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The Charlotte News
Thursday, June 6, 1957
THREE EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that before the Senate Select Committee investigating racketeering and organized crime influence within unions and management, had appeared this date Anthony Conforti, president of the Chicago Bakers Union Local No. 1, testifying that he had deposited some $9,000 of union funds in his own savings account on orders from his union "boss", but had not kept the money. He conceded that it was a strange way to handle the money, but had not questioned the orders which he said had come from George Stuart, then the international vice-president of the Bakers Union. He said that pursuant to those orders, he had channeled the money into a union bank account, had drawn it out in cash and deposited it in his own savings account and then made withdrawals and provided the money to Mr. Stuart. Committee counsel Robert F. Kennedy had asked him whether it had not struck him that it was a strange way to handle the money and Mr. Conforti had responded that he believed it was and that was why he had used his own money to open the account. He said he had withdrawn $1,750 of his own money from a safe deposit box to start his own account. Mr. Stuart was scheduled to provide later testimony to the Committee, which said that he would be a key witness in the general inquiry into the Union's affairs, as would be James Cross, the president of the Union. In a statement prepared for the start of the hearings, Committee chairman Senator John McClellan of Arkansas said that he expected the testimony would concern the misuse of union funds, the officials involved to be given ample opportunity to explain some transactions which appeared to be irregular, and with the operations of certain local unions under trusteeship, as the Committee had received a large number of complaints from dues-paying members about dictatorial and undemocratic practices. He said the hearings would also concern certain relationships between management and labor officials which, if not satisfactorily explained, had to lead to the "inference of impropriety and collusion between those individuals to the apparent disservice of members of the union."
In Washington, Dr. Linus Pauling had been subpoenaed by a Senate Internal Security subcommittee for questioning regarding his campaign to halt testing of hydrogen bombs because of the danger to humans from radioactive fallout, extending into future generations. The subcommittee counsel said this date that the subpoena called for Dr. Pauling to testify at a public hearing on June 18. He was head of the biochemistry department at the California Institute of Technology in Pasadena and was among the scientists who had warned of radioactive fallout dangers, having earlier in the week originated a petition which had been signed thus far by 2,000 scientists, warning of the dangers. The counsel for the subcommittee said that it was trying to find out whether any Communist organization was behind the efforts to halt the testing of hydrogen bombs and other nuclear weapons. The President had stated at his press conference the previous day that he had noticed that in "many instances scientists that seem to be out of their own field of competence are getting into this argument," regarding the danger of nuclear fallout. He said that it appeared to be almost "an organized effort" but that he did not mean to insinuate that it was a "wicked organization". Dr. Pauling, winner of the Nobel Prize in chemistry in 1954, had said the previous day in Pasadena that the 2,000 scientists who had signed his petition were thoroughly qualified to speak as experts on the subject.
In New York, evangelist Billy Graham preached a sermon to 18,000 persons in Madison Square Garden the previous evening, based on the text of John 4: 1-29, in which Jesus defied the racial hostility between Jews and Samaritans by teaching a Samaritan woman at Jacob's well. The Reverend Graham said: "Jesus had no national animosities… Jesus had no racial prejudice... Jesus had no bigotry … whether a person walked different or talked different or had a different color of skin." He said that God looked on the heart, not the physical characteristics, that God had made "of one blood all nations". He touched on the subject only briefly but it was one which he had mentioned repeatedly throughout his New York Crusade. In one sermon, he had said that he had known of many Christians who would "sit down and say, 'Oh how I love Jesus,' and hate a man because of his color." He said it was an abomination to God, and amounted to taking the name of God in vain. He had said in another meeting that he knew of hundreds who hated others without cause, using as an excuse the color of their skin, which he found not confined to one section of the country, but rather occurring all over the world. He said that God did not judge a person "by their color, by their social status or their standing on Wall Street." At the end of the sermon, 622 persons had responded to his plea to "yield your life to Christ", bringing the total number thus far during his Crusade in New York to 13,306 who had taken that step. The Crusade was entering its fourth week, and attendance at Madison Square Garden had totaled 392,500, with the drive presently scheduled to run until July 21, with the possibility of the meeting being held in Yankee Stadium on the closing date, and at the Polo Grounds on June 30. Arrangements, however, had not been completed for either of those two outdoor arenas.
