The Charlotte News

Thursday, June 20, 1957

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Justice Department had this date appealed to the Supreme Court from a decision by a U.S. District Court judge preventing the Government from surrendering William Girard to Japanese civilian authorities for trial for manslaughter in the homicide of a Japanese woman who was shot by Specialist 3rd Class Girard in the course of his duty, protecting an Army firing range from scavengers, as the Japanese woman had scavenged for metal. He was contending that the death had been an accident, that he had intended only to scare the scavengers by shooting over their heads. The petition for writ of certiorari to the Supreme Court, signed by Attorney General Herbert Brownell and Solicitor General J. Lee Rankin, said that the "public interest in an early disposition of the case" was so great that the high court ought take the matter at the earliest convenient date, skipping the Court of Appeals. The decision to proceed directly to the Supreme Court had occurred after lengthy conferences between the Justice and Defense Departments regarding the Government's next step in the case. The high court was planning to adjourn for the summer the following Monday and Justice William O. Douglas had already left for the West Coast, preliminary to his planned summer tour of the Middle East—the reason why he would not participate in the case, which would be heard and decided in July by reversing the District Court and upholding the decision of the Defense and State Departments to accord the discretion allowed by the treaty between the U.S. and Japan and turn Mr. Girard over to the Japanese civilian authorities, the Supreme Court not finding any offense thereby to the Constitution, as had been found by the District Court. The trial of Mr. Girard was set to go forward in Japan in August, regardless of the outcome.

William Oatis, former captive of the the Communist Government of Czechoslovakia between 1951 and 1953 for alleged espionage, reports for the Associated Press from the U.N. in New York that a committee had stated this date that the people's will for independence in Hungary had "only been strengthened" by the Soviet Army's undenied suppression of the uprising the prior October and November. But the General Assembly's special committee on Hungary also had declared that Soviet arms had dashed the hopes of "the immense majority" for political rights and fundamental freedoms at present. It said that the Communist regime of Premier Janos Kadar, installed by the Soviets, had no popular support and that rigid Communist controls, momentarily removed by the uprising, were being "reimposed step-by-step". In a 391-page report to the Assembly, the five-nation investigating committee accused Soviet troops of the indiscriminate slaughter of women and children, mass arrests, summary executions and thousands of deportations, estimating that Soviet forces in Hungary had varied between 75,000 and 200,000 men, with 1,600 to 4,000 tanks. The report indicated that many of the soldiers apparently were Mongols and Tartars from Central Asia who had been told that they were being sent to Egypt to repulse "Anglo-French imperialists" and therefore "mistook the Danube for the Suez Canal". The report estimated that 2,500 to 3,000 people had died in the fighting. It said that the committee was "deeply shocked" at the "appalling" tortures used by the Hungarian secret police, which it described as "all-powerful, penniless and unabashed by any shameful act." The 81-nation Assembly had created the small-power committee the prior January 10 to investigate Russian suppression of the Hungarian revolt after admission of U.N. observers to the satellite country had been refused. The five members had then taken some 2,000 pages of testimony from 111 Hungarian witnesses, all of whom were recent refugees, at hearings held in New York, Geneva, Rome, Vienna and London. The Assembly had to decide whether to meet and discuss the report at present or wait until its twelfth regular session would begin on September 17. The U.S. was understood to feel that the report was so important that it should be taken up early in that session, when many foreign ministers would be present.

In Budapest, Hungary's Communist regime this date accused the U.S. Air attache stationed in Budapest of photographing military objectives and ordered him to leave the country within a week.

U.S. officials said this date that the U.S. was prepared to accept suspension of atomic weapons tests only under a first-step disarmament agreement providing also for halting production of nuclear weapons.

In West Branch, Ia., Atomic Energy Commission chairman Lewis Strauss said this date that "the chief humanists of our day from all countries" ought to seek a plan for world peace.

