The Charlotte News
Monday, May 13, 1957
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Lampasas, Tex., that a flash flood had hit the town the previous night, leaving, by Red Cross figures, 25 persons unaccounted for this date, and virtually destroying the business section and damaging 150 homes. Two persons were known to have drowned and the Red Cross hoped that the 25 missing would be found later, with the area being searched for possible bodies. New downpours had struck the town and nearby areas during the morning and rain was still falling, though most of the flash flooding had receded. But there remained the fear that the fresh rain would bring new flooding. The town was about 130 miles south and slightly west of Fort Worth, with a population just under 5,000. The flood had occurred when a levee had broken under an estimated seven inches of rain. Water from Sulphur Creek reached six feet high and flooded into the business district, while water from Burleson Creek also contributed to the flooding. Virtually no one in Lampasas had flood insurance and the town and surrounds had been a drought disaster area for some time, receiving Government assistance. The town at one time was down to 14 loaves of bread, and the water supply was contaminated. But relief food had been brought from Killeen and Austin, and tank trucks had delivered 30,000 gallons of safe drinking water from Austin. The Red Cross ordered 3,000 typhoid shots delivered. No official estimate of damage was available, but it would obviously run into the millions of dollars. Between 50 and 100 homes were knocked off their foundations and some were floated down several blocks to new locations with only little damage to the structures. One hundred city blocks had been flooded. High water also hit other parts of the state after a new onslaught of heavy rain. The first floods of the spring had occurred on April 13 and there had been little relief since that time. About 30 persons had been drowned in the flooding since its inception, and 9,000 or more had been evacuated from their homes at one time or another. Federal agencies had estimated 85 million dollars in damage to the area had been caused, with that figure expected to go much higher. A near cloudburst had closed many streets in Dallas the previous night and had driven 100 families from their homes. The Waco Weather Bureau had issued flash flood warnings this date on the Brazos and Bosque Rivers in central Texas. Holliday Creek at Wichita Falls in north central Texas was being watched closely, having driven 50 families from their homes the prior week. Tornadoes had also struck with varying amounts of damage during the morning and the previous night in scattered parts of the state, including Garland, near Fort Worth, Weatherford, west of Fort Worth, Crawford in the north central part of the state, near Dallas and between Greenville and Commerce, in east Texas, and near Big Spring in west Texas. The new round of flash floods had begun on Saturday, with three persons having drowned that day when their automobiles had been washed from highways.
In New York, evangelist Billy Graham's coming Crusade in that city was defended and criticized from pulpits there the previous day, with ministers in several Unitarian churches being critical, while Presbyterian, Baptist and Episcopal clergymen praised him. The six-week crusade would open in Madison Square Garden two days hence. A spokesman for the Crusade said that 250,000 reservations had been made thus far for church groups from all over the country. The following night, ten churches in the metropolitan area of New York would hold all-night prayer meetings to ask success for the Crusade. At the Unitarian Church of All Souls, the Rev. Dr. Walter Donald Kring said that few persons would really be "saved" by the Crusade, as many persons would be "in rebellion against not only the emotional excesses but the crass commercialism and padded statistics of the campaign" in the city. The Rev. Dr. Ralph C. Walker of the Madison Avenue Baptist Church said that Reverend Graham's "gospel is so simply and directly presented that any open-minded person would receive inspiration and be made aware of the presence of God." Rev. Graham had arrived in the city on Saturday, indicating that his single purpose was to "reach the unchurched." He said that if New York had more sin than any other city, it was because there was more of New York. The crusade in the 18,000-seat Garden would cost about $900,000, with must of the money going for rental of the arena. Earlier, a crusade spokesman had said that accommodations had been arranged for carrying trainloads of followers of the evangelist from Washington, Nashville, Louisville, Detroit, Toronto, Richmond, Va., and Lancaster, Pa., and that special planes would bring other groups from Oklahoma City and Houston.