In Washington, a Federal judge this date had refused an habeas corpus petition to order former Army Specialist William Girard brought home from Japan, but set a hearing date for the following Tuesday to determine whether to bar his trial by a Japanese court. The judge had rejected a request that he produce Mr. Girard in the court immediately, but signed an order directing that he not be turned over to Japanese authorities for trial in connection with the death of a Japanese woman until the court heard further arguments. Technically, the hearing would be for the Government to show cause why Mr. Girard should not be brought to Washington. The U.S. had agreed to permit his trial by Japanese civil authorities, despite the incident having occurred in connection with his duty as a member of the Army, because it had been determined by the State and Defense Departments that he was acting outside his duties when he had shot the Japanese woman while scavenging for scrap metal in an area which he had been assigned by his commanding officer to protect against scavengers. He had contended that he had fired a warning shot only and had not intended to harm anyone. Were he to be returned home, he presumably could not be prosecuted at all because his enlistment in the Army had expired, and so it was assumed he could not be subjected to a court-martial. The incident had occurred, however, while he was serving as an Army Specialist 3rd Class. The habeas corpus petition filed by two attorneys had contended that Japan had no jurisdiction to try him for the offense with which he was charged because the shooting had occurred under U.S. sovereignty and that thus any offense he had committed was only against the United States, not against Japan. One of his attorneys had said that "certain agitators" in Japan had made much of the case and had likened him to "a sacrificial lamb, merely for the purpose of appeasement."
In Raleigh, the State House Propositions and Grievances Committee had postponed indefinitely this date action on a bill which it was told was "directed against the activities of Frank Sims, registered lobbyist for the North Carolina ABC Association". The bill was introduced by the sponsor of the statewide liquor referendum and would prohibit members of the state, county and city ABC boards from lobbying, making it a misdemeanor to do so. State Representative Frank Snepp of Mecklenburg said that Mr. Sims was the only person registered to lobby who would be affected and that the bill "was aimed at him." Mr. Sims was a member of the ABC Board in Mecklenburg County. The sponsor of the bill said it was not aimed at any one person but only designed to prevent anything in the future which might reflect badly on the legislature or the ABC boards. The name of Mr. Sims had been mentioned as having paid for the hotel room at the Sir Walter Hotel in Raleigh, involved in the alleged receipt of free liquor from liquor manufacturer lobbyists, for distribution to the hotel rooms of state legislators, having come to light through the Raleigh News & Observer the previous week.
Julian Scheer of The News reports from Conway, S.C., that W. Horace Carter, the uncompromising North Carolina newspaper editor, who also published a weekly in Horry County in South Carolina, was scheduled to appear this date before the grand jury investigating misconduct in the Horry County sheriff's department. He told the newspaper that he would make an appearance but would be accompanied by some friends who would provide his bond if he were arrested. Stationed in Tabor City, N.C., the editor's newspaper stories had touched off the county and Federal grand jury investigation of the Horry County sheriff's department. There had been persisting rumors since the prior March that Mr. Carter would be arrested on some charge and jailed if he entered Horry County. He had been subpoenaed the previous day to appear in the morning of this date and was undecided until late the previous night on whether he would obey the subpoena, indicating that the subpoena was illegal and that he could decline it until a legal subpoena was served. On the prior Monday, a Federal grand jury, meeting in Columbia, had handed down true bills of indictment charging Sheriff John Henry and eight of his deputies with civil rights violations, having allegedly violated the civil rights of two black men arrested in Horry County. A Federal grand jury would go into session in Charleston in October to investigate white liquor payoffs. The stories published in Mr. Carter's Loris newspaper had touched off the Federal and county grand jury investigations, and he had also told of alleged pressuring of amusement operators by the sheriff's department, reporting that the department forced operators to take boxes from a distributor of the department's choice. Mr. Carter considered not entering Horry County until immunity from arrest was offered, but it had not been, and he told the newspaper that he felt that because other witnesses had been pressured, he felt a moral obligation to them to appear, as he had more facts to provide which would make the other witnesses appear stronger. He had been advised by his attorneys not to appear without immunity. He said that he understood that the solicitor, however, had stated that he had immunity from everything except treason, breach of the peace and a felony, and he believed they could not arrest him for any of those offenses as he had not broken any laws. He said the subpoena had come as a surprise since the county grand jury had been recessed. Meanwhile, a defendant in a whiskey case had testified that he paid a Horry County deputy $75 as "protection" money, and that defendant had been indicted the previous day for perjury involving the statement made the prior Tuesday during his trial for unlawful possession of whiskey. The solicitor had asked that defendant whether he would plead guilty to bribery, but he declined, and the solicitor had then drawn up a bill of indictment for perjury, apparently resulting in the renewal of the grand jury investigation.