In Jerusalem, Israel had warned Egypt this date against seeking to blockade the Gulf of Aqaba with three submarines newly acquired from the Soviet Union.

South Korean Ambassador to the U.S., You Chan Yang, said this date that he understood the 16 allied powers had agreed on a program for modernizing weapons in South Korea.

In Brest, France, the death toll in the flaming collision of an American-owned tanker and a Greek freighter off Brittany had mounted to 13 this date, with another sailor still listed as missing.

In Washington, Southern Senators, protesting what they called "a legislative lynching bee", fought this date against a parliamentary shortcut in handling the House-passed civil rights measure.

The D.C. Court of Appeals this date denied any new delay in the conspiracy-bribery trial of Teamsters Midwest boss Jimmy Hoffa, whose trial had resumed during the afternoon and proceeded with selection of a jury.

In Los Angeles, it was reported that a brush fire, out of control in southern Riverside County, this date neared cabins and homes in Dawson Canyon near Corona, and residents were ordered evacuated.

In Savannah, Ga., 13 cars of a 95-car freight train had been derailed and destroyed or badly damaged early this date on the Atlantic Coast Line railroad tracks at Central Junction, just outside Savannah, with no injuries reported.

The House Appropriations Committee this date told the Post Office Department to curtail some of its mail services and live within its reduced funding to avoid repetition of the "fiscal debacle" of the prior spring. It cut 16.5 million dollars from the Department's request for an additional 149.5 million to supplement a previous appropriation of nearly 3.2 billion dollars for the coming fiscal year. The indications were that the full House would go along with the Committee's recommendations when it considered the new money bill the following week. Postmaster General Arthur Summerfield had told the Committee that some service reductions would be put into effect if the entire request were not granted.

At Fort Bragg, N.C., two lightning bolts had struck ten minutes apart, killing two National Guardsmen and injuring 48, with one soldier describing the encampment of the National Guard division as "sizzling, just burning up". Four of the injured had been admitted to the hospital, though none was seriously hurt. Units of the 30th (Old Hickory) Division of the North Carolina National Guard had borne the brunt of the storm, with 8,000 Guardsmen encamped for summer training in a wooded area ten miles west of the main portion of the Army base. The lightning had skipped around the bivouac area as many of the soldiers stood in the chow line at around supper time. A private remarked that the men in front of him in line had been knocked down "like bowling pins" and that his metal mess gear had been wrenched from his hand and bent out of shape. A captain recounted that the ground had shaken "something terrible" and his feet felt like the ground was "sizzling". He said he took off his shoes to see if his feet were injured and placed his bare foot on the wet ground at just the moment when another bolt had struck like the first one, stunning both of his legs and his hip, knocking him to the ground along with other people in the tent, not remembering much after that until he had been taken to the hospital, but was now fine.

In Cape Girardeau, Mo., a 45-year old farmer had been stung beneath the left eye by a wasp and had died 15 minutes later, with a doctor indicating that he probably died from a violent allergy from the poison administered by the sting.

In Williamsport, Pa., the 16-year old daughter of a Swedish air attaché and an 18-year old Senate page boy, whose parents feared that they were rushing into romance too fast, had emerged from 18 days of hiding this date only to run afoul of a highway patrol officer who accused them of speeding on their way back to Washington from Canada along U.S. Route 15. A State Police sergeant quoted the girl as saying that she and the boy had been married in Charleston, W.Va., after leaving their homes on June 2, and had spent most of the previous two weeks in Ontario near Toronto. The girl's mother, however, who had put through a hasty telephone call to the State Police barracks in Pennsylvania upon being informed that the couple had been discovered, said that her daughter had denied that she was married. The two had met at a school dance and had become the object of an intensive police search since they had disappeared shortly before the girl's father was due to return to his homeland for reassignment. He had since returned to Sweden, but her mother had remained in Washington while the search continued. After she had talked to her daughter during the morning by telephone, she left by car to drive to the location where they had been found to pick her up, indicating also that she would pay the $15 speeding ticket, as the car, according to the officer, had been driven by the girl when they were stopped, though the 1951 convertible was owned by the boy. The girl told reporters that she was glad they had been caught and was not sorry about any of it. They appeared happy and unperturbed by the furor which they had caused, ate breakfast and sat holding hands in a barracks room at the police headquarters.