In New York, a 57-year old salesman had been stabbed in the back this date by a woman as he left his apartment house, with police indicating that they were investigating the possibility that the salesman might have been mistaken for Federal District Court Judge Edward Weinfeld, who lived in the same apartment building. Police said that they had been informed that an unidentified woman had called a New York newspaper and said that a woman had stabbed Judge Weinfeld. The investigation was ordered on the theory that someone who might have been involved in a court case before the judge might have stabbed the other man by mistake. The man stabbed told police that the woman was unknown to him and had stabbed him as he left his building at around 9:00 a.m., quoting the woman as having said to him, "You've ruined my life." The call to the newspaper had come after the attack. The woman had fled immediately following the stabbing. The man, bleeding from a wound below his right shoulder, returned to his apartment, from which he was taken to Bellevue Hospital, where his condition was said to be satisfactory.
In Milan, Italy, actress Linda
Christian, in the seclusion of her hotel room in the city this date,
mourned the death of a Spanish race car driver, Marquis Alfonso de
Portago. Ms. Christian stated that she would not see anyone and had
to rest. She had been a frequent companion of the millionaire
playboy, whose body was being awaited by his estranged American wife
in Paris. Ms. Christian had waved gaily to the race car driver at the
halfway mark of the race the previous day in Rome, the Italian
1,000-mile open road race, Mille Miglia, but a few hours later, he and
his co-driver plus ten spectators had been killed when his red Ferrari
had blown a tire while traveling 150 mph, causing it to hurtle into a
crowd lining the route near Mantua. His wife, originally from
Greenville, S.C., had arrived in Paris by plane from New York
accompanied by their two children, ages six and three, and the
children's French nurse. She said that she would arrange plans for
her husband's burial as soon as she learned when the body would reach
Paris. The 13 deaths, including that of a Dutch driver who had slid
out of control on wet pavement near Florence—the latter having obviously ignored the sign, "Scivoloso quando e bagnato
In Raleigh, Governor Luther Hodges had told a press conference this date that something ought be done about the problem of women with illegitimate children who became dependent on public welfare for their support, indicating his concern at the attitude of public welfare workers, who had said that the Federal Government would cut off its contributions to the welfare programs of the state if it were to cut off welfare payments to unwed mothers and their children. The Governor said that he would like to see them try it. A newsman had asked him where he stood on a pending State Senate bill to allow sterilization of women who had two or more illegitimate children, the Governor indicating that he would not wish to comment on that measure specifically, but stated that he had felt for several years, saying so publicly and privately, that there ought to be some kind of control of illegitimacy if the State would have to pay public funds for the support of the mothers and their children. He recalled that Dr. Ellen Winston, State welfare commissioner, had sponsored a bill in the Legislature which would have at least partly taken care of the situation, but that the Legislature had killed it. That bill would have allowed the appointment of guardians for some recipients of welfare funding and, according to the Governor, the guardians could have withheld assistance funds from such mothers. When asked whether he preferred that latter proposal or the bill at present before the Legislature requiring sterilization, he said that assuming the Winston measure would take care of the situation, he considered it "a better approach".
Julian Scheer of The News reports that there was present the traditional pomp and ceremony at the swearing in of the Mayor and City Council at City Hall during the morning, as Mayor Jim Smith and the Council members were sworn in by outgoing Mayor Philip Van Every. Each Mayor had his "key to the city", with Mayor Van Every having four-inch metal keys which looked like something used to unlock the Tower of London, while Mayor Victor Shaw had only a simple metal key, which looked like a house key. Mayor Herbert Baxter, a lumber man, had a large key to hand out to visiting firemen, made of wood. The new Mayor's key had not arrived yet, though having been on order for a few weeks, and would be one which could be placed on a keychain or worn in the lapel, complete with a small plastic box. The Mayor's secretary had only 12 sheets of city stationery remaining with the Van Every name engraved in the upper left-hand corner, and Mayor Smith's letterheads had not yet arrived.
Dick Young of The News says that the license plate "No. 1", issued to the Mayor, had changed automobiles this date following the mid-morning ceremonies. Six of the seven new Council members had served during the previous two years, with Ernest Finard, a Charlotte contractor, having been named to the vacancy caused when Mr. Smith had vacated his seat for the Mayoral post. Mr. Van Every had decided to return to his business to devote full time to it and had not run again. Council member Herman Brown, having received the highest number of votes for the Council, would be Mayor pro tem.
