whereby three Republicans, Senators Everett Dirksen of Illinois, Clifford Case of New Jersey and Senator Knowland on the one side, had met with only Senator Douglas on the other side to discuss civil rights strategy. He said that some of the Senators had sought to get civil rights passed the prior winter by changing the rules on cloture, but they had not received much help from Senator Knowland. He said that a good many Republicans would have joined the liberal Democrats in changing cloture had Senator Knowland helped, but he had not and so now Senator Anderson objected to following his leadership. He concluded by recalling that when they had sought years earlier to get something done on civil rights, the late Senator Robert Taft had gone over and whispered to Senator Richard Russell of Georgia that they would be defeated. He thus advocated following Senator Johnson, their own leader, "not these recent Republican converts."
Fred Ford, promoted from a minor Justice Department job to be a Federal Communications Commission member, had received orders to keep Congressional investigators out of the FCC, receiving special instruction from his boss, Deputy Attorney General William Rogers, on legal tricks to keep Congress from prying into FCC secrets.
Walter Lippmann indicates that now that the civil rights legislation was before the Senate, the crucial question was whether the leaders from the Southern states would be willing to let a bill pass which was directed solely to securing and protecting the right of black citizens to vote. He finds that there had been some indications that Senator Richard Russell of Georgia might be willing, after the Southern minority had argued their case in the Senate, to let the majority pass such a bill. There was also some basis for believing that Senator Johnson, the Majority Leader, was leaning toward a compromise based on limiting the bill to the single issue of protecting voting rights in the Southern states. By reaching that compromise, the Southerners would be making a large concession, but thereby also avoiding or at least postponing a decisive defeat on a range of civil rights issues.
If the Southern Senators resorted to a filibuster to destroy the bill after it might be amended to be limited only to Federal voting rights, there would be a good chance, as Rowland Evans, Jr., had reported in the New York Herald Tribune recently, that they would provoke a movement to amend the rules of the Senate to abolish the filibuster. If that were to occur, the Southerners would face a majority in the Senate prepared to use Federal power to enforce all civil rights under law, including the Brown v. Board of Education decision. Thus, the South had much to lose by being intransigent and much to gain from concession on the right to vote.
Mr. Lippmann suggests that the word "compromise" needed to be defined, as a genuine compromise would be an understanding that the bill ought be amended by eliminating its Part III, regarding other civil rights, including integration of the schools. Such an amendment would mean that the special feature of the bill, the use of an injunction, would be limited to the cases where there was a denial by local election officials of the right to vote, with injunctions not being applicable to the other civil rights. That, he suggests, would not be a true compromise, whereas eliminating Part III and also amending Part IV to require trials by jury in all cases involving interference with an election and resulting in contempt charges for not abiding by a court injunction to refrain from the interference, would emasculate the bill, resulting in a law which was not meant to be enforced.
Either the Federal Government was to have power to secure and protect the right to vote or it would not have that power, and he indicates that the power ought be strictly defined, as there was no halfway point between granting and not granting the power.
He suggests that there might be in the making something larger than a compromise on the bill before the Senate, and hopes that for the first time, there was an opportunity for a kind of national settlement and understanding based on the inherent principle and implied policy of an amended bill, that the paramount civil right of an American citizen was the right to vote, provided he could qualify under rules which were identical for every citizen, enabling the citizen to have the guarantee that he would be heard, listened to and counted by virtue of his right to vote. The corollary of that principle, that the right to vote was the paramount civil right, was that the other civil rights were not to be enforced by the executive power of the Federal Government, but rather brought into being by persuasion, experiment, negotiation and judicial process.
"It would be a bright day for the country if there could be a general national understanding based on such a view of the scope and nature of the federal intervention in the problem of civil rights. There are great reputations to be made by those, be they in Congress or in the administration, who seize the opportunity which is open and make themselves the architects of such an understanding."