In Phoenix, Ariz., a man announced the previous day to his friends that he would go out and stage a holdup for more drinks, after the drinks had run out on a hot day. The 45-year old unemployed truck driver then selected a thirsty guest to drive the getaway car. They were caught within an hour by police, telling the police that the man with the plan had slipped into a service station down the block from his house, swiped a revolver and drove to a drug store, left the car idling in front of the store while the getaway driver sat in the front seat, the would-be robber forgetting that there were only two empty shells in the revolver, as he had fired them at marauding cats. He walked into the drug store, pointed the pistol at the clerk and collected $51, whereupon the owner of the drug store grabbed him, but the man was able to free himself, pulled the trigger twice, at which point nothing happened. Frustrated, he dropped the gun and offered to return the money, which the owner declined and ordered him to leave the store. The man raced to the getaway car and found the getaway driver asleep in the backseat. The man drove away, as the drug store owner copied down his license number. As he drove by the service station from which he had stolen the gun, the owner yelled to him, and the man doubled back, whereupon the station owner began beating him up, at which point the police arrived. They said that armed robbery charges would be filed against both men. The getaway driver said he had told his accomplice that he would not be able to drive the getaway car as his license was suspended.

Dick Young of The News, indicates that the Charlotte Planning Board did not expect all of its decision to be rubber-stamped by the City Council, as indicated by its chairman, George Wilkinson, to the newspaper this date, indicating that they were not disturbed by the rejection by the Council the previous day of their recommendations on three out of five zoning petitions. He said that in a democracy, they expected differences of opinion and that the Planning Board did not expect the rubber-stamp on their decisions, but that if the Council turned down too many of their recommendations, then they had better re-examine themselves and see if they were doing the right sort of job.

In London, would-be matchmakers had entered a new starter in the romantic stakes for Princess Margaret's hand in marriage, with gossipers indicating that a serious affair of the heart was brewing between the Princess, 26, and Lord Patrick Beresford, 23, a lieutenant in the elite Brigades of Guards. He was her first regular escort since she had broken off her romance with Peter Townsend some 18 months earlier. The two had met at a polo match a month earlier, when the Princess had come over to congratulate him for scoring four goals in the match, and he had seized the opportunity to ask her out for dinner and she smilingly accepted. Since then, they had been seen together in smart restaurants, (as opposed to dumb ones), at the theater, at country house parties and race meetings. (Note to Royalty in Britain: Stay away from "race meetings" unless you want to be perceived across the Pond rather negatively, as such meetings in places such as Mississippi and Alabama bear different connotations.) Currently, they were members of the royal party at the Ascot races. It was reported that Lord Patrick was known "as the horsiest of the horsey", and that his interest in horseys would not hurt his standing with the sister of the Princess, Queen Elizabeth, who was a race-horse owner and often visited the races—bumping and grinding to the finish. He was also a close friend of Prince Philip and they shared a common interest in polo. He was heir to his wealthy brother, the Marquis of Waterford, which title spanned back about 200 years.