In western North Carolina this date, a "minor earthquake" had shaken homes, rattled furniture and glassware, but had caused no injuries or serious damage. The tremors had been felt in mid-morning in the counties of Madison, Burke, Avery, Rutherford, Buncombe, Henderson and McDowell, prompting numerous telephone calls to police and newspapers. Dr. G. R. MacCarthy of the UNC geology department told the newspaper that the University's seismograph had recorded a temblor just after 9:25 a.m., indicating that it was "very minor" and believed to have been in an area between 175 and 200 miles from Chapel Hill, with its epicenter at present almost impossible to determine. Its intensity on the Richter scale was rated at four, a small shock which would do no more than rattle some dishes and scare some people, according to the professor. He said that the same area had received a number of similar quakes through the years, possibly attributable to the slippage of faults in the general Blue Ridge Mountain area, with other earthquakes in the region having been similar to the temblor occurring during the morning. Most reports indicated that the shocks had lasted for about five seconds, with some reports saying that the shocks were accompanied by a rumbling sound—which, from our experience, resembles the sound of a large truck rumbling near one's windows. A man at Marshall said that he had been working at his desk in the Crown Oil Co. plant on the outskirts of Asheville when the room had begun shaking so violently that it had caused his arm to fall off the desk and an adding machine and typewriter to rattle. A man of Linville Falls had reported that he felt the shock when it occurred and that other residents of the area had also reported it. A woman of the Hamburg Mountain Road section near Weaverville said that it felt like…
In Gettysburg, Douglas Cornell of the Associated Press reports that the President and British Field Marshal Viscount Montgomery agreed that both Confederate and Union commanders had blundered in the battle of early July, 1863, and should have been fired as a result, both indicating that they would have done many things differently from that which had been ordered by Generals Robert E. Lee and George Meade, had they been in command of the battlefield on either side. The two World War II commanders, who had led the Allied forces to victory over the Nazis, second-guessed the two Civil War generals during a visit to the Eisenhower farm adjacent to the battlefield by General Montgomery during the weekend. The old friends had parted again this date. General Montgomery, presently deputy commander of NATO forces in Europe, was due back in Washington for conferences at the Pentagon, and the President would stay at the farm through dinnertime. The two had agreed that both sides in the Civil War battle could have used their cavalry more efficiently, that Southern forces should have tried an end-run around the North's left flank, and that the charge of General George Pickett's brigade into the muzzles of Yankee cannon on July 3, the last day of the battle, had been a grave mistake. General Montgomery called the charge "monstrous" and said that General Lee was a worse commander at Gettysburg than General Meade, the latter assessment having not been held by President Eisenhower, who said that General Montgomery could talk about it, but he lived there and represented both the North and the South. Mrs. John L. Harper of Atlanta, president of a women's group which had been decorating the graves of Confederate dead for more than 90 years, said that the agreement of the two men that the two generals should have been "sacked" was "a very uncouth statement". In Hickory, N.C., Bell Wiley, an Emory University historian and author, asked, "If you fired them who would you replace them with? Lee was Lee, and Meade, at the time, seemed to be the best man for the job…"
On the editorial page, "House Must Approve State Wage Floor" indicates that the objections to a minimum state wage was almost as well-known as the numbers one through ten, as they were well-publicized. Despite that, one lobbyist had complained that his objections to the legislation were insufficiently publicized.
Some of his major objections were that the minimum wage legislation was socialistic, which it indicates was true to an extent, in the sense that municipal water systems, public schools, the post office, pure food laws and many other statutes were "socialistic"; that a minimum wage would frighten away new industry from the state, the piece indicating that the state was not seeking industry unwilling or unable to pay its workers a decent living wage in any event; that it would produce a hardship on business by forcing higher retail prices, while, in fact, the wage law, as amended in the State Senate, would enable about 60,000 North Carolinians to buy more goods at retail and thus stimulate new business.
It indicates that it could be argued also that the absence of a state wage law worked a hardship on business engaged in interstate commerce and thereby subject to the Federal minimum wage laws. The Wilson Daily Times had stated that it had never seemed right for one industry to have to pay one dollar per hour as the Federal minimum wage for a janitor to sweep the floors, while another doing business on the same block, engaged only in intra-state commerce, was exempted from any minimum wage law.
It finds those to be lesser issues, however, with the basic issue being whether 60,000 of the state's workers deserved protection against exploitation and starvation wages, and whether the increased flow of money in the economy resulting from that protection would benefit the state's economy.
It indicates that the evidence of experience regarding the question had convinced the Governor and the State Senate that the answer was that it did, and it urges the House to act likewise.