In Charlotte, Waldo Cheek, 44, president of Skyland Life Insurance Co. and former State Insurance commissioner, had died the previous day, apparently following a heart attack. He had collapsed on the street a half block from his office during the morning. He had been prominently mentioned as a possible future gubernatorial candidate, and was active in Mecklenburg County Democratic politics. He had graduated from Wake Forest College in 1934 and had also graduated from the Wake Forest Law School in 1937. He had practiced law in Asheboro between 1937 and 1949 and had been a representative of the Connecticut Mutual Life Insurance Co. in Asheboro between 1939 and 1949. He had been chairman of the Randolph County Democratic executive committee in 1948-49. At the time of his death, he had been treasurer of the Democratic Party in Charlotte and was seeking to revitalize the party in Mecklenburg County. He had been appointed Insurance commissioner in June, 1949 by Governor Kerr Scott, filling the unexpired term of William Hodges, who had resigned. He was then elected to that position in 1950 and re-elected in 1954. He was one of the nation's best-known insurance executives, having been awarded the Chartered Life Underwriter designation in 1950. He resigned as Insurance commissioner in October, 1953 to become a consultant with the Independence Life Insurance Co. in Charlotte and was named the company president in March, 1954. He was a former member of the board of trustees of Wake Forest College.
In Fayetteville, N.C., the State Highway Patrol reported that a flat-bed truck, filled with migrant farm laborers, and a tractor-trailer, filled with potatoes, had collided in a fiery crash at an intersection this date, killing 16 persons and injuring between 25 and 30 others. A fire which had broken out in the flat-bed truck had caused most of the fatalities. It was believed to be the worst traffic accident in the state's history. The Patrol said that 41 laborers from several states had been aboard the truck, which had pulled into the path of the tractor-trailer at an intersection nine miles north of Fayetteville in the early morning. An operator of a nearby country store said that he had not counted the victims, but that one of the boys had said that he had counted 37 at one time, all laying down, "some dead and some injured, some squirming around". One laborer said that the workers, after camping overnight near Mount Olive, had been en route to Dunn to harvest beans. The driver of the tractor-trailer had been only slightly injured, but the driver of the flat-bed truck was among those killed.
In Chicago, the National Safety Council said that the Fayetteville crash had not set a record for number of deaths in a collision of trucks, that 19 persons had been killed in Texas in such a collision in August, 1947 and that a record in truck-bus collisions had been set in September, 1950, when 10 persons had died in a crash in South Carolina.
In New York, a man could not cry because disease had interrupted his tear glands, also causing him not to receive normal moisture to his eyes, becoming dry, scratched, and ulcerated to the point where he was going blind. Surgeons had intercepted a duct which brought saliva to the mouth and switched it to one eye, thus providing him sight-saving moisture. But then, whenever he ate or saw food, his eyes watered just like one's mouth watered when hungry. He commented that he needed a little moisture for his eye and they had given him Lake Erie. The surgeons had fixed that problem also, as the same disease had also blocked the drainage duct which removed the moisture normally produced in a healthy eye, providing him artificial drainage through a tube into his nose, such that now he had an eye which was normally moist and which did not flood so much when he saw food.
The Hungry i nightclub in San Francisco, incidentally, had been established since 1950 and so the man's case did not give rise to it, though perhaps the reverse, the venue's name maybe having inspired the doctors who performed the surgery for the sake of the man's sight
On the editorial page, "Charlotte College: Opportunity Awaits" finds that the swift transition of Charlotte College from a post-war expedient to a substantial symbol of Charlotte's pride and progress had been pointedly dramatized by the week's commencement exercises.