Doris Fleeson indicates that the Administration negotiated its military contracts, showed dissenters the exit and sought to lay its power of appointment to mold the policies of the independent agencies, suggesting that the press would be next, as Secretary of State Dulles would seek to break precedent by negotiating with and dividing the press, as he had done the previous week with what the Department called "new media representatives", a group which would discuss the right of American reporters to enter Communist China.
For many months, Secretary Dulles had been fighting against the press with excuses of doubtful validity, some of them uncomplimentary to the press. He was still seeking to curtail freedom of the press, first by insisting that in peacetime, he had the right to control its travels, and by selecting reporters to be given what he considered to be the privilege to enter Communist China.
Earlier, he had asked employers in the press to agree among themselves on a sort of blue ribbon list of "sound men" whose qualifications for going where the Secretary did not want them to go in the first place would be passed by the Secretary, an idea which was rejected. The latest idea was that representatives of 12 U.S. news organizations who had reporters in China prior to the Communist takeover in 1949, would receive the privilege, with the Department saying that the news organizations favored that approach, Ms. Fleeson indicating that maybe they did, as they would at least be represented.
She finds that the Secretary was operating outside the First Amendment, which forbade the Government from interfering with freedom of the press.
At the conference with Mr. Dulles would be Henry Luce, publisher of Time, Life and Fortune and the the Secretary's greatest friend among publishers. Two others would represent tv and radio, media over which the Administration exercised power through appointments to the FCC, which licensed and policed the stations. The remaining two participants would be from among the editors and publishers.
She suggests that not many working reporters, unless sponsored by a powerful news organization, would want to enter Communist China, as it was expensive, time-consuming and possibly risky.
Yet, what Secretary Dulles seemed to regard as the adventurers of the trade had a contribution to make, as they could operate without hedging while those assigned to permanent press offices had to work with reserve and discretion, "laying their pipelines for the long pull and using them with care."
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, indicates that for someone who was approaching senility and becoming conscious daily of new aches or another inch of recession of his hairline, he found pleasure in reading that aspirin was making a comeback.
The Ninth International Congress on Rheumatic Diseases had recently reported that aspirin was equally effective to cortisone and other miracle drugs in the treatment of painful muscles and joints. They reported that aspirin did not have troublesome side effects and did not cost much.
He thus provides his
theory, the "Immutable Curmudgeon's Law", that the reason
why everyone felt so lousy at present was not atomic fallout or the
need for cigarettes, but rather that every time doctors came up with
a new cure, they had to find a fresh malady to keep the population in
balance. He believes that it had to stop, that the diagnosing of
everything as a virus had to slow down or end, returning to the time
when the founding fathers died only from consumption and Indian arrow
wounds, to a time when the asafetida
He favors return to sulphur and molasses in the spring as a blood purge, finding that its lack of practice had led to ailments conjured by the hypochondriacs, who worried so much about a pimple or a blotch that they fell prey to coronary thrombosis.
While being treated recently at the Mayo Clinic for removal of his warts and corns, he had suggested that warts were caused by handling frogs, and had inquired as to whether they wanted a quick cure for heart attacks, which he offered as the return to the pick-toed shoe, abandoning two-tone cars and new airplanes, reasoning that a tight shoe caused a person to walk slowly because of corns, and without the car or the airplane, he would have to walk slowly or get a horse.
A letter writer finds that State Senator J. Spencer Bell of Charlotte was getting more credit for the so-called court "reform" program, which the writer says had been progressing for years, while the State Bar was only advocating a research program which never seemed to get started. He finds that Mr. Bell had the right idea in 1953 when he had blasted the Bar for certain shocking conditions within the Bar, in a speech provided to the North Carolina Bar Convention while Mr. Bell was the president of the Bar. He finds that the Bar controlled grand juries and the courts charged with investigating Mr. Bell's 1953 charges against the Bar. The Bar had the power to reform itself, and if it continued to drag its feet, the writer believes the citizens ought do the reforming.
Framed Edition
Links-Date — Links-Subj.