"Reapportionment: The Cure Is Killing" indicates that having been initially shocked by a proposal in the General Assembly to make it over in the image of Congress, Governor Luther Hodges was coming around to the position that the State Senate bill made sense.
It indicates that it made sense for the determined foes of constitutional reapportionment of the Assembly, as required after every decennial census, but which had not been done after the 1950 census. Approval of the bill, it continues, would not only rid the Legislature of the biennial responsibility of denying the present constitutional rights of urban areas in the state to additional representation in the Assembly, but would also decrease the effectiveness of the illegally limited representation which those areas presently had, continuing to allow the rural bloc to dominate the Legislature.
But for the under-represented urban areas and for a fair, effective and efficient legislative process in the future, the proposed bill on reapportionment offered no sense at all, merely to enlarge and perpetuate the shortcomings of the Assembly as presently constituted, with its emphasis on representation of area rather than on representation of the people. Under the proposed legislation, the least populous county in the state would have the same representation in the State Senate as the most populous county, providing the small, thinly populated rural counties effective veto power in the body. They would also retain their control of the House, even though it would become more representative of population. The total effect would be to increase the trend toward rural authority in the Legislature, while the population trend ran in the other direction, toward the large urban areas.
Endorsers of the new plan seemed to have forgotten the issue involved in reapportionment, that it was not one of giving the urban areas control of the Assembly, but containing plentiful guarantees that population shifts would never reverse the essentially rural dominance of the Assembly. Liberal area representation in both houses was guaranteed under the bill regardless of population shifts, with the urban areas only seeking some concessions to their rights to proportionate representation. The new plan, rather than being a compromise of the issue, sought to legalize an unconstitutional position under the pretense that the counties of the state were sovereign entities like the states of the union. It finds that there was nothing wrong with the present composition of the Assembly which some obedience to the State Constitution would not cure. It urges that the urban areas would serve themselves and the state by forgoing their rights under the State Constitution rather than accepting the greater wrong involved in Congressional-style reapportionment.
"Foreign Aid: Slogans Outlive the Facts" indicates that in Massachusetts recently, they had reenacted the Boston Tea Party, and in Washington, a member of Congress had explained that "all the voters want is for Congress to cut the budget, cut taxes, and go home." In any number of cities on a given day, someone was denouncing foreign aid as "pouring money down a rat hole" and sagely declaring that the nation "could not buy friends" abroad.
It all finds it a part of the American tendency to try to manage complex affairs with catchy slogans, remarkable in not solving problems while persuading voters that problems were capable of easy solution. It finds the "rat hole" slogan to have been particularly effective in creating opposition to foreign aid, even as current events proved its lack of validity. Attacks on the President's requests for foreign aid had become stronger than before the crisis in Jordan or the announcement of the important visit to Washington by President Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam, both he and King Hussein of Jordan being tremendously admired within the U.S. for both having stop the spread of Communism or Communist-inspired subversion in areas which the U.S. considered vital to its own security. Yet, it was fair to say that neither could have stood against Communism without the assistance of U.S. foreign aid.
Regarding the other slogan, that the U.S. could not "buy friends", it ventures that it could supply weapons and assistance to enemies of Communism, as it was doing for President Diem and for King Hussein, though the latter was not considered a "friend".
It concludes that it was possible that the foreign aid program could be reduced without impairing its effectiveness in fighting Communism, but it was unlikely that such reductions could be made by members of Congress who insisted in the face of contrary fact that foreign aid was "pouring money down a rat hole."
Harvey Breit, writing in the New York Times Book Review, in a piece titled, "Ta, Yabbos", indicates that recently he had been reading Fowlers End, a forthcoming novel by Gerald Kersh, published by Simon & Schuster, set for release on May 24, having formulated his own paragraph from some of the Cockney speech within it, finding it both fascinating and bewildering. His constructed paragraph had been put forth with the intention of fascinating and bewildering the reader as well. He then proceeds to translate for the reader to strait-laced language his paragraph cobbled from the colloquialism glossary foreward of the book.
He concludes: "Ta yabbos, and don't you never be no nark."