In New York, a 19-year old girl air-mailed letters by simply tossing them out of her fifth-floor Park Avenue apartment, having started the practice on April 24 while home because of a cold and feeling lonely, writing a couple of letters, addressing them, "Dear Somebody", and then tossing them out of the window. Within a reasonable time, she had received answers, one of which had come from Rangoon, Burma, and the other from Fort Sill, Okla. The writer of the latter, a lieutenant, had offered that the girl might be surprised by getting a letter from "someone far away", but said that "mysterious things happen in this world." He said he knew what it was like not to receive letters, that it could be very lonely and urged her not to get down over it, that there were many people who were lonely. The letter from Rangoon had begun: "As I was sitting down under a palm tree in front of my house … your letter came blowing into my lap, driven by the first monsoon wind." He said that his letter had been written by an uncle because he could not write English well. When the girl had tossed her letters from the window two months earlier, a neighbor had happened by and figured it might be good fun to send the letters to his two younger brothers, one stationed at Fort Sill and the other with the U.S. Information Agency in Burma. They had then written to the girl, in the case of the Burma letter, using a fictitious uncle to maintain the illusion that the letter had been air-mailed into thin air to achieve the results, and thus far, the girl was none the wiser. When she finds out via the newspaper, she will likely be the lonelier and might decide to air herself out the fifth-floor window for perceiving herself as having been the recipient of an elaborate ruse.

On the editorial page, "Buck-Passing Is Not the Answer" indicates that the Douglas Municipal Airport in Charlotte could build public confidence by shouldering its full responsibility for solving its own safety problems, which had been brought to the fore by the Air Force jet which had crashed the prior Friday, with inadequate fire equipment present to extinguish the fire promptly, though no one had been injured.

It finds that it was not a fire department problem as plane crashes were specialized emergencies for which fire-fighting equipment and techniques of a conventional nature were virtually useless. Crash crews had to be equipped with heavy, flame-smothering foam, had to be highly trained in the use of other special equipment, and had to be standing ready to fight a fire on a moment's notice every time a plane took off or landed. But the airport lacked such facilities. Airline representatives had expressed concern about the situation and had been promptly rebuked by airport authorities for trying "to make an issue of this matter."

It finds that the airport needed to acknowledge its own primary responsibility in the matter and take immediate steps to provide appropriate crash facilities, with the airlines and Air National Guard undoubtedly ready to cooperate in any venture to ensure safety of all in the event of a crash.

"Did Confucius Have a Word for It?" indicates that about 12 words spoken by Chinese Communist Party chairman Mao Tse-tung, "a modern Chinese barbarian with a taste for antique poetics", would have about a million more words written about it, as both Communist and anti-Communist pundits were already busily measuring the phrase, "Let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred schools of thought contend," to see if it portended an important new kink in the Communist line.

On its face, it seemed to suggest that Mao had decreed at least some freedom of speech behind the "Bamboo Curtain", admitting that conflicts could and did exist between the masses and their Communist overlords, an admission which the Soviets were unwilling to make. According to the Kremlin, the only differences of opinion which existed in Communist society was between the leaders and the "enemies of the people", finding, for instance, that the Hungarian revolution of the prior fall had been caused by outside spies and saboteurs, with Soviet Communist Party Secretary Nikita Khrushchev proclaiming that the Hungarian people, after being freed by Russian gunfire from those saboteurs, were happy and content.

The piece, however, finds that none of the Chinese people would dare criticize the Government openly, as Mao had admitted that the Government had liquidated 800,000 Chinese during the previous decade.

"Whether or not Confucius had a word for it we don't know, but Shakespeare said: ' one may smile, and smile, and be a villain.'"

"Walter's Committee Goes Too Far" finds that efforts by HUAC to force John Cogley to reveal confidential sources of information for his book on blacklisting smacked of "unpardonable impertinence", with Mr. Cogley accused of nothing, including any record of subversion, having merely compiled a set of facts which displeased Committee chairman Francis Walter of Pennsylvania.

Mr. Cogley's book, published more than a year earlier under the auspices of the Fund for the Republic, had been a journalistic enterprise and it was traditional in American journalism to protect a reporter's confidential relationship with sources deserving protection and respect, that to yield to the bullying by the Committee would be to surrender the right of the individual to express fully and freely without the danger of an inquisition as a result.

"Ships That Pass in the Reprints" indicates that although the Mayflower II had trouble at sea just off Plymouth, the winds of publicity had been quite favorable to it, such that its arrival had taken the spotlight away from Virginia's 350th anniversary celebration of the landing at Jamestown in 1607, establishing the first permanent English settlement in North America.