Only two years earlier, local legislators had been begging the General Assembly for state aid to supplement local tax support for the institution, and had been able to obtain only a pittance of that needed to supply the hopes of the college for growth and permanency. At that time, community colleges had not won their argument that meaningful state support was not only needed but justified by the large segment of youth unable to attend crowded four-year institutions. That argument had now been won, and the presence at the commencement exercises of Governor Luther Hodges and Dr. Harris Purks, director of higher education in the state, symbolized that victory.
The Governor had said in his address that the state was not only willing but eager to provide building and operating funds for community colleges where communities were willing to match those funds.
It indicates that it was now the turn of Charlotte therefore to develop further Charlotte College, with the state aid being made available if the community would share in the cost. While the community had originally wanted the state to take over the college and make it into a permanent, State-supported institution, especially in light of the Piedmont area's absence of colleges and the increasing demands of its industrial economy for more highly skilled and trained personnel, that goal might yet be reached, but the only road to it was participation in the matching funds program outlined by the Governor.
It finds that Charlotte College had proved its value to the community and that its program was tailored to the needs and capabilities of the youth it served. The Governor had said that there were thousands of young men and women in the state who were willing to forgo expensive living quarters, student activity fees, fraternities, sororities and costly social activities to concentrate on the study of mathematics, English literature, languages, science, history, electronics, nursing, teaching, engineering, medical technology and countless occupational areas which were based on solid educational foundations acquired in high school, but that the undeveloped potential of the youth of the state having severely limited financial resources had to be interpreted as a staggering loss.
It concludes that Charlotte now had an opportunity to serve better those youths and to reduce the loss, and for the benefit of its own future, it had to capitalize on that opportunity.
Eventually, in 1965, Charlotte College would join the Greater University system as UNC-Charlotte, as a full four-year institution.
"U.S. Troops Deserve U.S. Protection" finds that the Government had made a major mistake in turning over former Army soldier William Girard to the Japanese for trial on homicide charges. It suggests that it was not too late to revise treaties which governed the trial of U.S. servicemen stationed abroad and that Congressional committees currently investigating the case ought make such revision their goal.
The soldier had been accused of killing a Japanese woman on an Army firing range, while she scavenged for scrap metal, the soldier indicating that he was authorized to protect the range from the scavengers and was only seeking to scare them away when he fired in the air, not intending to hit anyone when the woman had been killed.
The President had agreed with Defense Secretary Charles E. Wilson and Secretary of State Dulles that the action was required by the treaty, as they had found that the soldier had not been acting within his official duties when he fired the shot, despite his commanding officer having assigned him to the guard duty.
The Formosan riots had resulted from a somewhat similar case in which military courts had retained jurisdiction over a soldier accused of killing a Chinese man accused of peeping into his home, with the court-martial having acquitted him. It finds that the results of that case had likely gone far to influence the decision in the Girard case. Japanese public opinion had been inflamed by political and press ballyhoo regarding the case, and Washington understandably desired to forestall any further anti-American outbreaks.
But it finds that the unfortunate result was to strip the American soldier of the protection of the laws of the Government which assigned him to various foreign lands, as well in the instant case to the firing range where the incident had occurred. Mr. Girard, who had been discharged, might obtain a fair trial in the Japanese court, but the possibility of a fair trial was not enough, particularly in a case in which the offense had occurred while the soldier was on duty. It finds that Mr. Girard deserved to be tried by a jury of his peers and to be protected from the public feelings which had been aroused in Japan against him.
U.S. troops were stationed in 72 foreign countries by mutual agreement to provide protection for those nations and the U.S., not involved in occupation of those lands. It finds that the necessities of defense against Communism, however, could not be allowed to forfeit the right of U.S. servicemen to the protection of the laws of the nation they were defending. "The Girard case will serve a good purpose only if it results in securing that right to American military personnel."
"The Bomb: A Shortage of Confidence" indicates that private scientists were slowly spreading a quiet fear for the future among the citizens of the country, that there would be mass deaths and deformities as the eventual result of radioactive fallout. The fear was undermining confidence in the Administration's nuclear arms policies at home and abroad.