Oh, say you. We'll right be as narky
as we right like, we reckon, and you can go shoot a toe
Drew Pearson tells of Republican Congressman Sam McConnell, a Philadelphia investment banker who also served on the Labor and Education Committee, where he sought to perform a conscientious job for all people, had just returned from a trip through four Midwestern states at his own expense, with the purpose having been to learn the true facts about the nation's need for school construction. Mr. McConnell had returned more convinced than ever of the urgency of Federal school aid, despite the contrary position held by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. He said that he was an investment banker, in response to an inquiry by the column, recalling that most investment bankers opposed Federal aid based on it robbing them of the school bond underwriting business, but that he, being a conservative and lifelong Republican, did not agree with the Chamber's interpretation of the figures on the nation's need for new schools. He said that there was a genuine shortage, with schools most needed in the suburbs close to the large cities, where population had swollen in recent years while school construction had not kept pace, as the suburbs lacked the adequate tax basis to build schools because they did not have taxpaying factories within their boundaries. Thus, he continued, logically they ought receive help from their state governments, and in many cases the states had been helping, but in other cases, where state constitutional restrictions made state help impossible, there was a need for Federal funding, adding that in some states there was a limit on borrowing money imposed by state constitutions, which could not be amended quickly. He thus considered it urgent to build schools immediately before the growing school-age population reached high school, for if the children received a bad start in school, they could be ruined for the rest of their lives, even if eventually there was success in remedying the shortage of school facilities.
Mr. Pearson says that after his Midwestern trip through Ohio, Indiana, Missouri and Iowa, Mr. McConnell had made an impassioned plea behind closed doors to the House Education Committee, begging his colleagues to back the Federal aid bill, despite the hysteria in Congress at present to impose economy. A few days later, representatives of the National Education Association had called on Mr. McConnell to suggest that the proposed five-year expenditure be lowered from two billion dollars, on which agreement had already been reached in Congress, because they were afraid that the economizers would reject the bill. Mr. McConnell had agreed to cut it to a quarter of that, 500 million dollars, and the Committee later concurred by a vote of 23 to 3.
Marquis Childs states that General Alfred Gruenther, the President's closest friend out of his military past and his dedicated assistant in numerous assignments, had served nearly six months as head of the American Red Cross and the President was considering giving him another and more difficult job.
Reports had been inspired by the White House that General Gruenther was likely to succeed Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson when the latter would retire later in the year, presented as a testing of the winds to determine public reaction to the appointment of a military general to be civilian head of the defense establishment—though there had been a precedent, albeit in wartime, for it since the establishment of the Defense Department in 1947, with the appointment of General George Marshall as Defense Secretary under President Truman in 1950, in the wake of the start of the Korean War, albeit a term of service which General Marshall had deliberately delimited at the outset to the one-year which he actually served. He had also previously been Secretary of State.
The law provided that the head of the Defense Department had to be a civilian, and so a special act of Congress would have to make the exception. Mr. Childs, however, finds that there would be little difficulty in Congress providing for that exception, as General Gruenther had repeatedly impressed Congressional committees with his incisive intellect and dedication to public service.
He indicates that General Gruenther would be placed in the position in the belief that he could hold the line against inter-service rivalries, during the adaptation of small atomic weapons to each branch of the service for readiness to fight limited wars. As that "new look" would be implemented, the hydrogen bomb and its massive deterrent, given its vast destructive power, would become less important, with the belief growing that the massive thermonuclear deterrent provided would never be used, such that a reserve of hydrogen bombs, suggested at 25 in some discussions, would be sufficient to maintain deterrent security.
The President had suggested at a press conference that if an agreement were to be reached with the Soviets barring future production of nuclear material, the U.S. could convert part of the explosives present in the big bombs to use in smaller weapons, inevitably to produce far-reaching changes to piloted aircraft and the contracts held by the large manufacturers for them, stirring inter-service rivalries anew, which only General Gruenther could hold in check.
Donald A. Quarles had just moved from being Secretary of the Air Force to deputy under Secretary Wilson, and would remain in that post under a new Secretary.
Mr. Childs continues his analysis of
General Gruenther, but the whole matter would become quite academic,
as, in fact, Neil McElroy, president of Proctor & Gamble, would
become the new Secretary the following October—right about the time we would have all of the new '58 Fords in our back yard, down by the swamp
A letter writer indicates that teachers, with a higher cost of living, could not keep pace on their small salaries, with the consequence that the profession would not attract many young people capable of the standards necessary for good teachers. The average teacher paid at present between $1,200 and $1,500 per year for their higher education, but would receive less pay than any college graduate entering other fields, with some fields requiring only a year of higher education, receiving still higher wages than the average teacher in the state. He believes that unless something were done about it, the quality of education in the state would decline.