Virginia had assembled a massive naval armada just off Jamestown to attract publicity, and the Norfolk Ledger-Dispatch had reprinted a comment from the Baltimore Sun: "Could there be people in England, like so many in this country, who, because of the prominence enjoyed by the Mayflower saga, are quite unaware of the landing at Jamestown 13 years before the Pilgrims. Some day perhaps the Virginians will manage to put on a celebration in which the Mayflower will be kept out of the picture. Then countless thousands for the first time will learn about the prior landing at Jamestown. When that day comes the revelation should be as sensational as the finding of the Dead Sea scrolls."

Then, the Raleigh News & Observer, which also had a good memory, made the comment: "We are on Virginia's side in this rumpus but the real revelation will come when The Baltimore Sun and the Norfolk Ledger-Dispatch are aware not merely 'of the landing at Jamestown 13 years before the Pilgrims reached Plymouth,' but even the colony on Roanoke Island 22 years before that."

A piece from the Washington Post & Times Herald, titled "Inhumane Humanity", indicates, by way of showing how confusing terminology had become, that Dr. Russell Kirk of Michigan, chief ideologist of the new Conservatism, had emerged as one of the more ardent champions of Liberal education. He meant by "liberal education" not exactly what had been meant by it in the Middle Ages, rather the so-called "humane education", that is the classic languages and certain social studies, including history, which became the fashion in the Renaissance and mostly as a revolt against the narrowness and rigidity of the liberal medieval curriculum.

In an essay in a recent issue of Fortune Magazine, Dr. Kirk lamented that very few of the younger businessmen in the country had ever been exposed to the humanities, were ignorant of Latin and Greek and thus were unacquainted, even in translation, with the teachings of the Hebrew prophets, the Greek philosophers and the great Roman juris-consults. He believed that ignorance produced a dangerous state of affairs, especially given the influence which businessmen had on politics and even on education, as he believed that there were many university presidents and administrators who would flatter the ignorance and prejudices of businessmen if they thought that by doing so they could attract more gifts and endowments.

It suggests that perhaps he was correct and that the country was heading into a new kind of barbarism which could lead to social revolution. He was not alone, as a distinguished townswoman of Washington, Edith Hamilton, had said something to the same effect in an address the prior April before a gathering of classical teachers in New York.

It concludes that the old-fashioned humanities had provided a common stock of ideas which made the business of communication much easier than was presently the case.

Drew Pearson indicates that the coalition between Southern Democrats and Republicans which had operated so successfully for many years was now dead, as shown by the statement of Congressman Bill Colmer of Mississippi, who had said to Republicans, "I remind my friends on the left that there have been times in the history of Congress in recent years, during the Roosevelt and Truman administrations as well as the Eisenhower administration, when support from that section of the country known as the South has not only been welcomed but has been sought." Mr. Pearson suggests that what he meant was that the coalition which had traded Republican votes for Southern Democratic votes to block bills favoring civil rights for black citizens and bills favoring labor and public power, was now dead.

The promise of more black votes in 1960 plus the growing swing to the Republicans among black voters had been too much. Even staunch Republicans, who had been the foundation of the coalition in the past, had now deserted. Desperately, Mr. Colmer had tried to arrange deals with the Republicans to block the currently pending civil rights bill, as had Congressman Howard Smith of Virginia, but this time, Republicans had refused to trade.

The trading thus turned to the Senate, where Senator James Eastland of Mississippi had proposed deals on Hells Canyon to obtain the amendment affording a trial by jury on a charge of contempt for violations of injunctions obtained under the pending civil rights bill. Senator Eastland had even invaded the civil rights camp and approached such strong civil rights advocates as Senators James Murray of Montana, Warren Magnuson of Washington and Joseph O'Mahoney of Wyoming. Originally, Senator Murray had gone to Senator Eastland seeking votes to approve a Federal dam on the Snake River at Hells Canyon, having lined up 43 votes and needing only five more to guarantee passage. Senator Eastland had responded with his need for help on civil rights. Although Senator Murray was tempted, as civil rights was not a problem in Montana, where Hells Canyon was a major issue, no deal was made.