In the face of the warnings by geneticists that thousands or even millions of lives of future generations could be shortened or damaged by nuclear weapons testing, the assurances of the Atomic Energy Commission to the contrary no longer sufficed to calm the fears and distrust harbored by the average citizen. The layman had no way of knowing whether he was safe or doomed.
While there was no reason why the AEC would vouch for the safety of the tests if they posed a genuine danger, there was also no reason to disbelieve the testimony of eminent scientists that "each added amount of radiation causes damage to the health of human beings all over the world." The conflict between the two views bred suspicion that there was a clear and present danger, a suspicion which was multiplied abroad among nations which had no nuclear weapons and no direct voice in deciding whether the testing would be discontinued or not.
It finds that the AEC had indulged too much in secrecy, providing the public only fragments of information about the critical matters it controlled, failing to attempt to explain the differences between its estimates and opposing estimates of the danger from nuclear fallout. Its policy had been to assume the public's faith in its wisdom rather than to win the trust of the public through a careful program of education. AEC chairman Lewis Strauss reportedly complained that the Commission's progress in developing a bomb free of fallout had been inadequately publicized and understood, and yet no other agency of the Government, next to the Presidency, had a greater news-making capacity than did the AEC if it wanted to make something public.
It suggests that no matter how genuine the concerns raised by the geneticists were, the fears could not be allowed to push the U.S. into perilous agreements with the Soviets for abandonment of testing or banning of the manufacture of nuclear weapons, that the risk of nuclear preparedness had to be taken to prevent defeat and destruction by a relentless enemy. But it also finds that the Administration had to find a way to inspire domestic and foreign confidence in its position that the tests must continue until safe disarmament agreements would permit their discontinuance.
A piece from the Sanford Herald, titled "A Child in Rags", indicates that it had read recently about a person who had visited the oldest university in the world in Cairo, noting a dirty little girl standing at the entrance to the university watching as he talked with three of the deans, that before entering the building he had squeezed the child's hand and smiled at her. Much later, as he was bidding the deans goodbye at the entrance, he felt a tug on his sleeve and it was the same little girl. She spoke to him in Arabic and he then asked the deans what she had stated, and they provided the translation: "Go with flowers all through your life."
The piece notes that the child lived under a dictatorship in a land which had a brush with war the prior fall and which might erupt into new violence, in which case she and millions of other little girls and boys and their innocent parents might be sacrificed to nuclear weapons.
It also notes that there were still areas of the world where thanks for a simple kindness were spontaneous and where flowers seemed apt as an expression of success.
Drew Pearson indicates that one reason the President was having trouble with his budget was that members of Congress seldom could get in to see him and he rarely answered their letters. In contrast, every Congressman who had written a letter to FDR or President Truman always received a personal reply and almost all who had requested appointments with President Truman had gotten to see him, making a point to see every Congressman except Adam Clayton Powell of Harlem and Clare Boothe Luce of Connecticut, both of whom had once criticized Bess Truman. Not every Congressman had gotten in to see President Roosevelt during the war years, but they had prior to the war.
About a month earlier, eight Southern Senators had asked to see the President regarding what they considered to be Civil Aeronautics Board discrimination against Eastern Airlines, and received a reply from General Wilton Persons, deputy assistant to the President, as to why they could not obtain an appointment. Six weeks earlier, seven Senators had asked to see the President regarding the Hell's Canyon project and after waiting a month, White House aide Jack Anderson had written a long letter explaining why the President could not see them. Senator Paul Neuberger of Oregon, one of those seven Senators, had stated that the President was willing to take time for conferences with Teamsters president Dave Beck the previous fall, but he did not have the time to confer with the seven Senators representing a part of the nation with the greatest natural resources.
General Nathan Twining, the new chairman of the Joint Chiefs, and General James Gavin, the Army's missile expert, were so upset with one another that they would hardly speak. Ironically, they lived next door to each other at Fort Myer, Va., and General Gavin's little girls often called on Mrs. Twining.
General Tommy White, the new chief of staff of the Air Force, had been trying for six months to get a light bulb for a closet at his Fort Myer home, but the Army owned the Fort and so he had to obtain the light bulb from the Army, but the latter apparently believed it could save on the budget by keeping Air Force closets in the dark.