A letter writer from Jackson Springs addresses the same topic, although estimating the four years of higher education for teachers to cost between $48,000 and $60,000, but otherwise making the same points as the previous letter writer, that without higher pay, the profession would not attract qualified young people to educate the children.
A letter writer from Chapel Hill indicates that an article in the May 9 edition of the newspaper had stated that Asheville's Patton Avenue Baptist Church had gone on record as opposing dancing "on the campus of any of our Baptist colleges" and had threatened to cut off financial support to those Baptist colleges permitting it. He indicates that they had specifically mentioned Wake Forest, the trustees of which had recently permitted dancing on the campus. He wonders whether the members of the Asheville church were aware of the fact that their support was being used to pay professors their salaries, build new campus buildings, repair the older buildings, etc., or whether they "perhaps fancy that their contributions are being used to decorate the colleges' gymnasiums for Saturday night sock hops."
Well, clearly it is the latter, and they should ban all sinful dancing, as well as that sinful music they call rock 'n' roll, the Negro music.
A letter writer from Pittsboro wishes to discuss two items, first that the "rearing and sporting of Thurgood Marshall", chief counsel for the NAACP, by the North Carolina College for Negroes at Durham during the week, was actually the result of "white racial renegades and emotionally insane churchmen" who had taken charge of integration and were running "with the ball at lightning speed, leaving the NAACP without purpose, function or expense." He suggests that the College—presently and for years since, North Carolina Central University—, ought be the place where complete integration should take place, distinguishing that from desegregation. Second, he wishes to discuss the decision by the Supreme Court regarding Girard College, wondering how much longer the people would submit to that type of "judicial tyranny". He says that force would be applied to preserve segregation in private institutions and in religious faiths and assemblies. He indicates that Girard was a private segregated college and that its trustees, while officials of the City of Philadelphia, were not acting on behalf of any government entity, with no public money going to construction or operation of the College, supported entirely by a trust established by its founder 125 years earlier, on the proviso that it was for the education of "white orphan boys", with a current enrollment of about 1,000 students. He indicates that the Court had held that because the trustees were City officials, they represented either the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, the county or the city, making the College a public institution, which thus could not remain segregated under the 14th Amendment. He babbles on in contest of the ruling, and thus in contest of reality, offering up some unrelated and completely inapposite personal example of what he believes would constitute state action under the 14th Amendment, making his own personal decisions subject to it. He believes that Stephen Girard's directive for the College should have been upheld by the Court because it was essentially a private institution.
You may read the decision, reversing a Pennsylvania Supreme Court decision holding to the contrary, and decide for yourself whether or not it was well-grounded in the Constitution and existing precedent, with the central issue being whether or not there was "state action" invoking the 14th Amendment. Unfortunately, this letter writer, who had written many other pro-segregation letters, despite his being a lawyer, was blinded by his heavily fogged lenses to which he became habituated in the 19th Century when he was born, thus growing up with the Plessy v. Ferguson "separate-but-equal" doctrine, which, in practice, was only separate and quite unequal through the decades prior to 1954, the cute, little smugly condescending simper of discrimination and born-again virtual economic and social slavery, which is why the Supreme Court had held that year in Brown v. Board of Education that segregation, per se, in public schools, and, in subsequent cases extended to all public facilities, was unconstitutional. No one but an idiot and a fool who cannot read the Constitution and the 14th Amendment and glean from it the spirit and tenor of the document as well as its precise letter, providing that no state would "deny any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws", would dare think otherwise.
A letter writer indicates that State Representative J. B. Vogler had been quoted in the newspaper as saying that he believed that most of the people outside Charlotte favored annexation, the letter writer wondering what people he had contact with, as he says he had yet to talk to anyone in the perimeter areas who favored annexation.
If that be true, then all the bill in the Legislature will do will be to have an election on June 17 to test your premise. That is true democracy at work.
A pome appears from the Atlanta Journal, "In Which Further Comment Is Made Concerning Home-Made Humor:
"There are times you almost
choke
On an amateurish joke."
And choke
That bloke
Framed Edition
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