Subsequently, Senator Eastland had gone to Senator Magnuson with a specific deal, offering to deliver the necessary five votes to approve the Hells Canyon dam, provided Senator Magnuson would line up enough Western Democrats to prevent the Senate from voting cloture to halt the filibuster on the jury trial amendment. Senator Magnuson had been sounding out his colleagues on the offer.

Meanwhile, Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson was doing his best to work out a civil rights compromise, offering to push through the bill if its proponents would accept the jury trial amendment. He was telling Senators privately that Senator Eastland knew they had to have a civil rights bill, but strongly wanted the jury trial amendment, indicating that they had to give him the amendment to get the bill passed.

Marquis Childs indicates that for any disarmament agreement which Harold Stassen might negotiate in London to become effective, it would have to be ratified by the Senate, making it a dubious proposition. Among conservative Republicans, Mr. Stassen was an object of scorn and distrust, and Senators William Knowland, Styles Bridges, Bourke Hickenlooper and John W. Bricker could join conservative Democrats to block any treaty which they would not approve.

Their distrust of Mr. Stassen had predated his attempt in 1956 to displace Vice-President Nixon on the ticket, but it had stirred anew the conservative feeling against Mr. Stassen, renewed even more when recently he had stated on a television program that he believed Mr. Nixon's presence on the ticket had cost the Republicans the Senate and House. Moreover, his blunder in communicating with Soviet Ambassador Valerian Zoran, before he had cleared the U.S. proposal with the Western allies, had produced an attitude among his Senate critics of fulfilling negative expectations. His orders to return home and his reprimand in that regard had been coupled with word that Julius Holmes, a senior career diplomat, would accompany him back to London, stirring the more suspicion and distrust of him, rendering the more problematic any Senate approval of an agreement he might negotiate.

Mr. Stassen had come close to winning the Republican presidential nomination in 1948, was 50 years old, and news stories about his political comeback opportunity in London had revived memories of his presidential ambitions, such that the question now being asked was whether the President had been wise in sending a political figure on what should have been a non-political assignment, a question raised not only by Mr. Stassen's critics but also by those who believed it was quite important to make a start toward disarmament while at the same time ensuring America's security.

A subcommittee on disarmament, of which Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota was chairman, had performed a useful service in hearings and reports which sought to put the problem in realistic perspective. It would shortly issue an overall report appraising the prospects for disarmament under a system of international inspection and controls. There would likely be a minority report coming out of the subcommittee, as Senators Knowland, Bridges, Bricker and Hickenlooper sat on the subcommittee. They, along with Senators George Malone of Nevada, William Jenner of Indiana, John Butler of Maryland, Henry Dworshak of Idaho and Barry Goldwater of Arizona, comprised the Republican faction of the subcommittee, who were close to powerful forces in the Administration opposed to any disarmament agreement with Russia, and particularly with respect to one which might be negotiated by Mr. Stassen. Admiral Arthur Radford, chairman of the Joint Chiefs, soon to retire, in an interview in which he denied the value of any agreement reached with the Soviets, had expressed a view widely held within the Pentagon.

But Mr. Stassen still enjoyed the confidence of the President, who believed in his deep sincerity and dedication to peace. Mr. Childs ventures that perhaps the unfortunate episode recently would be forgotten in the weeks ahead as the negotiations continued such that the handicap to Mr. Stassen would be overcome. Aside from his replacement, that had to be the hope of any agreement coming out of the current negotiations, for it could not be denied that he had a great handicap at this point.