Secretary of State Dulles was so worried about the 19 million dollar cut in the State Department's budget for salaries and expenses that he personally telephoned Appropriations subcommittee chairman John Rooney of Brooklyn, and the latter was so impressed with the Secretary's spirit in fighting for his budget that he agreed to restore five million dollars of the cut funds.
Secretary Dulles had been vacationing at his private island in Lake Ontario, after sessions with West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer had nearly exhausted him. He tired much more easily after diplomatic conferences since his illness.
The installment plan buying of American-style electrical gadgets was changing the Yugoslavs from Communists to capitalists, according to Congressman James Fulton of Pittsburgh, previously a bitter foe of U.S. policy toward Marshal Tito. Mr. Fulton had just returned from Yugoslavia, having discovered that the anti-Communist revolt in Hungary had produced "explosive" results in Yugoslavia. He said it had similar effects in all of the satellite countries but particularly in Yugoslavia, and that the average Yugoslav now was scared to death of the Russians. He had concluded that it meant that Yugoslavia could never return to Soviet control and so now he was supporting economic aid to Tito, plus defensive military aid. He said that the Yugoslav stores were full of radios, refrigerators, stoves and automobiles, and as a result, the Yugoslav people would not do the things economically which their Communist leaders wanted them to do, with the result that the leaders were losing support, being forced to do what they did not want to do. He found that people were still in jail but there was now religious freedom and a law against interfering with a church service, having, himself, attended church near the Hungarian border. He said that he was not only able to participate in the service but rang the church bell. He was amazed by the extent of U.S. influence, stating that the May Day parade had an American look to it, with American tanks and American equipment on display, with so much American influence that Yugoslav officials were complaining. He found that among the people, Americans were the most popular of all nationalities.
Joseph Alsop, in Amman, Jordan, indicates that there were signs of a sharp "jink" in the policy line of Egyptian Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser, with the most important of those signs being a 2.5 hour interview which the latter had provided to U.S. Ambassador to Egypt Raymond Hare before the latter returned to Washington. According to reliable reports, the Premier had provided to the Ambassador the almost forgotten face which he had previously put on for visiting Americans, which included reasonableness, expression of plaintive regrets for the friendship of the past and reiterated claims of total preoccupation with the considerable task of rebuilding Egypt.
To the contrary, the Nasser Government had been for long almost totally preoccupied with venomous anti-Western agitation throughout the Arab world, and yet no one could equal the Premier when he swore that he had no other preoccupation than to promote the welfare of the suffering people of his country.
Mr. Alsop indicates that one would be inclined to dismiss it as another performance of the Premier for the sake of obtaining the frozen Egyptian funds in America. But before it could be so cavalierly cast aside, it was also necessary to consider other signs, not the least of which was the reception given to the Jordanian Ambassador to Egypt, Abdel Moneim Rifai, who had been rudely recalled from the Jordanian Embassy in Washington by local friends and agents of Premier Nasser just before the great change had begun in Amman. The brother of the Jordanian Ambassador, Samir Rifai, was essentially the prime minister of Jordan and wanted to patch up the outward appearance of Arab unity, wanting specifically to end the mutual denunciations of the Egyptian and Jordanian press and radio. The Jordanian Ambassador had tough going initially, but in the end had achieved a kind of understanding to end the public Egyptian-Jordanian slugging match.
Premier Nasser had promptly tested the will power of the Jordanian Government by stimulating his Syrian satellites to publish a bitter attack on Jordan for requesting the withdrawal of the Syrian troops who, until recently, had been stationed in Amman. King Hussein of Jordan had insisted on giving as good as he got. The Syrians had passed by the vigorous Jordanian answer to their attack in almost complete silence.
It had to be assumed, therefore, that for the present, Premier Nasser believed his interests would be served by patching up the appearance of Arab unity, at least regarding Jordan. It was also his wish to re-establish good relations with Britain. The Anglo-Egyptian talks regarding the unfreezing of Egyptian funds in London had broken down abruptly, but a kind of indirect courtship of the British was still being continued, taking the form of overtures to British diplomats by Syrian representatives both in Jordan and elsewhere in the Middle East. As with all Syrian moves, those overtures bore the imprint of having originated in Egypt. The motive of the courtship of the British went beyond unfreezing the Egyptian funds.
In the time prior to the Suez Canal crisis of the prior fall, when Britain was the more active Western power in the Middle East, the Egyptians had always sought to play off the Americans against the British. But since the crisis, there was a rather big jink in the Egyptian policy line, and what it meant would require further careful analysis.
Walter Lippmann indicates that while watching the television interview with Communist Party Secretary Nikita Khrushchev from Moscow on the prior Sunday, appearing on the CBS program "Face the Nation", he had gotten the feeling that it ought to have been more interesting than it was, not because he had said what he had often said previously, at no point departing from the official policy line, to be expected. The reason for interviewing public persons on television was not to communicate news but to reveal what they were like, with the trouble having been in the program that one could see Mr. Khrushchev but could not listen to him, as there was a baffling disconnection between the picture talking and the English words which the translator was providing, with the translator, though apparently doing his best, not having time to do more than provide the gist of what the Russian leader was saying. Thus, the viewer lost the way in which Mr. Khrushchev was saying his words, why he was so often smiling about something he was saying and how he really had phrased his assertions.
Mr. Lippmann says he had no idea how to solve the problem of translations, that it might be impossible to have an unrehearsed interview with no script and find any translator who could produce an instantaneous faithful translation, as such translators were very rare. The problem of translation was all-important in television interviews, as the real point was not to communicate what was said but to reveal the personality of the speaker by showing what he was like when he spoke. Mr. Lippmann regarded Mr. Khrushchev's self-assurance as very interesting, viewing it as one of the sources of his personal power, as people liked to follow an individual who was apparently without self-doubt.
The questions he had been asked had been few and were quite general, and he was not cross-questioned, thus able to take full advantage of the strong positions which the Soviet Union had staked out for itself and had preempted in the propaganda contest. He stated that he favored the evacuation of all of the foreign troops from all countries, including Hungary, Rumania, all of Germany and France. It was an attractive proposal which, however, he would never dream of actually extending if he thought there was the slightest chance that it would be accepted. He said that he also was in favor of abolition of nuclear weapons and drastic disarmament, a proposal by which Russia gained both in its offer and also when the U.S. refused it.
In the end, Mr. Khrushchev said nothing to contradict or cast doubt on the prevailing estimates of Soviet intentions among close students and observers of it. The military stalemate, as had been recognized at the Big Four summit conference in Geneva in 1955, continued. There was no prospect of the kind of breakthrough which could provide either side indisputable superiority. War as an instrument of national policy was ruled out and there was no alternative to the type of competitive coexistence of which Mr. Khrushchev had talked so much. One of the more hopeful things he had implied was that, if the tension were relaxed between East and West, he was prepared to accept the probability that within the Communist orbit there would be greater national freedom, not to be confused with personal freedom. He had come a very long way from the old Stalinist imperialism in that regard.
In general, Mr. Lippmann believes, Mr. Khrushchev confirmed the view that there would be no war and that there would be no settlement. He supported the idea of a limited agreement anent armament reduction and encouraged the hope that the negotiations in London between Harold Stassen and Valerian Zorin might produce results, but the area of conceivable agreement would be very small compared to the vast areas of conflict where no agreement was yet possible. He finds that there was no sense of urgency in Mr. Khrushchev's remarks about settling the great issues and there was no sense of urgency either by the U.S., and not much of it in Western Europe, which included Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's West Germany. "Perhaps we have all learned to live precariously but not too uncomfortably in a divided and unsettled world."
A letter writer replies to statements made on June 4 in the newspaper regarding Daylight Savings Time, saying that he had read many letters giving similar "silly arguments" about the so-called "God's time" and wonders what was God's time. He says that God had not invented the clock, that the Chinese had first invented a water clock centuries earlier, that God had given day and night but that man and only man had divided it into 24 hour-long segments, and that changing the hands of the clock by an hour did not impact God's day or night. He finds that it was time that North Carolina and the rest of the South got in step with the rest of the Eastern Seaboard states and stop the silly talk of God's time and adopt Daylight Savings Time.
A letter from the director of Region 5 of the AFL-CIO thanks the newspaper for its fight for the 75-cent minimum wage in North Carolina, indicating that there were few members of the AFL-CIO who could benefit from that minimum wage, but that they felt that what was good for all the people of the state was good for the AFL-CIO.
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