The Congressional Quarterly indicates that most members of Congress, like their constituents, admitted that they had found no easy answer to the problem of radioactive fallout, with a large majority of those who had an opinion on the matter backing the President in standing for continued tests until a "general, controlled and inspected" disarmament agreement could be reached with Russia. The Quarterly had interviewed 45 Senators and Representatives, a cross-section of both parties, after a Joint Atomic Energy subcommittee had ended two weeks of public hearings on the issue. Of those 46, 25 said in effect that they thought they lacked sufficient information either to criticize or endorse the Administration policy.

Some echoed Representative Robert Hale of Maine, who said: "The whole thing scares me to death. I think mankind has put its head in the noose, but I don't see the way out."

A few thought the talk of harm from radiation at present and to future generations was highly exaggerated. Representative Wint Smith of Kansas said, "Some of this talk about fallout danger might be planted by the Communists." Others suggested that gloomy scientists were "publicity-seekers".

The biggest demand was for more scientific fact and fewer conflicting opinions. Representative James Trimble of Arkansas said, "I get confused as the devil" when one scientist said he was "not at all apprehensive" about the effects of continued nuclear testing and another said the tests already held would "seriously curtail or injure an enormous number of lives and future generations." The demand for more facts might be turned into Congressional action. Representative Charles Gubser of California planned to introduce a resolution calling on the U.N. to form separate international panels of nuclear scientists and geneticists to measure the amount of radioactive matter in the atmosphere and determine its effects on human life. Senator Richard Neuberger of Oregon had a bill to create a National Radiation Health Institute for the same purpose.

Fact-finding, however, was about as far as any member of Congress wanted to go. The Quarterly poll produced almost no sentiment for a Congressional declaration of national policy on nuclear testing. Most members either endorsed or were willing to accept the President's judgment on the matter. Some Democrats who endorsed the general policy of the President also called for a new U.S. "initiative" regarding the problem. Senator Albert Gore of Tennessee said: "I have no blueprint for diplomatic means by which an international agreement to halt the testing of large an ever larger hydrogen bombs is to be achieved. But I think in the first instance the move should be initiated in dramatic fashion by the President."

Three of the 46 Congressmen, all Democrats, said that the U.S. should stop testing hydrogen bombs immediately and challenge Russia to do likewise. That proposal, first made in the 1956 presidential campaign by Democratic nominee Adlai Stevenson, had been endorsed on June 10 by Representative Chet Holifield of California, who headed the two-week hearing by the Atomic Energy subcommittee.

A letter writer says that he had just read in the Monday edition of the newspaper the article regarding the crash the prior Friday at Douglas Municipal Airport of an Air Force jet, and it had stated that a City fire truck was at the crash scene a minute and 50 seconds after it had occurred. He says that was not a fact, as a factual account had appeared on the front page of the Saturday edition, stating that a truck had arrived about 14 minutes after the crash. He believes that the firefighters had done the best they could with the equipment at their disposal. He says that he had witnessed the event along with some 200 other spectators, among whom the airport manager was believed not to be one. He regards some of the statements coming from his office after the fact to have been ridiculous, such as a statement that legally, they did not have to provide crash fire protection, which he regards as a shallow comment. The airport manager had contended that they had fire protection equal to any airport outside Chicago, La Guardia or Miami, but the writer finds that to be an exaggeration and challenges the newspaper or the airport manager to support it. The fire chief had said that their units were not equipped for putting out crash fires and the head of the local Air National Guard said that his unit could only afford part-time protection. The manager had said that if the airlines continued to raise a fuss, they would have to provide fire protection themselves, which the writer finds problematic, as he believes the airlines had a right to expect adequate fire and rescue facilities, as with any other business or industry operating in the community.

The editors note that the newspaper had urged in its lead editorial on Tuesday that the matter have immediate and thoughtful consideration, and had renewed that plea in the current day's lead editorial.

Framed Edition
[Return to Links
Page by Subject] [Return to Links-Page by Date] [Return to News<i><i><i>—</i></i></i>Framed Edition]
Links-Date Links-Subj.